Desperately seeking 'the Merina' (Central Madagascar): Reading ethnonyms and their semantic fields in African identity histories

Journal of Southern African Studies

Volumn 22, Issue 4, 1996, Pages 541-560

  Larson, Pier M ^a  

^a PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DOCUMENTARY SOURCE; ETHNIC IDENTITY; HISTORICAL STUDY; MERINA PEOPLE; NINETEENTH CENTURY; SEMANTICS; ZULU PEOPLE;

MADAGASCAR;

EID: 0030391082     PISSN: 03057070     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/03057079608708511     Document Type: Article

References (169)

1. Abbreviations employed in this article: LMS/M/IL/10/3/2 = Archives of the London Missionary Society, School of Oriental and African Studies (London), Madagascar, Incoming Letters, Box 10, Folder 3, Jacket 2. LMS/J/M&M/1 = LMS archives, Journals, Madagascar and Mauritius, Box 1. NMS/S/HA/132/9 = Archives of the Norwegian Missionary Society, held at the Misjonshægskolen (Stavanger, Norway), Hjemme Arkiv, Boks 132, Legg 9. MNA/HB/10 = Mauritius National Archives (Coromandel, Mauritius), Series HB, Document 10 (references with any succeeding numbers refer to pages and folios). ADC/FD/102/114v = Archives Départementales de Caen (Caen, France), Fonds Decaen, Volume 102, folio 114v. BL/MD/Add.Mss./18123/ 34r = British Library (London), Manuscripts Division, Additional Manuscript Number 18123, folio 34r. Tantara = F. Callet (ed), Tantara ny Andriana eto Madagascar: Documents historiques d'après les manuscrits malgaches Deuxième Edition (Antananarivo, 1981) [originally published in successive volumes during the 1870s].
2. M. Foucault, The History of Sexuality. Volume I: An Introduction Translated from the French by Robert Hurley (New York. 1990), p. 72.
3. F. Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference (Bergen and Oslo, 1969), p. 9.
4. Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, p. 10.
5. Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, p. 11.
6. E. Osaghae summarizes this period and its impact on African ethnic studies in his article entitled 'Redeeming the Utility of the Ethnic Perspective in African Studies: Towards a New Agenda', Journal of Ethnic Studies, 18,2 (1990), pp. 37-58.
7. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
8. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
9. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
10. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
11. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
12. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
13. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
14. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
15. R. Cohen and J. Middleton (eds), From Tribe to Nation in Africa (Scranton, 1970); L. Kuper and M.G. Smith (eds), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971); R. Bates, Ethnicity in Contemporary Africa (Syracuse, 1973); A. Cohen (ed), Urban Ethnicity (London, 1974); C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976); A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (Chicago, 1978). These works were also significantly influenced by earlier work on Africa, notably A.L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia (Manchester, 1956); and J.C. Mitchell, Tribalism and the Plural Society (London, 1960).
16. e siècle)' in J.-P. Chrétien (ed). Les ethnies ont une histoire (Paris, 1989), pp. 259-266.
17. e siècle)' in J.-P. Chrétien (ed). Les ethnies ont une histoire (Paris, 1989), pp. 259-266.
18. e siècle)' in J.-P. Chrétien (ed). Les ethnies ont une histoire (Paris, 1989), pp. 259-266.
19. e siècle)' in J.-P. Chrétien (ed). Les ethnies ont une histoire (Paris, 1989), pp. 259-266.
20. e siècle)' in J.-P. Chrétien (ed). Les ethnies ont une histoire (Paris, 1989), pp. 259-266.
21. For explicit statements of these principles see A. Mafeje, 'The Ideology of Tribalism', Journal of Modern African Studies, 9,2 (1971), pp. 253-261; C. Newbury, The Cohesion of Oppression: Clientship and Ethnicity in Rwanda (New York, 1988); J.-P. Chrétien (ed). Les ethnies ont une histoire (Paris, 1989).
22. For explicit statements of these principles see A. Mafeje, 'The Ideology of Tribalism', Journal of Modern African Studies, 9,2 (1971), pp. 253-261; C. Newbury, The Cohesion of Oppression: Clientship and Ethnicity in Rwanda (New York, 1988); J.-P. Chrétien (ed). Les ethnies ont une histoire (Paris, 1989).
23. For explicit statements of these principles see A. Mafeje, 'The Ideology of Tribalism', Journal of Modern African Studies, 9,2 (1971), pp. 253-261; C. Newbury, The Cohesion of Oppression: Clientship and Ethnicity in Rwanda (New York, 1988); J.-P. Chrétien (ed). Les ethnies ont une histoire (Paris, 1989).
24. Cohen, Urban Ethnicity; Iliffe, 'The Creation of Tribes'; K. Ingham, Politics in Modern Africa: The Uneven Tribal Dimension (London, 1990); L. Sklar, The Contribution of Tribalism to Nationalism in Western Nigeria' in R. Melson and H. Wolpe (eds), Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Comunalism (East Lansing, 1971), pp. 514-529; M.C. Newbury, 'Colonialism, Ethnicity, and Rural Political Protest: Rwanda and Zanzibar in Comparative Perspective', Comparative Politics, 15,3 (1983), pp. 253-280; J.-L. Amselle and E.M' Bokolo (eds), Au coeur de l'ethnie: ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris, 1985); as well as most of the works cited in previous and following footnotes. For a recent restatement of the 'inter-ethnic' approach see J.C. Mitchell, 'Chapter 6: The Perception of Regionalism and Ethnicity' in J.C. Mitchell, Cities, Society, and Social Perception: A Central African Perspective (Oxford, 1987), pp. 180-242.
25. Cohen, Urban Ethnicity; Iliffe, 'The Creation of Tribes'; K. Ingham, Politics in Modern Africa: The Uneven Tribal Dimension (London, 1990); L. Sklar, The Contribution of Tribalism to Nationalism in Western Nigeria' in R. Melson and H. Wolpe (eds), Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Comunalism (East Lansing, 1971), pp. 514-529; M.C. Newbury, 'Colonialism, Ethnicity, and Rural Political Protest: Rwanda and Zanzibar in Comparative Perspective', Comparative Politics, 15,3 (1983), pp. 253-280; J.-L. Amselle and E.M' Bokolo (eds), Au coeur de l'ethnie: ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris, 1985); as well as most of the works cited in previous and following footnotes. For a recent restatement of the 'inter-ethnic' approach see J.C. Mitchell, 'Chapter 6: The Perception of Regionalism and Ethnicity' in J.C. Mitchell, Cities, Society, and Social Perception: A Central African Perspective (Oxford, 1987), pp. 180-242.
26. Cohen, Urban Ethnicity; Iliffe, 'The Creation of Tribes'; K. Ingham, Politics in Modern Africa: The Uneven Tribal Dimension (London, 1990); L. Sklar, The Contribution of Tribalism to Nationalism in Western Nigeria' in R. Melson and H. Wolpe (eds), Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Comunalism (East Lansing, 1971), pp. 514-529; M.C. Newbury, 'Colonialism, Ethnicity, and Rural Political Protest: Rwanda and Zanzibar in Comparative Perspective', Comparative Politics, 15,3 (1983), pp. 253-280; J.-L. Amselle and E.M' Bokolo (eds), Au coeur de l'ethnie: ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris, 1985); as well as most of the works cited in previous and following footnotes. For a recent restatement of the 'inter-ethnic' approach see J.C. Mitchell, 'Chapter 6: The Perception of Regionalism and Ethnicity' in J.C. Mitchell, Cities, Society, and Social Perception: A Central African Perspective (Oxford, 1987), pp. 180-242.
27. Cohen, Urban Ethnicity; Iliffe, 'The Creation of Tribes'; K. Ingham, Politics in Modern Africa: The Uneven Tribal Dimension (London, 1990); L. Sklar, The Contribution of Tribalism to Nationalism in Western Nigeria' in R. Melson and H. Wolpe (eds), Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Comunalism (East Lansing, 1971), pp. 514-529; M.C. Newbury, 'Colonialism, Ethnicity, and Rural Political Protest: Rwanda and Zanzibar in Comparative Perspective', Comparative Politics, 15,3 (1983), pp. 253-280; J.-L. Amselle and E.M' Bokolo (eds), Au coeur de l'ethnie: ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris, 1985); as well as most of the works cited in previous and following footnotes. For a recent restatement of the 'inter-ethnic' approach see J.C. Mitchell, 'Chapter 6: The Perception of Regionalism and Ethnicity' in J.C. Mitchell, Cities, Society, and Social Perception: A Central African Perspective (Oxford, 1987), pp. 180-242.
28. Cohen, Urban Ethnicity; Iliffe, 'The Creation of Tribes'; K. Ingham, Politics in Modern Africa: The Uneven Tribal Dimension (London, 1990); L. Sklar, The Contribution of Tribalism to Nationalism in Western Nigeria' in R. Melson and H. Wolpe (eds), Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Comunalism (East Lansing, 1971), pp. 514-529; M.C. Newbury, 'Colonialism, Ethnicity, and Rural Political Protest: Rwanda and Zanzibar in Comparative Perspective', Comparative Politics, 15,3 (1983), pp. 253-280; J.-L. Amselle and E.M' Bokolo (eds), Au coeur de l'ethnie: ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris, 1985); as well as most of the works cited in previous and following footnotes. For a recent restatement of the 'inter-ethnic' approach see J.C. Mitchell, 'Chapter 6: The Perception of Regionalism and Ethnicity' in J.C. Mitchell, Cities, Society, and Social Perception: A Central African Perspective (Oxford, 1987), pp. 180-242.
29. Cohen, Urban Ethnicity; Iliffe, 'The Creation of Tribes'; K. Ingham, Politics in Modern Africa: The Uneven Tribal Dimension (London, 1990); L. Sklar, The Contribution of Tribalism to Nationalism in Western Nigeria' in R. Melson and H. Wolpe (eds), Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Comunalism (East Lansing, 1971), pp. 514-529; M.C. Newbury, 'Colonialism, Ethnicity, and Rural Political Protest: Rwanda and Zanzibar in Comparative Perspective', Comparative Politics, 15,3 (1983), pp. 253-280; J.-L. Amselle and E.M' Bokolo (eds), Au coeur de l'ethnie: ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris, 1985); as well as most of the works cited in previous and following footnotes. For a recent restatement of the 'inter-ethnic' approach see J.C. Mitchell, 'Chapter 6: The Perception of Regionalism and Ethnicity' in J.C. Mitchell, Cities, Society, and Social Perception: A Central African Perspective (Oxford, 1987), pp. 180-242.
30. Cohen, Urban Ethnicity; Iliffe, 'The Creation of Tribes'; K. Ingham, Politics in Modern Africa: The Uneven Tribal Dimension (London, 1990); L. Sklar, The Contribution of Tribalism to Nationalism in Western Nigeria' in R. Melson and H. Wolpe (eds), Nigeria: Modernization and the Politics of Comunalism (East Lansing, 1971), pp. 514-529; M.C. Newbury, 'Colonialism, Ethnicity, and Rural Political Protest: Rwanda and Zanzibar in Comparative Perspective', Comparative Politics, 15,3 (1983), pp. 253-280; J.-L. Amselle and E.M' Bokolo (eds), Au coeur de l'ethnie: ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique (Paris, 1985); as well as most of the works cited in previous and following footnotes. For a recent restatement of the 'inter-ethnic' approach see J.C. Mitchell, 'Chapter 6: The Perception of Regionalism and Ethnicity' in J.C. Mitchell, Cities, Society, and Social Perception: A Central African Perspective (Oxford, 1987), pp. 180-242.
31. J.-L. Amselle, Logiques métises: anthropologie de l'identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris, 1990); E.H. Andretta, 'Symbolic Continuity, Material Discontinuity, and Ethnic Identity Among Murle Communities in the Southern Sudan', Ethnology, 28,1 (1989), pp. 17-31; P. Brandström, Who is a Sukuma and Who is a Nyamwezi: Ethnic Identity in West-Central Tanzania (Uppsala, 1986); J.T. Gallagher, 'The Emergence of an African Ethnic Group: The Case of the Ndendeuli', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7,1 (1974), pp. 1-26; P. Harries, 'Exclusion, Classification and Internal Colonialism: The Emergence of Ethnicity Among Tsonga-Speakers of South Africa' in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 82-117; M. Kenny, 'The Dorobo as an Image of the Other', Africa, (1981), pp. 477-495; D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society (Philadelphia, 1985); T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa (London, 1993).
32. J.-L. Amselle, Logiques métises: anthropologie de l'identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris, 1990); E.H. Andretta, 'Symbolic Continuity, Material Discontinuity, and Ethnic Identity Among Murle Communities in the Southern Sudan', Ethnology, 28,1 (1989), pp. 17-31; P. Brandström, Who is a Sukuma and Who is a Nyamwezi: Ethnic Identity in West-Central Tanzania (Uppsala, 1986); J.T. Gallagher, 'The Emergence of an African Ethnic Group: The Case of the Ndendeuli', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7,1 (1974), pp. 1-26; P. Harries, 'Exclusion, Classification and Internal Colonialism: The Emergence of Ethnicity Among Tsonga-Speakers of South Africa' in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 82-117; M. Kenny, 'The Dorobo as an Image of the Other', Africa, (1981), pp. 477-495; D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society (Philadelphia, 1985); T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa (London, 1993).
33. J.-L. Amselle, Logiques métises: anthropologie de l'identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris, 1990); E.H. Andretta, 'Symbolic Continuity, Material Discontinuity, and Ethnic Identity Among Murle Communities in the Southern Sudan', Ethnology, 28,1 (1989), pp. 17-31; P. Brandström, Who is a Sukuma and Who is a Nyamwezi: Ethnic Identity in West-Central Tanzania (Uppsala, 1986); J.T. Gallagher, 'The Emergence of an African Ethnic Group: The Case of the Ndendeuli', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7,1 (1974), pp. 1-26; P. Harries, 'Exclusion, Classification and Internal Colonialism: The Emergence of Ethnicity Among Tsonga-Speakers of South Africa' in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 82-117; M. Kenny, 'The Dorobo as an Image of the Other', Africa, (1981), pp. 477-495; D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society (Philadelphia, 1985); T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa (London, 1993).
34. J.-L. Amselle, Logiques métises: anthropologie de l'identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris, 1990); E.H. Andretta, 'Symbolic Continuity, Material Discontinuity, and Ethnic Identity Among Murle Communities in the Southern Sudan', Ethnology, 28,1 (1989), pp. 17-31; P. Brandström, Who is a Sukuma and Who is a Nyamwezi: Ethnic Identity in West-Central Tanzania (Uppsala, 1986); J.T. Gallagher, 'The Emergence of an African Ethnic Group: The Case of the Ndendeuli', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7,1 (1974), pp. 1-26; P. Harries, 'Exclusion, Classification and Internal Colonialism: The Emergence of Ethnicity Among Tsonga-Speakers of South Africa' in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 82-117; M. Kenny, 'The Dorobo as an Image of the Other', Africa, (1981), pp. 477-495; D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society (Philadelphia, 1985); T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa (London, 1993).
35. J.-L. Amselle, Logiques métises: anthropologie de l'identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris, 1990); E.H. Andretta, 'Symbolic Continuity, Material Discontinuity, and Ethnic Identity Among Murle Communities in the Southern Sudan', Ethnology, 28,1 (1989), pp. 17-31; P. Brandström, Who is a Sukuma and Who is a Nyamwezi: Ethnic Identity in West-Central Tanzania (Uppsala, 1986); J.T. Gallagher, 'The Emergence of an African Ethnic Group: The Case of the Ndendeuli', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7,1 (1974), pp. 1-26; P. Harries, 'Exclusion, Classification and Internal Colonialism: The Emergence of Ethnicity Among Tsonga-Speakers of South Africa' in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 82-117; M. Kenny, 'The Dorobo as an Image of the Other', Africa, (1981), pp. 477-495; D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society (Philadelphia, 1985); T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa (London, 1993).
36. J.-L. Amselle, Logiques métises: anthropologie de l'identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris, 1990); E.H. Andretta, 'Symbolic Continuity, Material Discontinuity, and Ethnic Identity Among Murle Communities in the Southern Sudan', Ethnology, 28,1 (1989), pp. 17-31; P. Brandström, Who is a Sukuma and Who is a Nyamwezi: Ethnic Identity in West-Central Tanzania (Uppsala, 1986); J.T. Gallagher, 'The Emergence of an African Ethnic Group: The Case of the Ndendeuli', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7,1 (1974), pp. 1-26; P. Harries, 'Exclusion, Classification and Internal Colonialism: The Emergence of Ethnicity Among Tsonga-Speakers of South Africa' in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 82-117; M. Kenny, 'The Dorobo as an Image of the Other', Africa, (1981), pp. 477-495; D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society (Philadelphia, 1985); T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa (London, 1993).
37. J.-L. Amselle, Logiques métises: anthropologie de l'identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris, 1990); E.H. Andretta, 'Symbolic Continuity, Material Discontinuity, and Ethnic Identity Among Murle Communities in the Southern Sudan', Ethnology, 28,1 (1989), pp. 17-31; P. Brandström, Who is a Sukuma and Who is a Nyamwezi: Ethnic Identity in West-Central Tanzania (Uppsala, 1986); J.T. Gallagher, 'The Emergence of an African Ethnic Group: The Case of the Ndendeuli', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7,1 (1974), pp. 1-26; P. Harries, 'Exclusion, Classification and Internal Colonialism: The Emergence of Ethnicity Among Tsonga-Speakers of South Africa' in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 82-117; M. Kenny, 'The Dorobo as an Image of the Other', Africa, (1981), pp. 477-495; D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society (Philadelphia, 1985); T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa (London, 1993).
38. J.-L. Amselle, Logiques métises: anthropologie de l'identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris, 1990); E.H. Andretta, 'Symbolic Continuity, Material Discontinuity, and Ethnic Identity Among Murle Communities in the Southern Sudan', Ethnology, 28,1 (1989), pp. 17-31; P. Brandström, Who is a Sukuma and Who is a Nyamwezi: Ethnic Identity in West-Central Tanzania (Uppsala, 1986); J.T. Gallagher, 'The Emergence of an African Ethnic Group: The Case of the Ndendeuli', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 7,1 (1974), pp. 1-26; P. Harries, 'Exclusion, Classification and Internal Colonialism: The Emergence of Ethnicity Among Tsonga-Speakers of South Africa' in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 82-117; M. Kenny, 'The Dorobo as an Image of the Other', Africa, (1981), pp. 477-495; D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society (Philadelphia, 1985); T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa (London, 1993).
39. Research on ethnicity in Zimbabwe is particularly illustrative of the tendency to privilege European and African elites: T.O. Ranger, The Invention of Tribalism in Zimbabwe (Gweru, 1985); T. Ranger, 'Missionaries, Migrants and the Manyika: The Invention of Ethnicity in Zimbabwe', in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 118-150; and H. Chimhundu, 'Early Missionaries and the Ethnolinguistic Factor During the "Invention of Tribalism" in Zimbabwe', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 87-109. See also P. Harries, 'The Roots of Ethnicity: Discourse and the Politics of Language Construction in South-East Africa', African Affairs, 87,346 (1988), pp. 25-52; and Chanock, Law, Custom, and Social Order.
40. Research on ethnicity in Zimbabwe is particularly illustrative of the tendency to privilege European and African elites: T.O. Ranger, The Invention of Tribalism in Zimbabwe (Gweru, 1985); T. Ranger, 'Missionaries, Migrants and the Manyika: The Invention of Ethnicity in Zimbabwe', in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 118-150; and H. Chimhundu, 'Early Missionaries and the Ethnolinguistic Factor During the "Invention of Tribalism" in Zimbabwe', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 87-109. See also P. Harries, 'The Roots of Ethnicity: Discourse and the Politics of Language Construction in South-East Africa', African Affairs, 87,346 (1988), pp. 25-52; and Chanock, Law, Custom, and Social Order.
41. Research on ethnicity in Zimbabwe is particularly illustrative of the tendency to privilege European and African elites: T.O. Ranger, The Invention of Tribalism in Zimbabwe (Gweru, 1985); T. Ranger, 'Missionaries, Migrants and the Manyika: The Invention of Ethnicity in Zimbabwe', in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 118-150; and H. Chimhundu, 'Early Missionaries and the Ethnolinguistic Factor During the "Invention of Tribalism" in Zimbabwe', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 87-109. See also P. Harries, 'The Roots of Ethnicity: Discourse and the Politics of Language Construction in South-East Africa', African Affairs, 87,346 (1988), pp. 25-52; and Chanock, Law, Custom, and Social Order.
42. Research on ethnicity in Zimbabwe is particularly illustrative of the tendency to privilege European and African elites: T.O. Ranger, The Invention of Tribalism in Zimbabwe (Gweru, 1985); T. Ranger, 'Missionaries, Migrants and the Manyika: The Invention of Ethnicity in Zimbabwe', in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 118-150; and H. Chimhundu, 'Early Missionaries and the Ethnolinguistic Factor During the "Invention of Tribalism" in Zimbabwe', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 87-109. See also P. Harries, 'The Roots of Ethnicity: Discourse and the Politics of Language Construction in South-East Africa', African Affairs, 87,346 (1988), pp. 25-52; and Chanock, Law, Custom, and Social Order.
43. Research on ethnicity in Zimbabwe is particularly illustrative of the tendency to privilege European and African elites: T.O. Ranger, The Invention of Tribalism in Zimbabwe (Gweru, 1985); T. Ranger, 'Missionaries, Migrants and the Manyika: The Invention of Ethnicity in Zimbabwe', in L. Vail (ed), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, pp. 118-150; and H. Chimhundu, 'Early Missionaries and the Ethnolinguistic Factor During the "Invention of Tribalism" in Zimbabwe', Journal of African History, 33 (1992), pp. 87-109. See also P. Harries, 'The Roots of Ethnicity: Discourse and the Politics of Language Construction in South-East Africa', African Affairs, 87,346 (1988), pp. 25-52; and Chanock, Law, Custom, and Social Order.
44. A. Mbembe, oral discussant comments, 'People Wealth and Power I: West Africa,' scholarly panel at the 37th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association of the United States, Toronto, Canada, 5 November 1994.
45. C. Young, 'Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Class in Africa', Cahiers d'Eludes Africaines, 26,3 (1986), p. 453. Young has more recently revised this statement by questioning 'the sunny hues of optimism' pervading his earlier work. See C. Young, 'The Dialectics of Cultural Pluralism: Concept and Reality', in C. Young (ed), The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism: The Nation-State at Bay? (Madison, 1993), p. 4.
46. C. Young, 'Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Class in Africa', Cahiers d'Eludes Africaines, 26,3 (1986), p. 453. Young has more recently revised this statement by questioning 'the sunny hues of optimism' pervading his earlier work. See C. Young, 'The Dialectics of Cultural Pluralism: Concept and Reality', in C. Young (ed), The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism: The Nation-State at Bay? (Madison, 1993), p. 4.
47. Witness the following statement of C. Young in his magisterial study of ethnicity and cultural pluralism in non-Western societies: 'At the point where the third world stood poised on the brink of subjugation to European empires, cultural identities had, with some exceptions, not become strongly affirmed. For the great majority of the rural population, only the local community commanded active membership and loyalty.' C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976), p. 33.
48. This is an important assumption that I cannot substantiate in depth here. For the last millennium, however, a look at P. Curtin's discussion of trade diasporas in his Cross-Cultural Trade in World History (Cambridge, 1984) provides several important examples of the rise and fall of ethnic identities in Africa and elsewhere.
49. Toponym has two meanings: (1) a place name, and (2) a name derived from a place name. It is the former definition that is meant throughout this article.
50. Throughout this article I employ the following terms interchangeably: the highlands, the central highlands, highland Madagascar, Imerina, central Madagascar.
51. P. Larson, 'Interpreting Pre-Colonial Indigenous Censuses in Central Madagascar: The Merina Kingdom and its Population during the mid-Nineteenth Century' article manuscript in possession of the author (forthcoming).
52. J. Valette, 'Pour une histoire du règne d'Andrianampoinimerina (1787-1810)', Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, 52,2 (1965), No. 187, pp. 277-285; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache' in C.-A. Julien (ed). Les Africains, Tome II (Paris, 1977), pp. 77-97; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar, 1790-1870', in J.E. Flint (ed), The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 393-417; G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790', Journal of African History, 29,2 (1988), pp. 191-211.
53. J. Valette, 'Pour une histoire du règne d'Andrianampoinimerina (1787-1810)', Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, 52,2 (1965), No. 187, pp. 277-285; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache' in C.-A. Julien (ed). Les Africains, Tome II (Paris, 1977), pp. 77-97; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar, 1790-1870', in J.E. Flint (ed), The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 393-417; G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790', Journal of African History, 29,2 (1988), pp. 191-211.
54. J. Valette, 'Pour une histoire du règne d'Andrianampoinimerina (1787-1810)', Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, 52,2 (1965), No. 187, pp. 277-285; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache' in C.-A. Julien (ed). Les Africains, Tome II (Paris, 1977), pp. 77-97; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar, 1790-1870', in J.E. Flint (ed), The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 393-417; G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790', Journal of African History, 29,2 (1988), pp. 191-211.
55. J. Valette, 'Pour une histoire du règne d'Andrianampoinimerina (1787-1810)', Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, 52,2 (1965), No. 187, pp. 277-285; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache' in C.-A. Julien (ed). Les Africains, Tome II (Paris, 1977), pp. 77-97; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar, 1790-1870', in J.E. Flint (ed), The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 393-417; G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition: Andrianampoinimerina at Ambohimanga, 1777-1790', Journal of African History, 29,2 (1988), pp. 191-211.
56. For general histories of the Merina kingdom during the nineteenth century see M. Brown, Madagascar Rediscovered: A History from Early Times to Independence (Hamden, 1979); P. Mutibwa, The Malagasy and the Europeans: Madagascar's Foreign Relations, 1861-1895 (Atlantic Highlands, 1974); and M. Prou, Malagasy 'Un Pas de plus': Vers l'histoire du 'Royaume de Madagascar' au XIXe siècle, Tome I, (Paris, 1987).
57. For general histories of the Merina kingdom during the nineteenth century see M. Brown, Madagascar Rediscovered: A History from Early Times to Independence (Hamden, 1979); P. Mutibwa, The Malagasy and the Europeans: Madagascar's Foreign Relations, 1861-1895 (Atlantic Highlands, 1974); and M. Prou, Malagasy 'Un Pas de plus': Vers l'histoire du 'Royaume de Madagascar' au XIXe siècle, Tome I, (Paris, 1987).
58. For general histories of the Merina kingdom during the nineteenth century see M. Brown, Madagascar Rediscovered: A History from Early Times to Independence (Hamden, 1979); P. Mutibwa, The Malagasy and the Europeans: Madagascar's Foreign Relations, 1861-1895 (Atlantic Highlands, 1974); and M. Prou, Malagasy 'Un Pas de plus': Vers l'histoire du 'Royaume de Madagascar' au XIXe siècle, Tome I, (Paris, 1987).
59. These are themes developed in my forthcoming book entitled Identities of a Crisis: The Slave Trade, Gender and the Origins of Merina Ethnicity in Highland Central Madagascar, 1770-1822 and in my doctoral dissertation, Making Ethnic Tradition in a Pre-Colonial Society: Culture, Gender, and Protest in the Early Merina Kingdom, 1750-1822 (PhD Dissertation, Department of History, University of Wisconsin - Madison, 1992; University Microfilms Number AAC-9238559).
60. These are themes developed in my forthcoming book entitled Identities of a Crisis: The Slave Trade, Gender and the Origins of Merina Ethnicity in Highland Central Madagascar, 1770-1822 and in my doctoral dissertation, Making Ethnic Tradition in a Pre-Colonial Society: Culture, Gender, and Protest in the Early Merina Kingdom, 1750-1822 (PhD Dissertation, Department of History, University of Wisconsin - Madison, 1992; University Microfilms Number AAC-9238559).
61. A notable exception is J. Wright, 'Politics, Ideology, and the Invention of the "Nguni"' in T. Lodge (ed), Resistance and Ideology in Settler Societies (Johannesburg 1986), pp. 96-118.
62. A problem raised by Barth in his introduction to Ethnic Groups and Boundaries, p. 14.
63. P.T. Reid et al., 'Gender and Ethnicity: Perspectives on Dual Status', Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 22,7-8 (1990), pp. 397-408; V. Sapiro, 'Engendering Cultural Differences', in C. Young (ed), The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism, pp. 36-54; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe: Bondei Identities and Histories', Journal of African History, 33,2 (1992), pp. 191-208; D. Klumpp and C. Kratz, 'Aesthetics, Expertise, & Ethnicity', in T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai, pp. 195-221; L. Fair, 'Masks of Identity: Dress, Dance and Ethnicity in Zanzibar', Paper delivered at the 37th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association of the United States, Toronto, Canada, 4 November 1994.
64. P.T. Reid et al., 'Gender and Ethnicity: Perspectives on Dual Status', Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 22,7-8 (1990), pp. 397-408; V. Sapiro, 'Engendering Cultural Differences', in C. Young (ed), The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism, pp. 36-54; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe: Bondei Identities and Histories', Journal of African History, 33,2 (1992), pp. 191-208; D. Klumpp and C. Kratz, 'Aesthetics, Expertise, & Ethnicity', in T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai, pp. 195-221; L. Fair, 'Masks of Identity: Dress, Dance and Ethnicity in Zanzibar', Paper delivered at the 37th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association of the United States, Toronto, Canada, 4 November 1994.
65. P.T. Reid et al., 'Gender and Ethnicity: Perspectives on Dual Status', Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 22,7-8 (1990), pp. 397-408; V. Sapiro, 'Engendering Cultural Differences', in C. Young (ed), The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism, pp. 36-54; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe: Bondei Identities and Histories', Journal of African History, 33,2 (1992), pp. 191-208; D. Klumpp and C. Kratz, 'Aesthetics, Expertise, & Ethnicity', in T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai, pp. 195-221; L. Fair, 'Masks of Identity: Dress, Dance and Ethnicity in Zanzibar', Paper delivered at the 37th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association of the United States, Toronto, Canada, 4 November 1994.
66. P.T. Reid et al., 'Gender and Ethnicity: Perspectives on Dual Status', Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 22,7-8 (1990), pp. 397-408; V. Sapiro, 'Engendering Cultural Differences', in C. Young (ed), The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism, pp. 36-54; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe: Bondei Identities and Histories', Journal of African History, 33,2 (1992), pp. 191-208; D. Klumpp and C. Kratz, 'Aesthetics, Expertise, & Ethnicity', in T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai, pp. 195-221; L. Fair, 'Masks of Identity: Dress, Dance and Ethnicity in Zanzibar', Paper delivered at the 37th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association of the United States, Toronto, Canada, 4 November 1994.
67. P.T. Reid et al., 'Gender and Ethnicity: Perspectives on Dual Status', Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 22,7-8 (1990), pp. 397-408; V. Sapiro, 'Engendering Cultural Differences', in C. Young (ed), The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism, pp. 36-54; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe: Bondei Identities and Histories', Journal of African History, 33,2 (1992), pp. 191-208; D. Klumpp and C. Kratz, 'Aesthetics, Expertise, & Ethnicity', in T. Spear and R. Waller (eds), Being Maasai, pp. 195-221; L. Fair, 'Masks of Identity: Dress, Dance and Ethnicity in Zanzibar', Paper delivered at the 37th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association of the United States, Toronto, Canada, 4 November 1994.
68. A. and G. Grandidier, Histoire Physique, Naturelle et Politique de Madagascar. Volume IV: Ethnographie de Madagascar, Tome Premier: Les Habitants de Madagascar (Paris, 1908), p. 231, n. 3, French text.
69. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
70. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
71. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
72. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
73. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
74. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
75. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
76. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
77. Some of the many examples: R. Kent, Early Kingdoms in Madagascar (New York, 1970), p. 206; H. Deschamps, 'Tradition and Change in Madagascar', p. 395; H. Deschamps, 'Andrianampoinimerina, ou la raison d'état au service de l'unité malgache', p. 79; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, 3rd edn (Tananarive, 1969), pp. 92-93; M. Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merino of Madagascar (Cambridge, 1986), especially pp. 13, 105-112; M. Bloch, 'The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: the Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989), p. 190; F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar au XIXe siècle: invention d'une identité chrétienne et construction de l'étal (Paris, 1991), p. 34; G. Campbell, 'The Structure of Trade in Madagascar, 1750-1810', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 26,1 (1993), pp. 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 144-146; and G. Berg, 'Sacred Acquisition', pp. 191, 193, 194, 202.
78. See especially the work of anthropologist M. Bloch. Although Bloch does not explicitly interpret Merina mortuary ritual as a site for the enactment of ethnic identity, these rituals have always functioned in this light and been understood as quintessential features of the Merina as an ethnic group (which is, of course, why Bloch chose to highlight them in his ethnographies). M. Bloch, Placing the Dead: Tombs, Ancestral Villages, and Kinship Organization in Madagascar (London, 1971); M. Bloch, 'From Cognition to Ideology', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989).
79. See especially the work of anthropologist M. Bloch. Although Bloch does not explicitly interpret Merina mortuary ritual as a site for the enactment of ethnic identity, these rituals have always functioned in this light and been understood as quintessential features of the Merina as an ethnic group (which is, of course, why Bloch chose to highlight them in his ethnographies). M. Bloch, Placing the Dead: Tombs, Ancestral Villages, and Kinship Organization in Madagascar (London, 1971); M. Bloch, 'From Cognition to Ideology', in M. Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (London, 1989).
80. J. Richardson, A New Malagasy-English Dictionary (Antananarivo, 1885), entry for 'erinerina', p. 139.
81. Tantara, p. 147. Literal translations from Tantara Malagasy into English are virtually impossible. Malgachisants will notice that I have slightly paraphrased in places.
82. e siècle)' in Michel Cartier (ed) Le travail et ses représentations (Paris, 1984), p. 228.
83. e siècle)' in Michel Cartier (ed) Le travail et ses représentations (Paris, 1984), p. 228.
84. e siècle)' in Michel Cartier (ed) Le travail et ses représentations (Paris, 1984), p. 228.
85. For problems inherent in Merina kinglists see G. Berg, The Myth of Racial Strife and Merina Kinglists: The Transformation of Texts', History in Africa, 4 (1972), pp. 1-30.
86. Le Case, in G. and A. Grandidier, Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar (Paris), IX, pp. 576-577. A. Delivré suggests these three names are 'Vohitsanomby, Imerina and Antimamo' respectively: A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina: interprétation d'une tradition orale (Paris, 1974), p. 341, n. 4. While the name Vohitsanomby was often employed by Europeans to refer to a region in the inland during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the area has never been identified adequately and remains obscure. It would seem reasonable, on the other hand, to take the names 'Himaire' and 'Entamane' to refer to Imerina and Antaimamo (Imamo) because of the resemblance of the names of these two regions of central Madagascar (Imamo, once an independent kingdom, is now part of western Imerina). An anomaly appears, however, in Le Case's assertion that these regions were both rich in cattle. While this might well have been the case for Imamo, which is much less densely populated than the central part of Imerina, other reports referring to the area around Antananarivo during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries indicate that it had always been a cattle importer rather than an exporter. The density of population in Imerina prevented the use of land for pasturage and it accordingly supported very few cattle. There is thus a possibility that 'Himaire' did not in fact refer to the area we know today as 'Imerina' since there are many 'elevated regions' in central Madagascar. Le Case's information that Himaire was a cattle exporting area, after all, was based not upon personal observation but hearsay, and therefore may have been incorrect information. I assume in this work, however, that 'Himaire' did refer to Imerina. If it did not, it is possible that 'Imerina' itself is a newer toponym originating in the early nineteenth century as the Grandidiers asserted.
87. Le Case, in G. and A. Grandidier, Collection des ouvrages anciens concernant Madagascar (Paris), IX, pp. 576-577. A. Delivré suggests these three names are 'Vohitsanomby, Imerina and Antimamo' respectively: A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina: interprétation d'une tradition orale (Paris, 1974), p. 341, n. 4. While the name Vohitsanomby was often employed by Europeans to refer to a region in the inland during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the area has never been identified adequately and remains obscure. It would seem reasonable, on the other hand, to take the names 'Himaire' and 'Entamane' to refer to Imerina and Antaimamo (Imamo) because of the resemblance of the names of these two regions of central Madagascar (Imamo, once an independent kingdom, is now part of western Imerina). An anomaly appears, however, in Le Case's assertion that these regions were both rich in cattle. While this might well have been the case for Imamo, which is much less densely populated than the central part of Imerina, other reports referring to the area around Antananarivo during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries indicate that it had always been a cattle importer rather than an exporter. The density of population in Imerina prevented the use of land for pasturage and it accordingly supported very few cattle. There is thus a possibility that 'Himaire' did not in fact refer to the area we know today as 'Imerina' since there are many 'elevated regions' in central Madagascar. Le Case's information that Himaire was a cattle exporting area, after all, was based not upon personal observation but hearsay, and therefore may have been incorrect information. I assume in this work, however, that 'Himaire' did refer to Imerina. If it did not, it is possible that 'Imerina' itself is a newer toponym originating in the early nineteenth century as the Grandidiers asserted.
88. Manuscript of Lebel provided to the directors of the London Missionary Society, no date (Lebel is known to have conducted this trip to Antananarivo in 1800): LMS/M/IL/1/1/B. See also Chardenoux, Untitled report on mission to Andrianampoinimerina in September-October 1807, no place, no date, ADC/FD/102/114v (emirne): Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251v (y mime). It has been common among francophone Malgachisants to dale the first use of the term Imerina to a manuscript prepared by Sylvain Roux in 1808. See the quotation by the Grandidiers above in the text and F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar, p. 33, n. 1.
89. There is some disagreement about the meaning of the Sakalava ethnonym. See L. Sharp, The Possessed and the Dispossessed: Spirits, Identity, and Power in a Madagascar Migrant Town (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993), p. 57, whose informants told her it signified 'people of the long valleys'.
90. See P. Larson, 'Social Identity and the Collective Self in Precolonial Africa: Reflections on Early Merina Ethnogenesis in Highland Central Madagascar, 1775-1810', Paper presented at the 37th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association of the United States, Toronto, Canada, 3 November 1994.
91. There were multiple kingdoms in central Madagascar at this time. R. Drury, Madagascar; or, Robert Drury's Journal, During Fifteen Years' Captivity on that Island, and a Further Description of Madagascar by the Abbe Alexis Rochon (New York, 1969) [reprint of 1890 version of the 1728 original], p. 277. These terms were still employed at mid-century: see Rev. Hirst to Rev. Duncombe, H.M.S. Lenox. off Madagascar, 6 September 1759, printed in R. Drury, Madagascar, or, Robert Drury's Journal, p. 13.
92. There were multiple kingdoms in central Madagascar at this time. R. Drury, Madagascar; or, Robert Drury's Journal, During Fifteen Years' Captivity on that Island, and a Further Description of Madagascar by the Abbe Alexis Rochon (New York, 1969) [reprint of 1890 version of the 1728 original], p. 277. These terms were still employed at mid-century: see Rev. Hirst to Rev. Duncombe, H.M.S. Lenox. off Madagascar, 6 September 1759, printed in R. Drury, Madagascar, or, Robert Drury's Journal, p. 13.
93. J.de Lasalle, 'Mémoire sur Madagascar (1797)', Notes, Reconnaissances, et Explorations, 3 (1898), p. 577. French text. The emphasis is mine.
94. B. de Froberville, Grand dictionnaire de Madagascar, entry for Ambolambe, BL/MD/Add.Mss./18121/64r/44r. French text.
95. For an early confirmation of this fact see D. Griffiths, journal entry for 1 April 1822 in his journal for 18 January 1822 through 19 July 1822: LMS/J/M&M/1. Dogs are pests to the common people, scavenging for food, chasing passers by, biting indiscriminately, and symbolizing filth and desecration. Under Andrianampoinimerina pigs were prohibited (fady) at the royal court and even near Antananarivo, the capital. They were conceptualized as polluting, counteracting the sacred power of the royal talismans (sampy). 41 That facilitated colonization of Ile de France and Bourbon through deliveries of critical supplies of food and slave labor. See A. Toussaint, Histoire des îles Mascareignes (Paris, 1972).
96. Before the death of Andrianampoinimerina in 1810 the ethnonym Amboalambo does not seem to have come under attack, although it was being employed simultaneously with Hova, Ova and Ove.
97. Mayeur's voyage of 1777. Because Mayeur's is the first European voyage into Madagascar for which we have documentation, it is often mistakenly believed to have been the first. Mayeur indicates in this journal, however, that numerous francophone traitants had already traveled extensively in central Madagascar by 1777.
98. B. de Froberville, editor's note number 2, in N. Mayeur, 'Voyage dans le Sud et dans l'intérieur des terres et particulièrement au pays d'Hancove, Janvier 1777, Rédigé par Barthélémy de Froberville', Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, 12 (1913), p. 168. French text.
99. Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251 v. As we will see below, Barthélémy de Froberville took this definition from Rondeaux and canonized it in his Grand dictionnaire de Madagascar.
100. Amboalambo was still being employed during the early nineteenth century but it soon disappeared. See J.B. Fressange, 'Voyage à Madagascar en 1802, 1803', Annales des Voyages, de la Géographie et de l'Histoire, 2 (1808), p. 23: and C.T. Hilsenberg and W. Bojer, 'A Sketch of the Province of Emerina', in Botanical Miscellany (London, 1833), p. 253.
101. Amboalambo was still being employed during the early nineteenth century but it soon disappeared. See J.B. Fressange, 'Voyage à Madagascar en 1802, 1803', Annales des Voyages, de la Géographie et de l'Histoire, 2 (1808), p. 23: and C.T. Hilsenberg and W. Bojer, 'A Sketch of the Province of Emerina', in Botanical Miscellany (London, 1833), p. 253.
102. Journal of J. Hastie, 14 November 1817 to 19 May 1818: MNA/HB/10/2. For later references, see Hastie's letters to Viret and Barry during 1825: MNA/HB/4.
103. For example: D. Jones to W.A. Hankey, Tananarive, 25 March 1829: LMS/M/IL/3/1/B; J. Cameron to W. Arundel, Tananarive, 25 September 1829: LMS/M/IL/3/2/B; E. Baker to W. Arundel, Tananarive, 26 September 1829: LMS/M/IL/3/2/B.
104. D. Jones and D. Griffiths to G. Burder, Tananarive, 30 July 1825: LMS/M/IL/2/2/B.
105. An Appeal to the Christian World, Madagascar Missionary School Society, D. Jones, D. Griffiths, J. Hastie, Tananarive, 14 November 1825: LMS/M/IL/2/2/C.
106. D. Jones and D. Griffiths to Directors, Tananarive, 24 June 1824: LMS/M/IL/2/1/B.
107. For information on the original production of this manuscript by LMS missionaries see: 'Prospectus of the History of the Protestant Mission', No Place, No Date: LMS/M/IL/3/2/A; Minutes from the Missionary Minute Book, Tananarive, 11 September 1829 through 1 March 1830: LMS/M/IL/3/3/A; J.J. Freeman to Rev. W. Orme, Port Louis (Mauritius), 14 June 1830: LMS/M/1L/3/3/B.
108. W. Ellis, History of Madagascar. Comprising aha The Progress of the Christian Mission Established in 1818: and an Authentic Account of the Persecution and Recent Martyrdom of the Native Christians (London, 1838), I, p. 121.
109. J. Richardson, A New Malagasy-English Dictionary, entry for Hova, p. 283; an entry for Merina is missing from p. 438 where it would have been placed if included. Merina is also absent as an entry in Abinal and Malzac's Malagasy-French dictionary: Abinal et V. Malzac, Dictionnaire Malgache-Français (Tananarive, 1888), p. 441.
110. J. Richardson, A New Malagasy-English Dictionary, entry for Hova, p. 283; an entry for Merina is missing from p. 438 where it would have been placed if included. Merina is also absent as an entry in Abinal and Malzac's Malagasy-French dictionary: Abinal et V. Malzac, Dictionnaire Malgache-Français (Tananarive, 1888), p. 441.
111. 'Hovaregjeringen', M. Borgen til Hovedbestyrelsen, Sirabe, 6 Januar 1870: NMS/S/HA/132/3; L. Dahle til Hovedbestyrelsen, Antananarivo, 14 Mai 1872: NMS/S/HA/132/9; 'Hovaerne' J. Johnsen til Hovedbestyrelsen, Vohibe, 17 November 1893: NMS/S/HA/140A/11. For LMS usage see virtually any incoming letter from missionaries in Madagascar after 1870 in LMS/M/IL.
112. Some Examples: L. McLeod, Madagascar and its People (New York, 1969 [originally published in 1865]); J. Sibree, Madagascar and its People: Notes of Four Year's Residence (London, 1870); J.-B. Piolet, Madagascar et les hovas: description, organisation, histoire (Paris, 1895); A. and G. Grandidier, Ethnographie de Madagascar: Volume IV, Tome Troisième (Paris, 1917 ); V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume hova depuis ses origines jusqu' à sa fin (Tananarive, 1930).
113. Some Examples: L. McLeod, Madagascar and its People (New York, 1969 [originally published in 1865]); J. Sibree, Madagascar and its People: Notes of Four Year's Residence (London, 1870); J.-B. Piolet, Madagascar et les hovas: description, organisation, histoire (Paris, 1895); A. and G. Grandidier, Ethnographie de Madagascar: Volume IV, Tome Troisième (Paris, 1917 ); V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume hova depuis ses origines jusqu' à sa fin (Tananarive, 1930).
114. Some Examples: L. McLeod, Madagascar and its People (New York, 1969 [originally published in 1865]); J. Sibree, Madagascar and its People: Notes of Four Year's Residence (London, 1870); J.-B. Piolet, Madagascar et les hovas: description, organisation, histoire (Paris, 1895); A. and G. Grandidier, Ethnographie de Madagascar: Volume IV, Tome Troisième (Paris, 1917 ); V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume hova depuis ses origines jusqu' à sa fin (Tananarive, 1930).
115. Some Examples: L. McLeod, Madagascar and its People (New York, 1969 [originally published in 1865]); J. Sibree, Madagascar and its People: Notes of Four Year's Residence (London, 1870); J.-B. Piolet, Madagascar et les hovas: description, organisation, histoire (Paris, 1895); A. and G. Grandidier, Ethnographie de Madagascar: Volume IV, Tome Troisième (Paris, 1917 ); V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume hova depuis ses origines jusqu' à sa fin (Tananarive, 1930).
116. Some Examples: L. McLeod, Madagascar and its People (New York, 1969 [originally published in 1865]); J. Sibree, Madagascar and its People: Notes of Four Year's Residence (London, 1870); J.-B. Piolet, Madagascar et les hovas: description, organisation, histoire (Paris, 1895); A. and G. Grandidier, Ethnographie de Madagascar: Volume IV, Tome Troisième (Paris, 1917 ); V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume hova depuis ses origines jusqu' à sa fin (Tananarive, 1930).
117. Library of Congress, Library of Congress Subject Headings, 16th edn (Washington, D.C., 1993), Vol. II, p. 2223; Vol. III. pp. 2859, 2878.
118. Library of Congress, Library of Congress Subject Headings, 16th edn (Washington, D.C., 1993), Vol. II, p. 2223; Vol. III. pp. 2859, 2878.
119. R. Rajemisa-Raolison (ed). Rakibolana Malagasy (Fianarantsoa, 1985), p. 447. This is a mystery, for 'hova' is a central word both in contemporary society and in Malagasy history, both Merina and Betsileo.
120. Raombana, Histoires (Fianarantsoa, 1980) who, educated in England and writing in English during the 1850s, frequently wrote of 'the Hovas or people of Imerina' (see pp. 34. 552. 554ff). Page numbers refer to the original manuscript.
121. Some examples from the Tantara: pp. 154, 156, 158, 303, 321, 353, 633, 687, 718, 784, 790, 994-995.
122. Reported in F. Raison-Jourde, Bible et pouvoir à Madagascar, p. 33, n. 1.
123. See N. Mayeur, 'Voyage dans le Sud.'
124. Weber (négociant de l'Isle de France, voyageur à l'isle de Madagascar) to mon Général, no place, 30 floréal an 7 (19 May 1799): ADC/FD/101/182v. The dating of this letter is problematic. Presumably the General to whom the letter was addressed was Decaen, since it is among his papers, but Decaen first arrived at Ile de France in 1803 and the collection of his documents relating to Madagascar mostly cover the years 1807 and 1808. At a later date traitants began to equate Ancova and Imerina. See Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808); ADC/FD/101/251v (la grande province d'ancove ou y mirne dont Dianampoëen est le souverain absolu).
125. B. de Froberville, Grand dictionnaire de Madagascar, BL/MD/Add.Mss./18121/170r/440r, entry for Imirn. French text.
126. For example: Our journey to Ova,' entry for 13 September 1820 in D. Jones, Journal, 4 September through 14 October 1820: LMS/J/M&M/I (and several subsequent usages in the same document).
127. 'La province d'Imerina,' From: 'A True Copy of His Majesty's proclamation sent to the Directors of the London Missionary Society by David Jones at the request of all the brethren, and as it was drawn from the original made by the King,' Tananarive, 29 April 1823: LMS/M/IL/1/4/C.
128. 'Imerina': Rateffy to C. Colville, Ambatoaranana, 28 August 1828: MNA/HB/20/4; 'Ovah': Ratefy and Rabodosahondra to Unknown, Tamatave, 13 September 1828: MNA/HB/20/5.
129. Examples of LMS and British diplomatic use of Imerina: J. Jeffreys to the Board of Directors of the LMS, Tananarive, 26 May 1823: LMS/M/IL/1/5/B (orthography: Emerina); Continuation of Mr Lyall's Journal, from the 24 March 1829: MNA/HB/19/25/10v; R. Lyall to C. Colville, Bois Cherri (Mauritius), 28 July 1829: MNA/HB/20/19/1v; J.J. Freeman to G.F. Dick, Port Louis (Mauritius), 24 November 1835: MNA/HB/9/43/1r.
130. W. Ellis, History of Madagascar, I, p. 82.
131. W. Ellis, History of Madagascar, I, p. 83.
132. W.E. Cousins to Rev. Dr Mullens, Antananarivo, 5 November 1872: LMS/M/IL/ 10/3/C.
133. Examples from NMS correspondence: H. Wilhelmsen til Hovedbestyrelsen, Soavina, 18 August 1873: NMS/S/HA/133/2; J. Engh til Hovedbestyrelsen, Betafo, 18 August 1875: NMS/S/HA/133/8; Th. Rosaas til Hovedbestyrelsen, Sirabe, 7 Januar 1882: NMS/S/HA/135B/8.
134. See B. Gow, Madagascar and the Protestant Impact (London, 1979).
135. This includes such diverse materials as the Archives of the Merina kingdom, the Tantara, Rainandriamampandry's Tantarany Madagascar, and various other manuscripts such as the manuscript of 'Ranavalona's Ombiasy': published as Le manuscript de l'ombiasy de Ranavalona (Fianarantsoa, Documents Historiques de Madagascar, N. 33-38, no date) fthe manuscript itself dates to between 1866 and 1870).
136. Manuscrit de l'ombiasy, p. 333. Emphasis is mine. Translation: 'and the saying that Radama II was alive grew here in Imerina (tety Merina) so that many people hoped to make Radama II king.'
137. In Malagasy the letters 'i' and 'y' represent the same sound but i's are always changed to y's when ending a word.
138. As in the Malagasy example provided in the text of the previous paragraph.
139. Such as those reproduced in Tantara, pp. 8-12.
140. Malagasy personal and place names, which sometimes run more than ten syllables, are normally concatenations of several words.
141. It should be noted that this particular translation error is seldom made in printed works.
142. There is no plural marker for Malagasy nouns, and Malagasy speakers use the word 'heart' (fo), like English speakers, in both figurative and geographical senses. Thus the translations 'sovereign in the hearts of the Merina' and 'sovereign in the heart of Imerina' are - technically - equally valid.
143. See P. Larson, 'Multiple Narratives, Gendered Voices: Remembering the Past in Highland Central Madagascar', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 28,2 (1995), pp. 295-325.
144. This is true of most histories of the Merina kingdom. For influential examples see V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume nova; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, R.W. Rabemananjara, Madagascar, histoire de la nation malgache (Paris, 1952); H. Deschamps, Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1960); Prou, Malagasy un pas de plus. The only monograph-length critical study of the Tantara, which is nevertheless stronger in textual than historical criticism, is A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina. 84 Examples: N. Mayeur, 'Voyage au pays d'Ancove (1785) par M. Mayeur, Rédaction de M. Dumaine', Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, 12 (1913), p. 34 (Diananpouine); Weber to Général Decaen, no place, 30 floréal an 7 (19 May 1799): ADC/FD/101/182v (dian-ampoin); N. Mayeur, 'Mémoire historique, politique et commercial sur les parties de l'isle de Madagascar qui me sont connues, pour servir de base aux projets que le gouvernement français peut former dans cette grande isle pour des établissements fixes, tant agricoles que commerciaux,' Trois Ilôts, Canton de Flacq (Ile de France), Ire novembre 1807: ADC/FD/101/57v (Dieu = Empouine); Chardenoux to Decaen, Untitled report on travel into interior of Madagascar in 1807, no place, no date: ADC/FD/102/113r (Dianampoin); Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251v-252v (Dianampoëen). An obvious argument against this theory is that Europeans found the king's long name too long and daunting and simply shortened it in their writings. The wide range of Malagasy language fluent and culturally knowledgeable writers who used the shortened form militate against this objection.
145. This is true of most histories of the Merina kingdom. For influential examples see V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume nova; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, R.W. Rabemananjara, Madagascar, histoire de la nation malgache (Paris, 1952); H. Deschamps, Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1960); Prou, Malagasy un pas de plus. The only monograph-length critical study of the Tantara, which is nevertheless stronger in textual than historical criticism, is A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina. 84 Examples: N. Mayeur, 'Voyage au pays d'Ancove (1785) par M. Mayeur, Rédaction de M. Dumaine', Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, 12 (1913), p. 34 (Diananpouine); Weber to Général Decaen, no place, 30 floréal an 7 (19 May 1799): ADC/FD/101/182v (dian-ampoin); N. Mayeur, 'Mémoire historique, politique et commercial sur les parties de l'isle de Madagascar qui me sont connues, pour servir de base aux projets que le gouvernement français peut former dans cette grande isle pour des établissements fixes, tant agricoles que commerciaux,' Trois Ilôts, Canton de Flacq (Ile de France), Ire novembre 1807: ADC/FD/101/57v (Dieu = Empouine); Chardenoux to Decaen, Untitled report on travel into interior of Madagascar in 1807, no place, no date: ADC/FD/102/113r (Dianampoin); Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251v-252v (Dianampoëen). An obvious argument against this theory is that Europeans found the king's long name too long and daunting and simply shortened it in their writings. The wide range of Malagasy language fluent and culturally knowledgeable writers who used the shortened form militate against this objection.
146. This is true of most histories of the Merina kingdom. For influential examples see V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume nova; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, R.W. Rabemananjara, Madagascar, histoire de la nation malgache (Paris, 1952); H. Deschamps, Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1960); Prou, Malagasy un pas de plus. The only monograph-length critical study of the Tantara, which is nevertheless stronger in textual than historical criticism, is A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina. 84 Examples: N. Mayeur, 'Voyage au pays d'Ancove (1785) par M. Mayeur, Rédaction de M. Dumaine', Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, 12 (1913), p. 34 (Diananpouine); Weber to Général Decaen, no place, 30 floréal an 7 (19 May 1799): ADC/FD/101/182v (dian-ampoin); N. Mayeur, 'Mémoire historique, politique et commercial sur les parties de l'isle de Madagascar qui me sont connues, pour servir de base aux projets que le gouvernement français peut former dans cette grande isle pour des établissements fixes, tant agricoles que commerciaux,' Trois Ilôts, Canton de Flacq (Ile de France), Ire novembre 1807: ADC/FD/101/57v (Dieu = Empouine); Chardenoux to Decaen, Untitled report on travel into interior of Madagascar in 1807, no place, no date: ADC/FD/102/113r (Dianampoin); Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251v-252v (Dianampoëen). An obvious argument against this theory is that Europeans found the king's long name too long and daunting and simply shortened it in their writings. The wide range of Malagasy language fluent and culturally knowledgeable writers who used the shortened form militate against this objection.
147. This is true of most histories of the Merina kingdom. For influential examples see V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume nova; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, R.W. Rabemananjara, Madagascar, histoire de la nation malgache (Paris, 1952); H. Deschamps, Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1960); Prou, Malagasy un pas de plus. The only monograph-length critical study of the Tantara, which is nevertheless stronger in textual than historical criticism, is A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina. 84 Examples: N. Mayeur, 'Voyage au pays d'Ancove (1785) par M. Mayeur, Rédaction de M. Dumaine', Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, 12 (1913), p. 34 (Diananpouine); Weber to Général Decaen, no place, 30 floréal an 7 (19 May 1799): ADC/FD/101/182v (dian-ampoin); N. Mayeur, 'Mémoire historique, politique et commercial sur les parties de l'isle de Madagascar qui me sont connues, pour servir de base aux projets que le gouvernement français peut former dans cette grande isle pour des établissements fixes, tant agricoles que commerciaux,' Trois Ilôts, Canton de Flacq (Ile de France), Ire novembre 1807: ADC/FD/101/57v (Dieu = Empouine); Chardenoux to Decaen, Untitled report on travel into interior of Madagascar in 1807, no place, no date: ADC/FD/102/113r (Dianampoin); Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251v-252v (Dianampoëen). An obvious argument against this theory is that Europeans found the king's long name too long and daunting and simply shortened it in their writings. The wide range of Malagasy language fluent and culturally knowledgeable writers who used the shortened form militate against this objection.
148. This is true of most histories of the Merina kingdom. For influential examples see V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume nova; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, R.W. Rabemananjara, Madagascar, histoire de la nation malgache (Paris, 1952); H. Deschamps, Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1960); Prou, Malagasy un pas de plus. The only monograph-length critical study of the Tantara, which is nevertheless stronger in textual than historical criticism, is A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina. 84 Examples: N. Mayeur, 'Voyage au pays d'Ancove (1785) par M. Mayeur, Rédaction de M. Dumaine', Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, 12 (1913), p. 34 (Diananpouine); Weber to Général Decaen, no place, 30 floréal an 7 (19 May 1799): ADC/FD/101/182v (dian-ampoin); N. Mayeur, 'Mémoire historique, politique et commercial sur les parties de l'isle de Madagascar qui me sont connues, pour servir de base aux projets que le gouvernement français peut former dans cette grande isle pour des établissements fixes, tant agricoles que commerciaux,' Trois Ilôts, Canton de Flacq (Ile de France), Ire novembre 1807: ADC/FD/101/57v (Dieu = Empouine); Chardenoux to Decaen, Untitled report on travel into interior of Madagascar in 1807, no place, no date: ADC/FD/102/113r (Dianampoin); Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251v-252v (Dianampoëen). An obvious argument against this theory is that Europeans found the king's long name too long and daunting and simply shortened it in their writings. The wide range of Malagasy language fluent and culturally knowledgeable writers who used the shortened form militate against this objection.
149. This is true of most histories of the Merina kingdom. For influential examples see V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume nova; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, R.W. Rabemananjara, Madagascar, histoire de la nation malgache (Paris, 1952); H. Deschamps, Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1960); Prou, Malagasy un pas de plus. The only monograph-length critical study of the Tantara, which is nevertheless stronger in textual than historical criticism, is A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina. 84 Examples: N. Mayeur, 'Voyage au pays d'Ancove (1785) par M. Mayeur, Rédaction de M. Dumaine', Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, 12 (1913), p. 34 (Diananpouine); Weber to Général Decaen, no place, 30 floréal an 7 (19 May 1799): ADC/FD/101/182v (dian-ampoin); N. Mayeur, 'Mémoire historique, politique et commercial sur les parties de l'isle de Madagascar qui me sont connues, pour servir de base aux projets que le gouvernement français peut former dans cette grande isle pour des établissements fixes, tant agricoles que commerciaux,' Trois Ilôts, Canton de Flacq (Ile de France), Ire novembre 1807: ADC/FD/101/57v (Dieu = Empouine); Chardenoux to Decaen, Untitled report on travel into interior of Madagascar in 1807, no place, no date: ADC/FD/102/113r (Dianampoin); Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251v-252v (Dianampoëen). An obvious argument against this theory is that Europeans found the king's long name too long and daunting and simply shortened it in their writings. The wide range of Malagasy language fluent and culturally knowledgeable writers who used the shortened form militate against this objection.
150. This is true of most histories of the Merina kingdom. For influential examples see V. Malzac, Histoire du royaume nova; E. Ralaimihoatra, Histoire de Madagascar, R.W. Rabemananjara, Madagascar, histoire de la nation malgache (Paris, 1952); H. Deschamps, Histoire de Madagascar (Paris, 1960); Prou, Malagasy un pas de plus. The only monograph-length critical study of the Tantara, which is nevertheless stronger in textual than historical criticism, is A. Delivré, L'histoire des rois d'Imerina. 84 Examples: N. Mayeur, 'Voyage au pays d'Ancove (1785) par M. Mayeur, Rédaction de M. Dumaine', Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, 12 (1913), p. 34 (Diananpouine); Weber to Général Decaen, no place, 30 floréal an 7 (19 May 1799): ADC/FD/101/182v (dian-ampoin); N. Mayeur, 'Mémoire historique, politique et commercial sur les parties de l'isle de Madagascar qui me sont connues, pour servir de base aux projets que le gouvernement français peut former dans cette grande isle pour des établissements fixes, tant agricoles que commerciaux,' Trois Ilôts, Canton de Flacq (Ile de France), Ire novembre 1807: ADC/FD/101/57v (Dieu = Empouine); Chardenoux to Decaen, Untitled report on travel into interior of Madagascar in 1807, no place, no date: ADC/FD/102/113r (Dianampoin); Rondeaux to Decaen, no place, no date (1808): ADC/FD/101/251v-252v (Dianampoëen). An obvious argument against this theory is that Europeans found the king's long name too long and daunting and simply shortened it in their writings. The wide range of Malagasy language fluent and culturally knowledgeable writers who used the shortened form militate against this objection.
151. Examples from the Tantara (among others): p. 298: Mandehana re Merina (Go, you Merina); p. 299: Izany no ambara'ko amy nareo, ry Merina (This is what I reveal to you, O Merina); p. 310: Mandre va hianareo, ley Merina? (Do you hear, O Merina?); p. 709: Izao no angaroa'ko volo anareo ry Merina (This is how I mix your hairs, you Merina).
152. Tantara, pp. 614, 618, 620, 621. This undoubtedly refers to the widespread highland practice, discontinued during the first decades of the nineteenth century, of puncturing and elongating ear lobes and decorating them with silver rings.
153. Tantara, pp. 614-615: Fa izany no fiantsoany ny Betsileo any Merina teo aloha.
154. A perusal of any of king Andrianampoinimerina's speeches, where most of the Merina ethnonym references are found, reveals that Ambaniandro and Ambanilanitra are used with much greater frequency but in the same manner as Merina, i.e. only in rhetorical, oratorical reference to highland people as a collectivity, such as 'Fa tsy 'zay ry ambanilanitra?' (Isn't that the case, O you Ambanilanitra?): Tantara, p. 291. For an example of a typical lengthy speech by Andrianampoinimerina in which ethnonyms are employed in the manner described above, see Tantara, pp. 705-717.
155. A perusal of any of king Andrianampoinimerina's speeches, where most of the Merina ethnonym references are found, reveals that Ambaniandro and Ambanilanitra are used with much greater frequency but in the same manner as Merina, i.e. only in rhetorical, oratorical reference to highland people as a collectivity, such as 'Fa tsy 'zay ry ambanilanitra?' (Isn't that the case, O you Ambanilanitra?): Tantara, p. 291. For an example of a typical lengthy speech by Andrianampoinimerina in which ethnonyms are employed in the manner described above, see Tantara, pp. 705-717.
156. Both terms for highlanders are akin to the ethnonym used by the Merina to refer to the Betsileo ethnic group south of them: Betsileoerantanierandanitra (translated and disaggregated in English: 'Betsileo of the entire land and sky,') i.e. all Betsileo. Tantara, pp. 311, 615, 620.
157. For example, NMS missionaries in the Vakinankaratra of the southwestern highlands during the second half of the nineteenth century frequently referred to highlanders as Ambaniandro: L. Dahle til Hovedbestyrelsen, Antananarivo, 16. Oktober 1877: NMS/S/HA/134/8.
158. Tantara, p. 147: i Merin'ambaniandro no anarany ny fanjaka'ny.
159. P. Larson, Identities of a Crisis.
160. C. Hamilton and J. Wright, 'The Making of the AmaLala: Ethnicity, Ideology and Relations of Subordination in a Precolonial Context', South African Historical Journal, 22 (1990), p. 14.
161. B. Bravman, 'Cultural Politics, Communities of Belonging, and Taita Ethnicity: Local Societies in the 19th Century,' paper presented at the 37th annual meeting of the African Studies Association of the United States, Toronto, Canada, 3 November 1994.
162. For example, Tantara, pp. 526-527.
163. Here I read Hamilton and Wright, The Making of the AmaLala' against the grain of the authors' conclusion that the AmaLala were created as an ethnic group through Shaka's act of naming them and the apparent (public) acceptance by their leaders of that name.
164. R. Atkinson, The Roots of Ethnicity: The Origins of the Acholi of Uganda before 1800 (Philadelphia, 1994); P. Larson, 'Social Identity and the Collective Self in Precolonial Africa;' C. Hamilton and J. Wright, 'The Making of the AmaLala'; T. Spear, 'Being 'Maasai', but not 'People of Cattle': Arusha Agricultural Maasai in the Nineteenth Century', in T. Spear and R. Waller, Being Maasai, pp. 120-136; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe'; J. Willis, Mombasa, the Swahili, and the Making of the Mijikenda (Oxford, 1992).
165. R. Atkinson, The Roots of Ethnicity: The Origins of the Acholi of Uganda before 1800 (Philadelphia, 1994); P. Larson, 'Social Identity and the Collective Self in Precolonial Africa;' C. Hamilton and J. Wright, 'The Making of the AmaLala'; T. Spear, 'Being 'Maasai', but not 'People of Cattle': Arusha Agricultural Maasai in the Nineteenth Century', in T. Spear and R. Waller, Being Maasai, pp. 120-136; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe'; J. Willis, Mombasa, the Swahili, and the Making of the Mijikenda (Oxford, 1992).
166. R. Atkinson, The Roots of Ethnicity: The Origins of the Acholi of Uganda before 1800 (Philadelphia, 1994); P. Larson, 'Social Identity and the Collective Self in Precolonial Africa;' C. Hamilton and J. Wright, 'The Making of the AmaLala'; T. Spear, 'Being 'Maasai', but not 'People of Cattle': Arusha Agricultural Maasai in the Nineteenth Century', in T. Spear and R. Waller, Being Maasai, pp. 120-136; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe'; J. Willis, Mombasa, the Swahili, and the Making of the Mijikenda (Oxford, 1992).
167. R. Atkinson, The Roots of Ethnicity: The Origins of the Acholi of Uganda before 1800 (Philadelphia, 1994); P. Larson, 'Social Identity and the Collective Self in Precolonial Africa;' C. Hamilton and J. Wright, 'The Making of the AmaLala'; T. Spear, 'Being 'Maasai', but not 'People of Cattle': Arusha Agricultural Maasai in the Nineteenth Century', in T. Spear and R. Waller, Being Maasai, pp. 120-136; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe'; J. Willis, Mombasa, the Swahili, and the Making of the Mijikenda (Oxford, 1992).
168. R. Atkinson, The Roots of Ethnicity: The Origins of the Acholi of Uganda before 1800 (Philadelphia, 1994); P. Larson, 'Social Identity and the Collective Self in Precolonial Africa;' C. Hamilton and J. Wright, 'The Making of the AmaLala'; T. Spear, 'Being 'Maasai', but not 'People of Cattle': Arusha Agricultural Maasai in the Nineteenth Century', in T. Spear and R. Waller, Being Maasai, pp. 120-136; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe'; J. Willis, Mombasa, the Swahili, and the Making of the Mijikenda (Oxford, 1992).
169. R. Atkinson, The Roots of Ethnicity: The Origins of the Acholi of Uganda before 1800 (Philadelphia, 1994); P. Larson, 'Social Identity and the Collective Self in Precolonial Africa;' C. Hamilton and J. Wright, 'The Making of the AmaLala'; T. Spear, 'Being 'Maasai', but not 'People of Cattle': Arusha Agricultural Maasai in the Nineteenth Century', in T. Spear and R. Waller, Being Maasai, pp. 120-136; J. Willis, 'The Makings of a Tribe'; J. Willis, Mombasa, the Swahili, and the Making of the Mijikenda (Oxford, 1992).