Democratization or oligarchic restructuring? The politics of reform in Malaysia

Government and Opposition

Volumn 35, Issue 4, 2000, Pages 520-546

  Singh, Hari ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0034356947     PISSN: 0017257X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1477-7053.00044     Document Type: Article

References (67)

1. See Harold Crouch, Government and Society in Malaysia, Sydney, Allen & Unwin, 1996, ch. 1. On authoritarian regimes promoting the trappings of democracy for regime legitimacy, refer to W. H. Wriggins, The Ruler's Imperative: Strategies for Political Survival in Asia and Africa, New York, Columbia University Press, 1969.
2. See Harold Crouch, Government and Society in Malaysia, Sydney, Allen & Unwin, 1996, ch. 1. On authoritarian regimes promoting the trappings of democracy for regime legitimacy, refer to W. H. Wriggins, The Ruler's Imperative: Strategies for Political Survival in Asia and Africa, New York, Columbia University Press, 1969.
3. Donald Crone, 'State, Social Elites, and Government Capacity in Southeast Asia', World Politics, 40:2 (January 1988), pp. 252-68.
4. Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1968, pp. 34-5.
5. Samuel P. Huntington, 'Political Development and Political Decay', World Politics, 17:3 (April 1965), pp. 386-430.
6. Vilfredo Pareto: Sociological Writings, selected and introduced by S. E. Finer, translated by Derick Mirfin, New York, Frederick A. Praeger, 1966.
7. For details, see Sothi Rachagan, 'The Development of the Electoral System', in Harold Crouch, Lee Kam Hing and Michael Ong (eds), Malaysian Politics and the 1978 Election, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1980, pp. 255-92.
8. On the salience of the ethnic equation in Malaysian politics, see R. S. Milne and Diane K. Mauzy, Politics and Government in Malaysia, Singapore, Times Books International, 1980, especially p. 3.
9. Refer to Chandra Muzaffar, Protector? An Analysis of the Concept and Practice of Loyalty in Leader-led Relationships within Malay Society, Penang, Aliran, 1977.
10. See J. M. Gullick, Indigenous Political Systems of Western Malaya, New York, Athlone Press, 1958, p. 43.
11. The nature of cyber communications itself posed difficulties for effective government censorship. In any case, the government's commitment to its Multimedia Super Corridor, modelled upon the Silicon Valley in the United States, discouraged the expurgation of dissenting viewpoints posted on the Internet.
12. Hari Singh and Suresh Narayanan, 'Changing Dimensions in Malaysian Politics: The Johore Baru By-Election', Asian Survey, 29:5 (May 1989), pp. 514-29 and Hari Singh, 'Political Change in Malaysia: The Role of Semangat 46', Asian Survey, 31:8 (July 1991), pp. 712-28.
13. Hari Singh and Suresh Narayanan, 'Changing Dimensions in Malaysian Politics: The Johore Baru By-Election', Asian Survey, 29:5 (May 1989), pp. 514-29 and Hari Singh, 'Political Change in Malaysia: The Role of Semangat 46', Asian Survey, 31:8 (July 1991), pp. 712-28.
14. UMNO's parliamentary representation declined by 20 seats, from 92 in 1995 to 72 in 1999. Likewise, it lost 53 state assembly seats, from 229 to 176. See Hari Singh, The 1999 Malaysian General Election, Manuscript, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore.
15. BBC News, 14 April 1999 at 09:07 GMT.
16. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, Boston, Beacon Press, 1966.
17. Gaetano Mosca, The Ruling Class, edited and revised by Arthur Livingston, translated by Hannah D. Kahn, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1939, p. 50 and Robert Michels, Political Parties, translated by Edan and Cedar Paul, New York, Dover, 1959, pp. 389-90.
18. Gaetano Mosca, The Ruling Class, edited and revised by Arthur Livingston, translated by Hannah D. Kahn, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1939, p. 50 and Robert Michels, Political Parties, translated by Edan and Cedar Paul, New York, Dover, 1959, pp. 389-90.
19. C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite, London, Oxford University Press, 1956.
20. Straits Times, 5 September 1998, p. 27.
21. Anwar's trial resulted in the surfacing of an earlier report prepared by the Special Branch, whose role is similar to that of the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the United States, clearing Anwar of any wrongdoing. Straits Times, 17 November 1998, p. 2.
22. The Malaysian Bar Council expressed 'deep concern' about the way the judicial process was used against Anwar. Straits Times, 23 April 1999, p. 40.
23. Ibid., p. 54. After his arraignment, Anwar specifically attacked 'soft authoritarianism' and openly advocated democratization. Strait Times, 19 November 1998, p. 40.
24. Ibid., p. 54. After his arraignment, Anwar specifically attacked 'soft authoritarianism' and openly advocated democratization. Strait Times, 19 November 1998, p. 40.
25. See Shanti Nair, Islam in Malaysian Foreign Policy, London, Routledge, 1997, p. 223.
26. Sunday Times, 27 March 1994, p. 20.
27. Anwar Ibrahim, The Asian Renaissance, p. 97.
28. Ibid., p. 89.
29. The actual charges pertained to Anwar's espousal of Malay nationalism. (Copy of detention order with John Funston.) The squatter demonstrations also provided an excuse to intern Anwar under the ISA, purportedly on the orders of Mahathir himself. See John Funston, Political Careers of Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim: Parallel, Intersecting and Conflicting Lives, IKMAS Working Papers, Instituit Kajian Malaysia dan Antarabangsa, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 15 July 1998, pp. 14 and 25.
30. Straits Times, 29 September 1998, p. 18.
31. However, as John Funston points out, the divergence between the policies advocated by Mahathir on the one hand, and Anwar and the IMF on the other, began to narrow as the IMF itself began to reassess its strategy of stringent economic restructuring. See 'Malaysia: A Fateful September', Southeast Asian Affairs 1999, Singapore, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1999, p. 167.
32. Sejarah Melayu. English translation by C. C. Brown, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1970, p. 16.
33. Straits Times, 24 September 1998, p. 1.
34. Mahathir bin Mohamad, The Malay Dilemma, Singapore, Donald Moore for Asia Pacific Press, 1970, pp. 116-18.
35. The demonstrations are worth commenting on for their sophisticated nature. In general, they did not appear to be pre-arranged and neither did they reflect mob mentality. The participants would generally be 'shopping' or 'dining', and as if on cue, would suddenly pour out into the streets and clamour for reform. They would resume their pre-demonstration activities upon the arrival of the police forces.
36. For details, refer to Hari Singh, 'UMNO Leaders and Malay Rulers: The Erosion of a Special Relationship', Pacific Affairs, 68:2 (Summer 1995), pp. 187-205.
37. Straits Times, 6 October 1998, p. 28.
38. See Hari Singh, 'The 1995 Malaysian General Election: Reaffirmation of Barisan Nasional Dominance', The Round Table, 343 (July 1997), pp. 389-409.
39. Notwithstanding Mahathir's 'Look East Policy' and other policies that were critical of the West, Malaysia has generally been viewed as pro-West.
40. Straits Times, 18 November 1998, p. 15.
41. Generally, most Western leaders and other global institutions like the IMF and the World Bank came out in support for Anwar. On sectional interests being passed off as universal values, see J. D. B. Miller, 'Morality, Interests and Rationalization', in Ralph Pettman (ed.), Moral Claims in World Affairs, New York, St Martin's Press, 1979, pp. 36-51.
42. Refer also to Richard Rosecrance, 'Regionalism and the Post-Cold War Era', International Journal, 46:3 (1991), pp. 385-90.
43. George Soros, 'Towards a Global Open Society', Business Times, 23 September 1997. For an argument that challenges the assertion that economic prosperity encourages democratic development, see Daniel A. Bell et al., Towards Illiberal Democracy in Pacific Asia, Houndmills, Macmillan, 1995.
44. George Soros, 'Towards a Global Open Society', Business Times, 23 September 1997. For an argument that challenges the assertion that economic prosperity encourages democratic development, see Daniel A. Bell et al., Towards Illiberal Democracy in Pacific Asia, Houndmills, Macmillan, 1995.
45. Refer to Gordon P. Means, Malaysian Politics: The Second Generation, Singapore, Oxford University Press, 1991, pp. 201-3.
46. See Gullick, Indigenous Political Systems, p. 49.
47. For a dissenting viewpoint, see John Funston, Malay Politics in Malaysia: A Study of the United Malays National Organisation and Party Islam, Kuala Lumpur, Heinemann, 1980, p. 16.
48. One of the reasons given by Tan Sri Musa Hitam upon his resignation as deputy prime minister in 1986 was Mahathir's unwillingness to accept constructive criticism. See Aliran Monthly, 9:1 (1989), p. 38.
49. John Funston, who knows both Mahathir and Anwar personally, has expressed reservations on this point. While willing to consider the fact that Anwar may have developed aspirations for the highest political office, he is nevertheless more inclined to believe that the differences between the two individuals were more a matter of policy, which were exploited by their respective followers. Personal communication with John Funston, 29 March 2000, Singapore. We will return to this theme below.
50. At the 1995 UMNO General Assembly, Mahathir commented on the possibility of a presidential contest in the following terms. 'Two things could happen if there is a contest. First, I may win, at least from my point of view. It's okay too, if I lose. After all, I've led the party for fourteen years, been a Prime Minister that long. But imagine if Anwar loses, that's the end of his career.' Cited in R. S. Milne and Diane K. Mauzy, Malaysian Politics under Mahathir, London: Routledge, 1999, p. 154.
51. See Kim Dae Jung, 'Is Culture Destiny?', Foreign Affairs, 73:6 (November/ December 1994), pp. 189-94.
52. Anwar Ibrahim, Asian Renaissance, p. 91.
53. See William Case, 'Politics Beyond Anwar: What's New?', Asian Journal of Political Science, 7:1 (June 1999), pp. 3-4.
54. Ibid., pp. 4-5.
55. Generally speaking, the Malays have accepted elite displacement so long as it accorded with the broad parameters of Malay political culture. During the feudal era, political discards were not thrown on the rubbish heap but were treated with respect and allowed access to the patronage system of the Sultanate. In return, the defeated pledged their allegiance to the Ruler.
56. The theme that intense factional politics within UMNO is often played out in the public sphere has been elaborated upon in Hari Singh, 'Tradition, UMNO and Political Succession in Malaysia', Third World Quarterly, 19:2 (June 1998), pp. 241-54.
57. As Mahathir himself once remarked, 'In the Malay code of behaviour, form is so important that it is preferred to the actual substance'. The Malay Dilemma, p. 158.
58. Needless to say, the list was doctored. It omitted names of some key Mahathir loyalists.
59. The IGP was subsequently tried on a lesser charge of 'assault' rather than causing 'grievous hurt' and sentenced to two months imprisonment despite the fact that the injuries suffered by Anwar were life-threatening.
60. 'Turning over', a phrase used by the Special Branch, essentially means the conversion of one's views to coincide with those of the ruling regime's as a result of brainwashing and intimidation. Straits Times, 6 November 1998, p. 47. A good example is Datuk Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, former president of UMNO Youth who had raised the issues of corruption, cronyism and nepotism at the 1998 UMNO General Assembly. Upon his release from preventive detention, he pledged loyalty to the Mahathir regime and indicated his willingness 'to help unite UMNO'. Straits Times, 5 October 1998, p. 23.
61. 'Turning over', a phrase used by the Special Branch, essentially means the conversion of one's views to coincide with those of the ruling regime's as a result of brainwashing and intimidation. Straits Times, 6 November 1998, p. 47. A good example is Datuk Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, former president of UMNO Youth who had raised the issues of corruption, cronyism and nepotism at the 1998 UMNO General Assembly. Upon his release from preventive detention, he pledged loyalty to the Mahathir regime and indicated his willingness 'to help unite UMNO'. Straits Times, 5 October 1998, p. 23.
62. Straits Times, 15 November 1998, p. 32.
63. Straits Times, 27 November 1988, p. 72.
64. Ibid. However, it was estimated in October 1998 that six out of ten UMNO members were unhappy with Mahathir's treatment of Anwar. Straits Times, 31 October 1998.
65. Ibid. However, it was estimated in October 1998 that six out of ten UMNO members were unhappy with Mahathir's treatment of Anwar. Straits Times, 31 October 1998.
66. Straits Times, 19 June 1999, p. 1.
67. As Anwar has noted, charges of sodomy were preferred as they were more embarrassing than adultery or corruption. Straits Times, 2 November 1999, p. 28.