Tradition, UMNO and political succession in Malaysia

Third World Quarterly

Volumn 19, Issue 2, 1998, Pages 241-254

  Singh, Hari ^a  

^a NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE   (Singapore)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CULTURAL TRADITION; NATIONAL PLITICS; POLITICAL CHANGE; UNITED MALAYS NATIONAL ORGANISATION;

MALAYSIA;

EID: 0031925865     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436599814442     Document Type: Article

References (85)

1. See Stephanie Lawson, Tradition versus Democracy in the South Pacific: Fiji, Tonga and Western Samoa, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
2. Refer to Eric Hobsbawm & Terence Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.
3. The British in India manufactured an 'Indian' tradition as a superstructure integrating the indigenous communities and the colonial regime, most strikingly symbolised by the turbans and sashes worn by the English officers. It was a desire to induce unity in a diverse cultural cauldron rather than an attempt at community construction for the purpose of political control. Political control was exerted through the princes and chiefs of the various communities. See Bernard S Cohn, 'Representing authority in Victorian India', in Ibid, pp 165-209.
4. Edward Shils, Tradition, London: Faber & Faber, 1981, p 12.
5. Refer to GA Wilkes & WA Krebs, Collins Concise English Dictionary, Sydney: Collins, 1982, p 1241; Lyman Tower Sargent, Contemporary Political Ideologies: A Comparative Analysis, Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1981, pp 65-66; and Andrew Heywood, Political Ideas and Concepts: An Introduction, London: Macmillan, 1994, pp 287-289.
6. Refer to GA Wilkes & WA Krebs, Collins Concise English Dictionary, Sydney: Collins, 1982, p 1241; Lyman Tower Sargent, Contemporary Political Ideologies: A Comparative Analysis, Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1981, pp 65-66; and Andrew Heywood, Political Ideas and Concepts: An Introduction, London: Macmillan, 1994, pp 287-289.
7. Refer to GA Wilkes & WA Krebs, Collins Concise English Dictionary, Sydney: Collins, 1982, p 1241; Lyman Tower Sargent, Contemporary Political Ideologies: A Comparative Analysis, Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press, 1981, pp 65-66; and Andrew Heywood, Political Ideas and Concepts: An Introduction, London: Macmillan, 1994, pp 287-289.
8. See AJ Stockwell, British Policy and Malay Politics during the Malayan Union Experiment. 1942-1948, Monograph No 8, Kuala Lumpur: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1979.
9. The Federation of Malaya was expanded into a Federation of Malaysia in 1963 with the inclusion of Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. Singapore was excised from the Federation in 1965. For the sake of convenience, the term 'Malaysia' will be used throughout this article.
10. The ethnic breakdown of the population in 1957 was 49.8% Malay, 37.2% per cent Chinese, and 11.1% Indians. Saw Swee Hock, The Population of Peninsula Malaysia, Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1988, p 65.
11. For details, refer to Diane K Mauzy, Barisan Nasional: Coalition Government in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Marican & Sons, 1983.
12. UMNO and the Malayan Chinese Association formed the Alliance in 1952 to contest municipal elections, and was joined by the Malayan Indian Congress in 1955. In the early 1970s the Alliance was superseded by an expanded coalition, the Barisan Nasional.
13. Gaetano Mosca, The Ruling Class, New York: MacGraw Hill, 1939, p 70.
14. The origins of PAS can be traced to the existence in 1948 of a religious caucus within UMNO which, from 1951 onwards, began to function as an independent entity. On the relationship between PAS and UMNO, see NJ Funston, Malay Politics in Malaysia: A Study of the United Malays National Organisation and Party Islam, Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann Educational Books, 1980.
15. See TJ Pempel (ed) Uncommon Democracies: The One-party Dominant Regimes, New York: Cornell University Press, 1990; and William Case, 'UMNO paramountcy: a report on single-party dominance in Malaysia', Party Politics, 2 (1), 1996, pp 115-127.
16. See TJ Pempel (ed) Uncommon Democracies: The One-party Dominant Regimes, New York: Cornell University Press, 1990; and William Case, 'UMNO paramountcy: a report on single-party dominance in Malaysia', Party Politics, 2 (1), 1996, pp 115-127.
17. The Federal Constitution of 1957 defined a Malay as one 'who professes the Muslim religion, habitually speaks the Malay language, conforms to Malay custom'. Malayan Constitutional Documents, Kuala Lumpur: Government Press, 1962, p 124.
18. On Malay identity before the colonial impact, refer to AC Milner, Kerajaan: Malay Political Culture on the Eve of Colonial Rule, Tucson, A Z. University of Arizona Press, 1982.
19. AC Milner, 'Inventing politics: the case of Malaysia', Past & Present, (132), 1991, pp 109-110.
20. Michael Rush & Philip Althoff, An Introduction to Political Sociology, London: Thomas Nelson, 1971, pp 63-68. This combination was reflected in the British policy of 'indirect rule'. See Rupert Emerson, Malaysia: A Study in Direct and Indirect Rule, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1964.
21. Michael Rush & Philip Althoff, An Introduction to Political Sociology, London: Thomas Nelson, 1971, pp 63-68. This combination was reflected in the British policy of 'indirect rule'. See Rupert Emerson, Malaysia: A Study in Direct and Indirect Rule, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1964.
22. Refer to Hari Singh, 'UMNO leaders and Malay rulers: the erosion of a special relationship', Pacific Affairs, 68 (2), 1995, pp 189-191.
23. The theme of absolute loyalty is brilliantly examined by Chandra Muzaffar, Protector? An Analysis of the Concept and Practice of Loyalty in Leader-led Relationships within Malay Society, Penang: Aliran, 1977.
24. With the benefit of hindsight, what separated one pan-Malayan governing regime (the Malacca Sultanate) from another (UMNO) was the colonial interlude.
25. Other classics such as the Tuhfat al-Nafis and Thamarat al-Mahammah which questioned on religious grounds the moral right of a ruler to govern were not promoted by the state. See Barbara Watson Andaya & Virginia Matheson, 'Islamic thought and Malay tradition', in Anthony Reid & David Marr (eds), Perceptions of the Past in Southeast Asia, Singapore: Heinemann Educational Books, 1979, p 125. Evidently, UMNO placed greater emphasis on Malay nationalism in exerting political control. PAS, an ultra nationalist party, used religion to legitimise its challenge to UMNO'S authority. The effectiveness of the government's socialisation process can be seen from the role of Malay intellectuals condemning the Hikayat Abdullah on the grounds that Abdullah Munshi was a traitor to the Malay race. Abdullah, a reformist, was highly critical of Malay tradition. See Dr Shaharuddin Maaruf, Malay Ideas on Development: From Feudal Lord to Capitalist, Singapore: Times Books International, 1988, chapter 2.
26. Other classics such as the Tuhfat al-Nafis and Thamarat al-Mahammah which questioned on religious grounds the moral right of a ruler to govern were not promoted by the state. See Barbara Watson Andaya & Virginia Matheson, 'Islamic thought and Malay tradition', in Anthony Reid & David Marr (eds), Perceptions of the Past in Southeast Asia, Singapore: Heinemann Educational Books, 1979, p 125. Evidently, UMNO placed greater emphasis on Malay nationalism in exerting political control. PAS, an ultra nationalist party, used religion to legitimise its challenge to UMNO'S authority. The effectiveness of the government's socialisation process can be seen from the role of Malay intellectuals condemning the Hikayat Abdullah on the grounds that Abdullah Munshi was a traitor to the Malay race. Abdullah, a reformist, was highly critical of Malay tradition. See Dr Shaharuddin Maaruf, Malay Ideas on Development: From Feudal Lord to Capitalist, Singapore: Times Books International, 1988, chapter 2.
27. Michael Oakeshott, Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays, London: Methuen, 1962, p 125.
28. Giovanni Sartori, 'Politics, ideology, and belief systems', American Political Science Review, 63 (2), 1969, p 400.
29. Sharifah Maznah Syed Omar, Myths and the Malay Ruling Class, Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1993.
30. As John Gunnell has pointed out, 'Part of what makes the myth of tradition a myth is not simply that many of its assumptions involved may be historically indefensible but that they are seldom if ever defended' Gunnell, Between Philosophy and Politics: The Alienation of Political Theory, Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1986, p 98. See also Xenephon, Memorabilia, translated and annotated by Amy L Bonnette, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994, chapter 5.
31. As John Gunnell has pointed out, 'Part of what makes the myth of tradition a myth is not simply that many of its assumptions involved may be historically indefensible but that they are seldom if ever defended' Gunnell, Between Philosophy and Politics: The Alienation of Political Theory, Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1986, p 98. See also Xenephon, Memorabilia, translated and annotated by Amy L Bonnette, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994, chapter 5.
32. Malay history records only one case of a ruler being overthrown by the subject class. See Khoo Kay Kim, Malay Society: Transformation & Democratisation, Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications, 1991, p 20.
33. Onn resigned before the UMNO Supreme Council could vote on his proposal to transform UMNO into a multiracial organisation. See Gordon P Means, Malaysian Politics, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1976.
34. This line of reasoning is evident in Sejarah Melayu.
35. Means, Malaysian Politics, pp 365-366.
36. Max Weber's classification of elites as traditional, rational-legal and charismatic is used in the analysis here. Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, New York: Macmillan, 1947, p 328.
37. Marvin C Ott, 'Foreign policy formulation in Malaysia', Asian Survey, 12 (3), 1972, p 228.
38. Aziz Ishak, Special Guest: The Detention in Malaysia of an Ex-Cabinet Minister, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1977. See also Karl von Vorys, Democracy without Consensus: Communalism and Political Stability in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1976, pp 171-183.
39. Aziz Ishak, Special Guest: The Detention in Malaysia of an Ex-Cabinet Minister, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1977. See also Karl von Vorys, Democracy without Consensus: Communalism and Political Stability in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1976, pp 171-183.
40. A good example would be the resignation of Tun Ismail Abdul Rahman in 1967 as Minister of Home Affairs as a result of policy differences with the Tunku. Ismail later returned as Deputy Prime Minister in Tun Razak's cabinet.
41. The Tunku had intimated on various occasions that the 13 May 1969 incident was the climax of a series of efforts to oust him. See for instance Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj, Looking Back: Monday Musings and Memories, Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka Antara, 1977, pp 193-94.
42. On the power relationship between the sovereign and his chiefs in a traditional setting, see JM Gullick, Indigenous Political Systems of Western Malaya, London: Athlone Press, 1988.
43. The text of the famous letter and events leading to Mahathir's expulsion from UMNO can be found in von Vorys, Democracy without Consensus, pp 371-378. Assistant Minister Musa Hitam was also expelled for being 'found wanting in his loyalty'. Ibid, p 380. Interestingly, both personalities were rehabilitated in the party soon after Tun Razak assumed the leadership of UMNO.
44. The text of the famous letter and events leading to Mahathir's expulsion from UMNO can be found in von Vorys, Democracy without Consensus, pp 371-378. Assistant Minister Musa Hitam was also expelled for being 'found wanting in his loyalty'. Ibid, p 380. Interestingly, both personalities were rehabilitated in the party soon after Tun Razak assumed the leadership of UMNO.
45. Also see RS Milne & Diane K Mauzy, Politics and Government in Malaysia, Singapore: Times Books International, 1980, p 95 fn 1.
46. Tun Razak indicated his preference for the 'government team' for the vice-presidential posts in the 1975 general assembly elections. Ibid, p 203.
47. For details, see Harold Crouch, 'The UMNO crisis: 1975-1977', in Harold Crouch, Lee Kam Hing & Michael Ong (eds), Malaysian Politics and the 1978 Election, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1980, pp 16-20.
48. Editorial New Straits Times, 28 March 1976. Cited in Ibid, pp 34-35.
49. Editorial New Straits Times, 28 March 1976. Cited in Ibid, pp 34-35.
50. The line that the vote was more of a 'protest' than a serious challenge is articulated by most scholars. See for example, Milne & Mauzy, Politics and Government in Malaysia, pp 401-403.
51. Hussein decided not to seek renomination as party president in 1981, citing reasons of health. However, it is possible that the 1978 presidential contest may have influenced his decision as did, it was rumoured, an assassination attempt.
52. See Gordon P Means, Malaysian Politics: The Second Generation, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1991, p 119.
53. Roger Kershaw, 'Within the family: the limits of doctrinal differentiation in the Malaysian ruling party election of 1987', Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, 23 (special issue), 1989, pp 134-139.
54. RJ Wilkinson, Malay Beliefs, London: Luzac and Company, 1960, p 79.
55. The idea of bringing the kampung into a modern hotel is a valuable lesson in political psychology. It was meant to appeal to the subconscious of the Malay psyche conditioned by the values of a feudally-based social order. See also Charles John Erasmus, 'The leader vs tradition: a case study', American Anthropologist, 54 (2), Part I, 1952, p 173.
56. The changing composition of UMNO delegates is well documented in Shamsul A B, 'The "battle royal": the UMNO election of 1987', Southeast Asian Affairs 1988, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Affairs, 1988, pp 170-88.
57. Refer to Mahathir Mohamad, The Malay Dilemma, Singapore: Donald Moore for Asia Pacific Press, 1970. See also Khoo Boo Teik, Paradoxes of Mahathirism: An Intellectual Biography of Mahathir Mohamad, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1995, p 108.
58. Refer to Mahathir Mohamad, The Malay Dilemma, Singapore: Donald Moore for Asia Pacific Press, 1970. See also Khoo Boo Teik, Paradoxes of Mahathirism: An Intellectual Biography of Mahathir Mohamad, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1995, p 108.
59. On distribution coalitions in UMNO politics, see Ozay Mehmet, Development in Malaysia: Poverty, Wealth and Trusteeship, Kuala Lumpur: Insan, 1988, pp 135-137.
60. Means, Malaysian Politics: The Second Generation, p 316.
61. Usually, the process of dethronement (which may involve regicide) occurs in the context of the incumbent's legitimacy to rule being questioned by a claimant from another ruling house or by one who would trace his lineage to the Malacca Sultanate. Refer to Khoo Kay Kim, Malay Society, p 20. Hussein's ascension to the UMNO presidency upon the death of Razak in 1976 had resulted in the deputy presidency being vacant. Apparently, a gentleman's agreement was reached which involved Mahathir being appointed as the deputy president and Razaleigh moving up the ladder to that position when Hussein relinquished the presidency.
62. Roger Kershaw provides an excellent description of the nuances of political discourse between the competing factions leading to UMNO'S general assembly elections of 1987. Kershaw, 'Within the family'.
63. For details, refer to Hari Singh, 'Political change in Malaysia: the role of Semangat 46', Asian Survey, 31 (8), 1991, pp 712-28.
64. W Howard Wriggins, The Ruler's Imperative: Strategies for Political Survival in Asia and Africa, New York: Columbia University Press, 1969, p vii.
65. On the immediate post-1987 developments in UMNO, refer to Hari Singh & Suresh Narayanan, 'Changing dimensions in Malaysian politics: the Johore Baru by-election', Asian Survey, 29 (5), 1989, pp 514-529.
66. See also Leopold Pospisil, 'Legal levels and multiplicity of legal systems in human societies', Journal of Conflict Resolution, 11 (1), 1967, pp 2-26.
67. Straits Times, 12 May 1989, p 1 and 29 December 1989, p 1.
68. Straits Times, 12 May 1989, p 1 and 29 December 1989, p 1.
69. Straits Times, 23 July 1993, p 3. Ghaffar decided not to defend his position given the inundation of nominations for his rival.
70. Roger Mitton, 'Power play', Asiaweek, 20 October 1995, p 28.
71. Sunday Times, 26 November 1995, p 1. Although UMNO tradition had discouraged challenges to the two premier positions in the party, it allowed democratic freedom especially with regard to branch and divisional-level nominations. In 1987, the leadership was to some extent caught off-guard when the scale of the challenge to the party leadership did not reflect the number of nominations for the challengers. Under UMNO Baru, every nomination for the incumbent president or his deputy entailed 10 bonus votes. Such a system, which clearly discouraged challenges to the leadership, was based on the deputy president's unwavering loyalty to his patron. Yet by 1995 it appeared that Mahathir's deputy, Anwar, would receive an avalanche of bonus votes as a result of nominations, and would thus displace Mahathir even before the actual vote took place - a parallel which could be found in Anwar's displacement of Ghaffar as deputy president in 1993.
72. Mahathir Mohamad, The Malay Dilemma, p 113.
73. Singh, 'UMNO leaders and Malay rulers'.
74. Lawson Tradition versus Democracy in the South Pacific, p 11.
75. See Hari Singh, 'The 1995 Malaysian general election: the reaffirmation of Barisan Nasional dominance', The Round Table, (324), 1997, pp 389-409.
76. Diane K Mauzy traces this development even earlier. See Mauzy, 'Malaysia in 1987: decline of "the Malay Way"', Asian Survey, 28 (2), 1988, pp 213-222.
77. The idiom of 'Asian values' is already being used by both Mahathir and Anwar, the latter having published a book on the subject. See Anwar Ibrahim, The Asian Renaissance, Singapore: Times Books International, 1996. On 'Asian values' as an ideology of social control, see Kim Dae Jung, 'Is culture destiny? The myth of Asia's anti-democratic values', Foreign Affairs, 73 (6), 1994, pp 189-194.
78. The idiom of 'Asian values' is already being used by both Mahathir and Anwar, the latter having published a book on the subject. See Anwar Ibrahim, The Asian Renaissance, Singapore: Times Books International, 1996. On 'Asian values' as an ideology of social control, see Kim Dae Jung, 'Is culture destiny? The myth of Asia's anti-democratic values', Foreign Affairs, 73 (6), 1994, pp 189-194.
79. Also see Talcott Parsons, 'An outline of the social system', in Theories of Society, Talcott Parsons, Edward A Shils, Kaspar Naegele & Jesse R Pitts, (eds), New York: Free Press, 1961.
80. The following analysis owes an intellectual debt to Clifford Geertz's interpretation of Balinese culture based on his observation of a cockfight. See Geertz The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays, New York: Basic Books, 1973, Chapter 15.
81. This analogy is also to be found in 'Chicken' in the realm of game theory. See Anatol Rapoport, Two-Person Game Theory, Ann Arbor MI: University of Michigan Press, 1969, pp 18-20. Thus, while silat gayong may be a microcosmic reflection of Malay social behaviour, its uniqueness to a specific social system wanes as a result of its inherent universalistic values.
82. Silat gayong is believed by its exponents to have originated from a flower's ability to deflect the sucking motion of a whirlpool.
83. The rational choice being a 'minimax' strategy designed to avoid the state of ashes and charcoal. See John Von Neumann & Oscar Morgenstern, Theory of Games and Economic Behaviour, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1964.
84. Once again a parallel can be found in game theory, namely, the 'Prisoner's Dilemma'. See Anatol Rapoport & Albert M Chammah, Prisoner's Dilemma: A Study in Conflict and Cooperation, Ann Arbor MI: University of Michigan Press, 1965.
85. This analogy is linked to the wayang kulit (shadow play), Indonesian in origin but widely performed in west Malaysia. The audience is only able to see the shadows projected onto a screen but not the dalang (master puppeteer).