'A retreat from profit': Colonization, the Appalachian trail, and the social roots of Benton MacKaye's wilderness advocacy

Environmental History

Volumn 4, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 553-577

  Sutter, Paul ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

WILDERNESS AREA;

EID: 0033505263     PISSN: 10845453     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3985401     Document Type: Article

References (152)

1. On the founding of the Wilderness Society, See Stephen Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers,'" Wilderness (Winter 1984): 5-19. For a political history of the wilderness movement, see Craig W. Allin, The Politics of Wilderness Preservation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). On wilderness thought in America, see Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982); Max Oelschlaeger, The Idea of Wilderness: From Prehistory to the Age of Ecology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991); J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, eds., The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness from John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit against the Wilderness (New York: Viking, 1980). On the original plan for an Appalachian Trail, see Benton MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects (October 1921): 325-30. For more on recent greenway and rail-to-trail efforts, see Charles Little, Greenways for America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
2. On the founding of the Wilderness Society, See Stephen Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers,'" Wilderness (Winter 1984): 5-19. For a political history of the wilderness movement, see Craig W. Allin, The Politics of Wilderness Preservation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). On wilderness thought in America, see Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982); Max Oelschlaeger, The Idea of Wilderness: From Prehistory to the Age of Ecology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991); J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, eds., The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness from John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit against the Wilderness (New York: Viking, 1980). On the original plan for an Appalachian Trail, see Benton MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects (October 1921): 325-30. For more on recent greenway and rail-to-trail efforts, see Charles Little, Greenways for America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
3. On the founding of the Wilderness Society, See Stephen Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers,'" Wilderness (Winter 1984): 5-19. For a political history of the wilderness movement, see Craig W. Allin, The Politics of Wilderness Preservation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). On wilderness thought in America, see Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982); Max Oelschlaeger, The Idea of Wilderness: From Prehistory to the Age of Ecology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991); J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, eds., The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness from John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit against the Wilderness (New York: Viking, 1980). On the original plan for an Appalachian Trail, see Benton MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects (October 1921): 325-30. For more on recent greenway and rail-to-trail efforts, see Charles Little, Greenways for America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
4. On the founding of the Wilderness Society, See Stephen Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers,'" Wilderness (Winter 1984): 5-19. For a political history of the wilderness movement, see Craig W. Allin, The Politics of Wilderness Preservation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). On wilderness thought in America, see Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982); Max Oelschlaeger, The Idea of Wilderness: From Prehistory to the Age of Ecology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991); J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, eds., The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness from John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit against the Wilderness (New York: Viking, 1980). On the original plan for an Appalachian Trail, see Benton MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects (October 1921): 325-30. For more on recent greenway and rail-to-trail efforts, see Charles Little, Greenways for America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
5. On the founding of the Wilderness Society, See Stephen Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers,'" Wilderness (Winter 1984): 5-19. For a political history of the wilderness movement, see Craig W. Allin, The Politics of Wilderness Preservation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). On wilderness thought in America, see Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982); Max Oelschlaeger, The Idea of Wilderness: From Prehistory to the Age of Ecology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991); J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, eds., The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness from John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit against the Wilderness (New York: Viking, 1980). On the original plan for an Appalachian Trail, see Benton MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects (October 1921): 325-30. For more on recent greenway and rail-to-trail efforts, see Charles Little, Greenways for America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
6. On the founding of the Wilderness Society, See Stephen Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers,'" Wilderness (Winter 1984): 5-19. For a political history of the wilderness movement, see Craig W. Allin, The Politics of Wilderness Preservation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). On wilderness thought in America, see Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982); Max Oelschlaeger, The Idea of Wilderness: From Prehistory to the Age of Ecology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991); J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, eds., The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness from John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit against the Wilderness (New York: Viking, 1980). On the original plan for an Appalachian Trail, see Benton MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects (October 1921): 325-30. For more on recent greenway and rail-to-trail efforts, see Charles Little, Greenways for America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
7. On the founding of the Wilderness Society, See Stephen Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers,'" Wilderness (Winter 1984): 5-19. For a political history of the wilderness movement, see Craig W. Allin, The Politics of Wilderness Preservation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). On wilderness thought in America, see Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982); Max Oelschlaeger, The Idea of Wilderness: From Prehistory to the Age of Ecology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991); J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, eds., The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness from John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit against the Wilderness (New York: Viking, 1980). On the original plan for an Appalachian Trail, see Benton MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects (October 1921): 325-30. For more on recent greenway and rail-to-trail efforts, see Charles Little, Greenways for America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
8. On the founding of the Wilderness Society, See Stephen Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers,'" Wilderness (Winter 1984): 5-19. For a political history of the wilderness movement, see Craig W. Allin, The Politics of Wilderness Preservation (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982). On wilderness thought in America, see Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1982); Max Oelschlaeger, The Idea of Wilderness: From Prehistory to the Age of Ecology (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991); J. Baird Callicott and Michael P. Nelson, eds., The Great New Wilderness Debate: An Expansive Collection of Writings Defining Wilderness from John Muir to Gary Snyder (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998); Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit against the Wilderness (New York: Viking, 1980). On the original plan for an Appalachian Trail, see Benton MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects (October 1921): 325-30. For more on recent greenway and rail-to-trail efforts, see Charles Little, Greenways for America (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990).
9. The assumption here, of course, is that wilderness areas were designed to preserve nature within the logic of ecology's old succession-climax paradigm, a paradigm that suggested that a natural area, if left alone, would reach a particular, and normative, climax state marked by relative stability and equilibrium. Though many wilderness advocates, MacKaye included, did not work with such an assumption, it is certainly the case that the new ecology has vastly complicated our understanding of what it means to preserve large natural areas. On the new ecology, see Donald Worster, "The Ecology of Order and Chaos," in The Wealth of Nature: Environmental History and the Ecological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 156-70; Daniel Botkin, Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); and Michael Barbour, "Ecological Fragmentation in the Fifties," in Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1996), 233-55. For a popular twist on this logic, see Bill McKibben, The End of Nature (New York: Anchor Books, 1989).
10. The assumption here, of course, is that wilderness areas were designed to preserve nature within the logic of ecology's old succession-climax paradigm, a paradigm that suggested that a natural area, if left alone, would reach a particular, and normative, climax state marked by relative stability and equilibrium. Though many wilderness advocates, MacKaye included, did not work with such an assumption, it is certainly the case that the new ecology has vastly complicated our understanding of what it means to preserve large natural areas. On the new ecology, see Donald Worster, "The Ecology of Order and Chaos," in The Wealth of Nature: Environmental History and the Ecological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 156-70; Daniel Botkin, Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); and Michael Barbour, "Ecological Fragmentation in the Fifties," in Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1996), 233-55. For a popular twist on this logic, see Bill McKibben, The End of Nature (New York: Anchor Books, 1989).
11. The assumption here, of course, is that wilderness areas were designed to preserve nature within the logic of ecology's old succession-climax paradigm, a paradigm that suggested that a natural area, if left alone, would reach a particular, and normative, climax state marked by relative stability and equilibrium. Though many wilderness advocates, MacKaye included, did not work with such an assumption, it is certainly the case that the new ecology has vastly complicated our understanding of what it means to preserve large natural areas. On the new ecology, see Donald Worster, "The Ecology of Order and Chaos," in The Wealth of Nature: Environmental History and the Ecological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 156-70; Daniel Botkin, Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); and Michael Barbour, "Ecological Fragmentation in the Fifties," in Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1996), 233-55. For a popular twist on this logic, see Bill McKibben, The End of Nature (New York: Anchor Books, 1989).
12. The assumption here, of course, is that wilderness areas were designed to preserve nature within the logic of ecology's old succession-climax paradigm, a paradigm that suggested that a natural area, if left alone, would reach a particular, and normative, climax state marked by relative stability and equilibrium. Though many wilderness advocates, MacKaye included, did not work with such an assumption, it is certainly the case that the new ecology has vastly complicated our understanding of what it means to preserve large natural areas. On the new ecology, see Donald Worster, "The Ecology of Order and Chaos," in The Wealth of Nature: Environmental History and the Ecological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 156-70; Daniel Botkin, Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-First Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); and Michael Barbour, "Ecological Fragmentation in the Fifties," in Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1996), 233-55. For a popular twist on this logic, see Bill McKibben, The End of Nature (New York: Anchor Books, 1989).
13. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Mark Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Louis Warren, The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Karl Jacoby, "The Recreation of Nature: A Social and Environmental History of American Conservation, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1997); William Denevan, "The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369-85; J. Baird Callicott, "The Wilderness Idea Revisited: The Sustainable Development Alternative," The Environmental Professional 13 (1991): 235-47; Ramchandra Guha, "Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation: A Third-World Critique," Environmental Ethics 11 (spring 1989): 71-83. Theodore Carton looks at how wilderness and native subsistence have coexisted in Alaska. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997).
14. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Mark Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Louis Warren, The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Karl Jacoby, "The Recreation of Nature: A Social and Environmental History of American Conservation, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1997); William Denevan, "The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369-85; J. Baird Callicott, "The Wilderness Idea Revisited: The Sustainable Development Alternative," The Environmental Professional 13 (1991): 235-47; Ramchandra Guha, "Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation: A Third-World Critique," Environmental Ethics 11 (spring 1989): 71-83. Theodore Carton looks at how wilderness and native subsistence have coexisted in Alaska. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997).
15. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Mark Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Louis Warren, The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Karl Jacoby, "The Recreation of Nature: A Social and Environmental History of American Conservation, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1997); William Denevan, "The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369-85; J. Baird Callicott, "The Wilderness Idea Revisited: The Sustainable Development Alternative," The Environmental Professional 13 (1991): 235-47; Ramchandra Guha, "Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation: A Third-World Critique," Environmental Ethics 11 (spring 1989): 71-83. Theodore Carton looks at how wilderness and native subsistence have coexisted in Alaska. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997).
16. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Mark Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Louis Warren, The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Karl Jacoby, "The Recreation of Nature: A Social and Environmental History of American Conservation, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1997); William Denevan, "The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369-85; J. Baird Callicott, "The Wilderness Idea Revisited: The Sustainable Development Alternative," The Environmental Professional 13 (1991): 235-47; Ramchandra Guha, "Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation: A Third-World Critique," Environmental Ethics 11 (spring 1989): 71-83. Theodore Carton looks at how wilderness and native subsistence have coexisted in Alaska. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997).
17. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Mark Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Louis Warren, The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Karl Jacoby, "The Recreation of Nature: A Social and Environmental History of American Conservation, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1997); William Denevan, "The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369-85; J. Baird Callicott, "The Wilderness Idea Revisited: The Sustainable Development Alternative," The Environmental Professional 13 (1991): 235-47; Ramchandra Guha, "Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation: A Third-World Critique," Environmental Ethics 11 (spring 1989): 71-83. Theodore Carton looks at how wilderness and native subsistence have coexisted in Alaska. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997).
18. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Mark Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Louis Warren, The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Karl Jacoby, "The Recreation of Nature: A Social and Environmental History of American Conservation, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1997); William Denevan, "The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369-85; J. Baird Callicott, "The Wilderness Idea Revisited: The Sustainable Development Alternative," The Environmental Professional 13 (1991): 235-47; Ramchandra Guha, "Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation: A Third-World Critique," Environmental Ethics 11 (spring 1989): 71-83. Theodore Carton looks at how wilderness and native subsistence have coexisted in Alaska. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997).
19. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Mark Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Louis Warren, The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Karl Jacoby, "The Recreation of Nature: A Social and Environmental History of American Conservation, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1997); William Denevan, "The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369-85; J. Baird Callicott, "The Wilderness Idea Revisited: The Sustainable Development Alternative," The Environmental Professional 13 (1991): 235-47; Ramchandra Guha, "Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation: A Third-World Critique," Environmental Ethics 11 (spring 1989): 71-83. Theodore Carton looks at how wilderness and native subsistence have coexisted in Alaska. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997).
20. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1975); Mark Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness: Indian Removal and the Making of the National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Louis Warren, The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Karl Jacoby, "The Recreation of Nature: A Social and Environmental History of American Conservation, 1872-1919," (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1997); William Denevan, "The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369-85; J. Baird Callicott, "The Wilderness Idea Revisited: The Sustainable Development Alternative," The Environmental Professional 13 (1991): 235-47; Ramchandra Guha, "Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation: A Third-World Critique," Environmental Ethics 11 (spring 1989): 71-83. Theodore Carton looks at how wilderness and native subsistence have coexisted in Alaska. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness: Indians, Eskimos, and National Parks in Alaska (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1997).
21. See Warren, The Hunter's Game; Karl Jacoby, "Class and Environmental History: Lessons from the 'War in the Adirondacks,'" Environmental History 2, no. 3 (July 1997): 324-42; Steven Hahn, "Hunting, Fishing, and Foraging: Common Rights and Class Relations in the Postbellum South," Radical History Review, 26 (1982): 37-64. Two of the most famous cases of removing poor inhabitants to create national parks occurred in the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountain National Parks. On Shenandoah, see Charles M. Perdue, Jr. and Nancy Martin-Perdue, "Appalachian Fables and Facts: A Case Study of the Shenandoah National Park Removals," Appalachian Journal 7, nos. 1-2 (autumn/winter 1979-80): 84-104; Perdue and Martin-Perdue, "'To Build a Wall Around These Mountains': The Displaced People of Shenandoah,Æ The Magazine of Albemarle County History 49 (1991): 48-71. On the role of the state, see James Scott, Seeing Like A State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998).
22. See Warren, The Hunter's Game; Karl Jacoby, "Class and Environmental History: Lessons from the 'War in the Adirondacks,'" Environmental History 2, no. 3 (July 1997): 324-42; Steven Hahn, "Hunting, Fishing, and Foraging: Common Rights and Class Relations in the Postbellum South," Radical History Review, 26 (1982): 37-64. Two of the most famous cases of removing poor inhabitants to create national parks occurred in the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountain National Parks. On Shenandoah, see Charles M. Perdue, Jr. and Nancy Martin-Perdue, "Appalachian Fables and Facts: A Case Study of the Shenandoah National Park Removals," Appalachian Journal 7, nos. 1-2 (autumn/winter 1979-80): 84-104; Perdue and Martin-Perdue, "'To Build a Wall Around These Mountains': The Displaced People of Shenandoah,Æ The Magazine of Albemarle County History 49 (1991): 48-71. On the role of the state, see James Scott, Seeing Like A State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998).
23. See Warren, The Hunter's Game; Karl Jacoby, "Class and Environmental History: Lessons from the 'War in the Adirondacks,'" Environmental History 2, no. 3 (July 1997): 324-42; Steven Hahn, "Hunting, Fishing, and Foraging: Common Rights and Class Relations in the Postbellum South," Radical History Review, 26 (1982): 37-64. Two of the most famous cases of removing poor inhabitants to create national parks occurred in the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountain National Parks. On Shenandoah, see Charles M. Perdue, Jr. and Nancy Martin-Perdue, "Appalachian Fables and Facts: A Case Study of the Shenandoah National Park Removals," Appalachian Journal 7, nos. 1-2 (autumn/winter 1979-80): 84-104; Perdue and Martin-Perdue, "'To Build a Wall Around These Mountains': The Displaced People of Shenandoah,Æ The Magazine of Albemarle County History 49 (1991): 48-71. On the role of the state, see James Scott, Seeing Like A State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998).
24. See Warren, The Hunter's Game; Karl Jacoby, "Class and Environmental History: Lessons from the 'War in the Adirondacks,'" Environmental History 2, no. 3 (July 1997): 324-42; Steven Hahn, "Hunting, Fishing, and Foraging: Common Rights and Class Relations in the Postbellum South," Radical History Review, 26 (1982): 37-64. Two of the most famous cases of removing poor inhabitants to create national parks occurred in the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountain National Parks. On Shenandoah, see Charles M. Perdue, Jr. and Nancy Martin-Perdue, "Appalachian Fables and Facts: A Case Study of the Shenandoah National Park Removals," Appalachian Journal 7, nos. 1-2 (autumn/winter 1979-80): 84-104; Perdue and Martin-Perdue, "'To Build a Wall Around These Mountains': The Displaced People of Shenandoah,Æ The Magazine of Albemarle County History 49 (1991): 48-71. On the role of the state, see James Scott, Seeing Like A State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998).
25. See Warren, The Hunter's Game; Karl Jacoby, "Class and Environmental History: Lessons from the 'War in the Adirondacks,'" Environmental History 2, no. 3 (July 1997): 324-42; Steven Hahn, "Hunting, Fishing, and Foraging: Common Rights and Class Relations in the Postbellum South," Radical History Review, 26 (1982): 37-64. Two of the most famous cases of removing poor inhabitants to create national parks occurred in the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountain National Parks. On Shenandoah, see Charles M. Perdue, Jr. and Nancy Martin-Perdue, "Appalachian Fables and Facts: A Case Study of the Shenandoah National Park Removals," Appalachian Journal 7, nos. 1-2 (autumn/winter 1979-80): 84-104; Perdue and Martin-Perdue, "'To Build a Wall Around These Mountains': The Displaced People of Shenandoah,Æ The Magazine of Albemarle County History 49 (1991): 48-71. On the role of the state, see James Scott, Seeing Like A State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998).
26. See Warren, The Hunter's Game; Karl Jacoby, "Class and Environmental History: Lessons from the 'War in the Adirondacks,'" Environmental History 2, no. 3 (July 1997): 324-42; Steven Hahn, "Hunting, Fishing, and Foraging: Common Rights and Class Relations in the Postbellum South," Radical History Review, 26 (1982): 37-64. Two of the most famous cases of removing poor inhabitants to create national parks occurred in the Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountain National Parks. On Shenandoah, see Charles M. Perdue, Jr. and Nancy Martin-Perdue, "Appalachian Fables and Facts: A Case Study of the Shenandoah National Park Removals," Appalachian Journal 7, nos. 1-2 (autumn/winter 1979-80): 84-104; Perdue and Martin-Perdue, "'To Build a Wall Around These Mountains': The Displaced People of Shenandoah,Æ The Magazine of Albemarle County History 49 (1991): 48-71. On the role of the state, see James Scott, Seeing Like A State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998).
27. The most important and thorough recent cultural critique of the wilderness idea is William Cronon, "The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature," in Uncommon Ground, ed. Cronon, 69-90. A number of other essays in Uncommon Ground tread on this territory. Particularly important is Richard White's essay, "'Are You an Environmentalist or Do You Work for a Living?': Work and Nature," 171-85.
28. The most important and thorough recent cultural critique of the wilderness idea is William Cronon, "The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature," in Uncommon Ground, ed. Cronon, 69-90. A number of other essays in Uncommon Ground tread on this territory. Particularly important is Richard White's essay, "'Are You an Environmentalist or Do You Work for a Living?': Work and Nature," 171-85.
29. Both MacKaye and Marshall worked for the Indian Service during the 1930s. MacKaye spent a summer on a couple of reservations in the West and proposed regional plans that included wilderness areas. See MacKaye, "Memorandum to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs," May 24, 1933, MacKaye Papers, Box 184, Special Collections, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire (referred to hereafter as the MacKaye Papers). More famously, Marshall actually set up a system of wilderness areas on Indian lands. See James Glover, A Wilderness Original: The Life of Boh Marshall (Seattle: The Mountaineers, 1986), 197-213. Theordore Catton has shown the importance of Marshall in the creation of national parks in Alaska that permit subsistence resource within their bounds. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness, 131-56.
30. Both MacKaye and Marshall worked for the Indian Service during the 1930s. MacKaye spent a summer on a couple of reservations in the West and proposed regional plans that included wilderness areas. See MacKaye, "Memorandum to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs," May 24, 1933, MacKaye Papers, Box 184, Special Collections, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire (referred to hereafter as the MacKaye Papers). More famously, Marshall actually set up a system of wilderness areas on Indian lands. See James Glover, A Wilderness Original: The Life of Boh Marshall (Seattle: The Mountaineers, 1986), 197-213. Theordore Catton has shown the importance of Marshall in the creation of national parks in Alaska that permit subsistence resource within their bounds. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness, 131-56.
31. Both MacKaye and Marshall worked for the Indian Service during the 1930s. MacKaye spent a summer on a couple of reservations in the West and proposed regional plans that included wilderness areas. See MacKaye, "Memorandum to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs," May 24, 1933, MacKaye Papers, Box 184, Special Collections, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire (referred to hereafter as the MacKaye Papers). More famously, Marshall actually set up a system of wilderness areas on Indian lands. See James Glover, A Wilderness Original: The Life of Boh Marshall (Seattle: The Mountaineers, 1986), 197-213. Theordore Catton has shown the importance of Marshall in the creation of national parks in Alaska that permit subsistence resource within their bounds. See Catton, Inhabited Wilderness, 131-56.
32. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
33. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
34. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
35. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
36. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
37. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
38. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
39. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
40. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
41. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
42. For treatments that pick up MacKaye at this point in his career, see Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 189-90; Stephen Fox, The American Conservation Movement: John Muir and His Legacy (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 210; Fox, "'We Want No Straddlers'"; Robert Gottlieb, Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement (Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1993), 8, 71-75. John Thomas, Ronald Foresta, and Robert McCullough all point to the importance of MacKaye's early career, but most focus on his life and thought after World War I. See Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," in Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual, ed. Thomas P. and Agatha C. Hughes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail," The Geographical Review 77, no. 1 (January 1987): 76-85; McCullough, The Landscape of Community: A History of Communal Forests in New England (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1995), 279-87. There are a few planning historians who have given this early period in MacKaye's life more attention. See Edward Spann, Designing Modern America: The Regional Planning Association and Its Members (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996), 10-30; John R. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," in The American Planner: Biographies and Reflections, ed. Donald A. Krueckeberg (New York: Methuen, 1983), 196-207; Roy Lubove, Community Planning in the 1920s: The Contribution of the Regional Planning Association of America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963). A good general biographical source is Paul T. Bryant, "The Quality of the Day: The Achievement of Benton MacKaye," (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, 1965).
43. See MacKaye, "The Forest Cover on the Watersheds Examined by the Geological Survey in the White Mountains, New Hampshire," in The Relation of Forests to Stream Flow, ed. B. MacKaye, M. O. Leighton, and A. C. Spencer, (U.S. Department of the Interior, Geological Survey, 1913), copy in the MacKaye Papers. On the stream-flow controversy, see Harold K. Steen, The U.S. Forest Service: A History (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1976), 122-29; Donald Pisani, "Forests and Reclamation, 1891-1911," in Water, Land, and Law in the West: The Limits of Public Policy, 1850-1920 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996), 141-58; Gordon B. Dodds, "The Stream-Flow Controversy: A Conservation Turning Point," Journal of American History 56, no. 1 (June 1969): 59-69. The Weeks Act required scientific evidence to prove that forests affected stream flow in each of the proposed areas of purchase. MacKaye's research provided the specific data necessary to clear away any constitutional objections to the creation of the White Mountain National Forest. McCullough, The Landscape of Community, 209-10.
44. See MacKaye, "The Forest Cover on the Watersheds Examined by the Geological Survey in the White Mountains, New Hampshire," in The Relation of Forests to Stream Flow, ed. B. MacKaye, M. O. Leighton, and A. C. Spencer, (U.S. Department of the Interior, Geological Survey, 1913), copy in the MacKaye Papers. On the stream-flow controversy, see Harold K. Steen, The U.S. Forest Service: A History (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1976), 122-29; Donald Pisani, "Forests and Reclamation, 1891-1911," in Water, Land, and Law in the West: The Limits of Public Policy, 1850-1920 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996), 141-58; Gordon B. Dodds, "The Stream-Flow Controversy: A Conservation Turning Point," Journal of American History 56, no. 1 (June 1969): 59-69. The Weeks Act required scientific evidence to prove that forests affected stream flow in each of the proposed areas of purchase. MacKaye's research provided the specific data necessary to clear away any constitutional objections to the creation of the White Mountain National Forest. McCullough, The Landscape of Community, 209-10.
45. See MacKaye, "The Forest Cover on the Watersheds Examined by the Geological Survey in the White Mountains, New Hampshire," in The Relation of Forests to Stream Flow, ed. B. MacKaye, M. O. Leighton, and A. C. Spencer, (U.S. Department of the Interior, Geological Survey, 1913), copy in the MacKaye Papers. On the stream-flow controversy, see Harold K. Steen, The U.S. Forest Service: A History (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1976), 122-29; Donald Pisani, "Forests and Reclamation, 1891-1911," in Water, Land, and Law in the West: The Limits of Public Policy, 1850-1920 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996), 141-58; Gordon B. Dodds, "The Stream-Flow Controversy: A Conservation Turning Point," Journal of American History 56, no. 1 (June 1969): 59-69. The Weeks Act required scientific evidence to prove that forests affected stream flow in each of the proposed areas of purchase. MacKaye's research provided the specific data necessary to clear away any constitutional objections to the creation of the White Mountain National Forest. McCullough, The Landscape of Community, 209-10.
46. See MacKaye, "The Forest Cover on the Watersheds Examined by the Geological Survey in the White Mountains, New Hampshire," in The Relation of Forests to Stream Flow, ed. B. MacKaye, M. O. Leighton, and A. C. Spencer, (U.S. Department of the Interior, Geological Survey, 1913), copy in the MacKaye Papers. On the stream-flow controversy, see Harold K. Steen, The U.S. Forest Service: A History (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1976), 122-29; Donald Pisani, "Forests and Reclamation, 1891-1911," in Water, Land, and Law in the West: The Limits of Public Policy, 1850-1920 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996), 141-58; Gordon B. Dodds, "The Stream-Flow Controversy: A Conservation Turning Point," Journal of American History 56, no. 1 (June 1969): 59-69. The Weeks Act required scientific evidence to prove that forests affected stream flow in each of the proposed areas of purchase. MacKaye's research provided the specific data necessary to clear away any constitutional objections to the creation of the White Mountain National Forest. McCullough, The Landscape of Community, 209-10.
47. See MacKaye, "The Forest Cover on the Watersheds Examined by the Geological Survey in the White Mountains, New Hampshire," in The Relation of Forests to Stream Flow, ed. B. MacKaye, M. O. Leighton, and A. C. Spencer, (U.S. Department of the Interior, Geological Survey, 1913), copy in the MacKaye Papers. On the stream-flow controversy, see Harold K. Steen, The U.S. Forest Service: A History (Seattle: University of Washington Press,
48. James MacKaye, The Economy of Happiness (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1906). James later authored Americanized Socialism: A Yankee View of Capitalism (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1918). On James's influence, see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 73-77. On Lippmann's influence, see Letter, Walter Lippmann to Benton MacKaye, December 3, 1910, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
49. James MacKaye, The Economy of Happiness (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1906). James later authored Americanized Socialism: A Yankee View of Capitalism (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1918). On James's influence, see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 73-77. On Lippmann's influence, see Letter, Walter Lippmann to Benton MacKaye, December 3, 1910, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
50. James MacKaye, The Economy of Happiness (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1906). James later authored Americanized Socialism: A Yankee View of Capitalism (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1918). On James's influence, see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 73-77. On Lippmann's influence, see Letter, Walter Lippmann to Benton MacKaye, December 3, 1910, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
51. James MacKaye, The Economy of Happiness (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1906). James later authored Americanized Socialism: A Yankee View of Capitalism (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1918). On James's influence, see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 73-77. On Lippmann's influence, see Letter, Walter Lippmann to Benton MacKaye, December 3, 1910, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
52. On the "Hell Raisers," see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 90-93.
53. "Work Record of Benton MacKaye, 1905-1943," MacKaye Papers, Box 185. This mentions that MacKaye drafted the Poindexter "Alaska Development Bill," introduced into Congress in 1913.
54. On agricultural settlement in the cutover, see Robert Gough, Farming the Cutover: A Social History of Northern Wisconsin, 1900-1940 (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1997). On the region's slash fires see Stephen Pyne, Fire in America: A Cultural History of Rural and Wildland Fire (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 198-218.
55. On agricultural settlement in the cutover, see Robert Gough, Farming the Cutover: A Social History of Northern Wisconsin, 1900-1940 (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1997). On the region's slash fires see Stephen Pyne, Fire in America: A Cultural History of Rural and Wildland Fire (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 198-218.
56. MacKaye, "Settling the Timber Lands," June 1916, manuscript in MacKaye Papers, Box 181. MacKaye also completed a much larger report entitled "Colonization of Timber Lands" (1917) which focused on Minnesota and Wisconsin, copy in MacKaye Papers, Box 181.
57. MacKaye, "Settling the Timber Lands," June 1916, manuscript in MacKaye Papers, Box 181. MacKaye also completed a much larger report entitled "Colonization of Timber Lands" (1917) which focused on Minnesota and Wisconsin, copy in MacKaye Papers, Box 181.
58. "Report of the Secretary of Labor," (Department of Labor, Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1915): 43-45. On the public domain as safety valve, see Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Myth and Symbol (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press); William Deverell, "To Loosen the Safety Valve: Eastern Workers and Western Lands," Western Historical Quarterly 19, no. 3 (August 1988): 269-85.
59. "Report of the Secretary of Labor," (Department of Labor, Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1915): 43-45. On the public domain as safety valve, see Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Myth and Symbol (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press); William Deverell, "To Loosen the Safety Valve: Eastern Workers and Western Lands," Western Historical Quarterly 19, no. 3 (August 1988): 269-85.
60. "Report of the Secretary of Labor," (Department of Labor, Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1915): 43-45. On the public domain as safety valve, see Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Myth and Symbol (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press); William Deverell, "To Loosen the Safety Valve: Eastern Workers and Western Lands," Western Historical Quarterly 19, no. 3 (August 1988): 269-85.
61. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," 197. On Henry George, see John L. Thomas, Alternative America: Henry George, Edward Bellamy, Henry Demarest Lloyd, and the Adversary Tradition (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1983): 225-32.
62. Ross, "Benton MacKaye: The Appalachian Trail," 197. On Henry George, see John L. Thomas, Alternative America: Henry George, Edward Bellamy, Henry Demarest Lloyd, and the Adversary Tradition (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1983): 225-32.
63. Letter from MacKaye to Louis Post, December 17, 1915, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. See Paul Wallace Gates, History of Public Land Law Development (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1968), 463-529. For a recent, more popular rumination on the settlement of eastern Montana during this period, see Jonathan Raban, Bad Land: An American Romance (New York: Pantheon, 1996).
64. Letter from MacKaye to Louis Post, December 17, 1915, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. See Paul Wallace Gates, History of Public Land Law Development (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1968), 463-529. For a recent, more popular rumination on the settlement of eastern Montana during this period, see Jonathan Raban, Bad Land: An American Romance (New York: Pantheon, 1996).
65. Letter from MacKaye to Louis Post, December 17, 1915, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. See Paul Wallace Gates, History of Public Land Law Development (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1968), 463-529. For a recent, more popular rumination on the settlement of eastern Montana during this period, see Jonathan Raban, Bad Land: An American Romance (New York: Pantheon, 1996).
66. MacKaye, "Notes on the IWW/Forest Camps - November 1916," MacKaye Papers, Box 181. On the Everett Massacre, see Carlos Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 260-65; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 351; Norman H. Clark, Mill Town: A Social History of Everett, Washington, from Its Earliest Beginnings on the Shores of the Puget Sound to the Tragic and Infamous Event Known as the Everett Massacre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), 186-214; Robert L. Tyler, Rebels of the Woods: The I.W.W. and the Pacific Northwest (Eugene: University of Oregon Books, 1967); and William J. Williams, "Bloody Sunday Revisited," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 71 (1980): 50-62. A year later, in Ludlow, Colorado, a group of coal miners and their families were attacked in the tent colony they had erected after being evicted from company housing for striking. The aggressors were deputies, militia members, and strikebreakers, and the bloody result was 39 dead. The year 1917 also saw Wobbly organizer Frank Little lynched in the streets of Butte, Montana. On this and Ludlow, see White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own," 349, 351.
67. MacKaye, "Notes on the IWW/Forest Camps - November 1916," MacKaye Papers, Box 181. On the Everett Massacre, see Carlos Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 260-65; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 351; Norman H. Clark, Mill Town: A Social History of Everett, Washington, from Its Earliest Beginnings on the Shores of the Puget Sound to the Tragic and Infamous Event Known as the Everett Massacre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), 186-214; Robert L. Tyler, Rebels of the Woods: The I.W.W. and the Pacific Northwest (Eugene: University of Oregon Books, 1967); and William J. Williams, "Bloody Sunday Revisited," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 71 (1980): 50-62. A year later, in Ludlow, Colorado, a group of coal miners and their families were attacked in the tent colony they had erected after being evicted from company housing for striking. The aggressors were deputies, militia members, and strikebreakers, and the bloody result was 39 dead. The year 1917 also saw Wobbly organizer Frank Little lynched in the streets of Butte, Montana. On this and Ludlow, see White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own," 349, 351.
68. MacKaye, "Notes on the IWW/Forest Camps - November 1916," MacKaye Papers, Box 181. On the Everett Massacre, see Carlos Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 260-65; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 351; Norman H. Clark, Mill Town: A Social History of Everett, Washington, from Its Earliest Beginnings on the Shores of the Puget Sound to the Tragic and Infamous Event Known as the Everett Massacre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), 186-214; Robert L. Tyler, Rebels of the Woods: The I.W.W. and the Pacific Northwest (Eugene: University of Oregon Books, 1967); and William J. Williams, "Bloody Sunday Revisited," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 71 (1980): 50-62. A year later, in Ludlow, Colorado, a group of coal miners and their families were attacked in the tent colony they had erected after being evicted from company housing for striking. The aggressors were deputies, militia members, and strikebreakers, and the bloody result was 39 dead. The year 1917 also saw Wobbly organizer Frank Little lynched in the streets of Butte, Montana. On this and Ludlow, see White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own," 349, 351.
69. MacKaye, "Notes on the IWW/Forest Camps - November 1916," MacKaye Papers, Box 181. On the Everett Massacre, see Carlos Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 260-65; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 351; Norman H. Clark, Mill Town: A Social History of Everett, Washington, from Its Earliest Beginnings on the Shores of the Puget Sound to the Tragic and Infamous Event Known as the Everett Massacre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), 186-214; Robert L. Tyler, Rebels of the Woods: The I.W.W. and the Pacific Northwest (Eugene: University of Oregon Books, 1967); and William J. Williams, "Bloody Sunday Revisited," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 71 (1980): 50-62. A year later, in Ludlow, Colorado, a group of coal miners and their families were attacked in the tent colony they had erected after being evicted from company housing for striking. The aggressors were deputies, militia members, and strikebreakers, and the bloody result was 39 dead. The year 1917 also saw Wobbly organizer Frank Little lynched in the streets of Butte, Montana. On this and Ludlow, see White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own," 349, 351.
70. MacKaye, "Notes on the IWW/Forest Camps - November 1916," MacKaye Papers, Box 181. On the Everett Massacre, see Carlos Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 260-65; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 351; Norman H. Clark, Mill Town: A Social History of Everett, Washington, from Its Earliest Beginnings on the Shores of the Puget Sound to the Tragic and Infamous Event Known as the Everett Massacre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), 186-214; Robert L. Tyler, Rebels of the Woods: The I.W.W. and the Pacific Northwest (Eugene: University of Oregon Books, 1967); and William J. Williams, "Bloody Sunday Revisited," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 71 (1980): 50-62. A year later, in Ludlow, Colorado, a group of coal miners and their families were attacked in the tent colony they had erected after being evicted from company housing for striking. The aggressors were deputies, militia members, and strikebreakers, and the bloody result was 39 dead. The year 1917 also saw Wobbly organizer Frank Little lynched in the streets of Butte, Montana. On this and Ludlow, see White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own," 349, 351.
71. MacKaye, "Notes on the IWW/Forest Camps - November 1916," MacKaye Papers, Box 181. On the Everett Massacre, see Carlos Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 260-65; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 351; Norman H. Clark, Mill Town: A Social History of Everett, Washington, from Its Earliest Beginnings on the Shores of the Puget Sound to the Tragic and Infamous Event Known as the Everett Massacre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), 186-214; Robert L. Tyler, Rebels of the Woods: The I.W.W. and the Pacific Northwest (Eugene: University of Oregon Books, 1967); and William J. Williams, "Bloody Sunday Revisited," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 71 (1980): 50-62. A year later, in Ludlow, Colorado, a group of coal miners and their families were attacked in the tent colony they had erected after being evicted from company housing for striking. The aggressors were deputies, militia members, and strikebreakers, and the bloody result was 39 dead. The year 1917 also saw Wobbly organizer Frank Little lynched in the streets of Butte, Montana. On this and Ludlow, see White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own," 349, 351.
72. MacKaye, "Notes on the IWW/Forest Camps - November 1916," MacKaye Papers, Box 181. On the Everett Massacre, see Carlos Schwantes, The Pacific Northwest: An Interpretive History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 260-65; Richard White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own": A New History of the American West (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 351; Norman H. Clark, Mill Town: A Social History of Everett, Washington, from Its Earliest Beginnings on the Shores of the Puget Sound to the Tragic and Infamous Event Known as the Everett Massacre (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1970), 186-214; Robert L. Tyler, Rebels of the Woods: The I.W.W. and the Pacific Northwest (Eugene: University of Oregon Books, 1967); and William J. Williams, "Bloody Sunday Revisited," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 71 (1980): 50-62. A year later, in Ludlow, Colorado, a group of coal miners and their families were attacked in the tent colony they had erected after being evicted from company housing for striking. The aggressors were deputies, militia members, and strikebreakers, and the bloody result was 39 dead. The year 1917 also saw Wobbly organizer Frank Little lynched in the streets of Butte, Montana. On this and Ludlow, see White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own," 349, 351.
73. MacKaye, "Recreational Possibilities of Public Forests," Journal of the New York State Forestry Association 3 (October 1916): 4-10, 29-30.
74. See MacKaye, "Memorandum for Mr. Zon," December 21, 1917, and Raphael Zon, "Memorandum for Miss Judson," December 31, 1917, both in the MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
75. See MacKaye, "Memorandum for Mr. Zon," December 21, 1917, and Raphael Zon, "Memorandum for Miss Judson," December 31, 1917, both in the MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
76. MacKaye, "Some Social Aspects of Forest Management," Journal of Forestry 16, no. 2 (February 1918): 210-14.
77. Ibid., 210-11.
78. Ibid., 212-13.
79. MacKaye, "The First Soldier Colony - Kapuskasing, Canada," The Public 22, no. 1122 (November 15, 1919): 1066-68. Reprinted in Paul T. Bryant, ed., From Geography to Geotechnics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1968), 115-20.
80. MacKaye, "The First Soldier Colony - Kapuskasing, Canada," The Public 22, no. 1122 (November 15, 1919): 1066-68. Reprinted in Paul T. Bryant, ed., From Geography to Geotechnics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1968), 115-20.
81. Benton MacKaye, Employment and Natural Resources: Possibilities of Making New Opportunities for Employment through the Settlement and Development of Agricultural and Forest Lands and Other Resources (Department of Labor, Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1919), 10-15.
82. In his Report on the Lands of the Arid Region (1878), Powell argued for a communitarian approach to the settlement of the arid lands of the West. In 1891, when Benton was an adolescent, he had seen Powell speak at the National Geographic Society. Later, his brother James worked with Powell at the U. S. Geological Survey, adding a personal connection to the intellectual influence. See Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 32, 42. On Powell, see Donald Worster, "The Legacy of John Wesley Powell," in An Unsettled Country: Changing Landscapes of the American West (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 1-30.
83. In his Report on the Lands of the Arid Region (1878), Powell argued for a communitarian approach to the settlement of the arid lands of the West. In 1891, when Benton was an adolescent, he had seen Powell speak at the National Geographic Society. Later, his brother James worked with Powell at the U. S. Geological Survey, adding a personal connection to the intellectual influence. See Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 32, 42. On Powell, see Donald Worster, "The Legacy of John Wesley Powell," in An Unsettled Country: Changing Landscapes of the American West (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 1-30.
84. In his Report on the Lands of the Arid Region (1878), Powell argued for a communitarian approach to the settlement of the arid lands of the West. In 1891, when Benton was an adolescent, he had seen Powell speak at the National Geographic Society. Later, his brother James worked with Powell at the U. S. Geological Survey, adding a personal connection to the intellectual influence. See Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 32, 42. On Powell, see Donald Worster, "The Legacy of John Wesley Powell," in An Unsettled Country: Changing Landscapes of the American West (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 1-30.
85. MacKaye, Employment and Natural Resources, 18.
86. This distinction between business and social efficiency is borrowed from Robert Westbrook's article on Stuart Chase, the era's premier champion of eliminating waste and a close friend of MacKaye's. See Westbrook, "Tribune of the Technostructure: The Popular Economics of Stuart Chase," American Quarterly 32, no. 4 (fall 1980): 387-408. Also see Robert Dorman, The Revolt of the Provinces: The Regionalist Movement in America, 1915-1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 316.
87. This distinction between business and social efficiency is borrowed from Robert Westbrook's article on Stuart Chase, the era's premier champion of eliminating waste and a close friend of MacKaye's. See Westbrook, "Tribune of the Technostructure: The Popular Economics of Stuart Chase," American Quarterly 32, no. 4 (fall 1980): 387-408. Also see Robert Dorman, The Revolt of the Provinces: The Regionalist Movement in America, 1915-1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 316.
88. Two bills came out of MacKaye's efforts: the National Colonization Bill (H.R. 11329, 64th Congress, 1st Session, 1916) sponsored by Rep. Robert Crosser of Ohio, and the Public Construction Bill (H.R. 15672, 65th Congress, 2nd Session, 1919) sponsored by Rep. M. Clyde Kelly of Pennsylvania. Hearings were held on each bill, but neither passed. See MacKaye, "From Homesteads to Valley Authorities," The Survey 86, no. 11 (November 1950): 496-98; reprinted in Paul T. Bryant, ed., From Geography to Geotechnics, 33-43.
89. Two bills came out of MacKaye's efforts: the National Colonization Bill (H.R. 11329, 64th Congress, 1st Session, 1916) sponsored by Rep. Robert Crosser of Ohio, and the Public Construction Bill (H.R. 15672, 65th Congress, 2nd Session, 1919) sponsored by Rep. M. Clyde Kelly of Pennsylvania. Hearings were held on each bill, but neither passed. See MacKaye, "From Homesteads to Valley Authorities," The Survey 86, no. 11 (November 1950): 496-98; reprinted in Paul T. Bryant, ed., From Geography to Geotechnics, 33-43.
90. On Leopold's early wilderness advocacy, see Paul S. Sutter "'A Blank Spot on the Map': Aldo Leopold, Wilderness, and U.S. Forest Service Recreational Policy, 1909-1924," Western Historical Quarterly 29 (summer 1998): 187-214.
91. In a letter to Rep. M. Clyde Kelly, dated October 2, 1919, MacKaye mentioned that he had lost his salary at the Department of Labor effective July 1, 1919, and had turned to writing. MacKaye Papers, Box 165. MacKaye published a couple of articles in Louis Post's journal, The Public. See MacKaye, "Lessons of Alaska," The Public 22 (August 30, 1919): 930-32, and "First Soldier Colony - Kapuskasing, Canada," The Public 22 (November 15, 1919): 1066-68. While with the Postal Service, MacKaye was charged with outlining a postal marketing system similar to one he had described in Employment and Natural Resources. He wrote a report on this issue, entitled "Farmer to Consumer via Postal Motor Service," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. See also "A Plan for Cooperation between Farmer and Consumer," Monthly Labor Review 11, no. 2 (August 1920): 213-33. On the "Hell Raisers," see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 90-93. I am indebted to Larry Anderson for much of my understanding of MacKaye during this period. Information in this paragraph is gleaned from his essay, "'A Retreat from Profit': MacKaye's Path to the Appalachian Trail, 1919-1921," presented at the symposium entitled "Benton MacKaye and the Appalachian Trail," University at Albany, State University of New York, November 22, 1996, draft copy in author's possession. Anderson is working on a biography of MacKaye that will add immeasurably to our knowledge of his life and thought.
92. In a letter to Rep. M. Clyde Kelly, dated October 2, 1919, MacKaye mentioned that he had lost his salary at the Department of Labor effective July 1, 1919, and had turned to writing. MacKaye Papers, Box 165. MacKaye published a couple of articles in Louis Post's journal, The Public. See MacKaye, "Lessons of Alaska," The Public 22 (August 30, 1919): 930-32, and "First Soldier Colony - Kapuskasing, Canada," The Public 22 (November 15, 1919): 1066-68. While with the Postal Service, MacKaye was charged with outlining a postal marketing system similar to one he had described in Employment and Natural Resources. He wrote a report on this issue, entitled "Farmer to Consumer via Postal Motor Service," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. See also "A Plan for Cooperation between Farmer and Consumer," Monthly Labor Review 11, no. 2 (August 1920): 213-33. On the "Hell Raisers," see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 90-93. I am indebted to Larry Anderson for much of my understanding of MacKaye during this period. Information in this paragraph is gleaned from his essay, "'A Retreat from Profit': MacKaye's Path to the Appalachian Trail, 1919-1921," presented at the symposium entitled "Benton MacKaye and the Appalachian Trail," University at Albany, State University of New York, November 22, 1996, draft copy in author's possession. Anderson is working on a biography of MacKaye that will add immeasurably to our knowledge of his life and thought.
93. In a letter to Rep. M. Clyde Kelly, dated October 2, 1919, MacKaye mentioned that he had lost his salary at the Department of Labor effective July 1, 1919, and had turned to writing. MacKaye Papers, Box 165. MacKaye published a couple of articles in Louis Post's journal, The Public. See MacKaye, "Lessons of Alaska," The Public 22 (August 30, 1919): 930-32, and "First Soldier Colony - Kapuskasing, Canada," The Public 22 (November 15, 1919): 1066-68. While with the Postal Service, MacKaye was charged with outlining a postal marketing system similar to one he had described in Employment and Natural Resources. He wrote a report on this issue, entitled "Farmer to Consumer via Postal Motor Service," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. See also "A Plan for Cooperation between Farmer and Consumer," Monthly Labor Review 11, no. 2 (August 1920): 213-33. On the "Hell Raisers," see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 90-93. I am indebted to Larry Anderson for much of my understanding of MacKaye during this period. Information in this paragraph is gleaned from his essay, "'A Retreat from Profit': MacKaye's Path to the Appalachian Trail, 1919-1921," presented at the symposium entitled "Benton MacKaye and the Appalachian Trail," University at Albany, State University of New York, November 22, 1996, draft copy in author's possession. Anderson is working on a biography of MacKaye that will add immeasurably to our knowledge of his life and thought.
94. In a letter to Rep. M. Clyde Kelly, dated October 2, 1919, MacKaye mentioned that he had lost his salary at the Department of Labor effective July 1, 1919, and had turned to writing. MacKaye Papers, Box 165. MacKaye published a couple of articles in Louis Post's journal, The Public. See MacKaye, "Lessons of Alaska," The Public 22 (August 30, 1919): 930-32, and "First Soldier Colony - Kapuskasing, Canada," The Public 22 (November 15, 1919): 1066-68. While with the Postal Service, MacKaye was charged with outlining a postal marketing system similar to one he had described in Employment and Natural Resources. He wrote a report on this issue, entitled "Farmer to Consumer via Postal Motor Service," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. See also "A Plan for Cooperation between Farmer and Consumer," Monthly Labor Review 11, no. 2 (August 1920): 213-33. On the "Hell Raisers," see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 90-93. I am indebted to Larry Anderson for much of my understanding of MacKaye during this period. Information in this paragraph is gleaned from his essay, "'A Retreat from Profit': MacKaye's Path to the Appalachian Trail, 1919-1921," presented at the symposium entitled "Benton MacKaye and the Appalachian Trail," University at Albany, State University of New York, November 22, 1996, draft copy in author's possession. Anderson is working on a biography of MacKaye that will add immeasurably to our knowledge of his life and thought.
95. In a letter to Rep. M. Clyde Kelly, dated October 2, 1919, MacKaye mentioned that he had lost his salary at the Department of Labor effective July 1, 1919, and had turned to writing. MacKaye Papers, Box 165. MacKaye published a couple of articles in Louis Post's journal, The Public. See MacKaye, "Lessons of Alaska," The Public 22 (August 30, 1919): 930-32, and "First Soldier Colony - Kapuskasing, Canada," The Public 22 (November 15, 1919): 1066-68. While with the Postal Service, MacKaye was charged with outlining a postal marketing system similar to one he had described in Employment and Natural Resources. He wrote a report on this issue, entitled "Farmer to Consumer via Postal Motor Service," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. See also "A Plan for Cooperation between Farmer and Consumer," Monthly Labor Review 11, no. 2 (August 1920): 213-33. On the "Hell Raisers," see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 90-93. I am indebted to Larry Anderson for much of my understanding of MacKaye during this period. Information in this paragraph is gleaned from his essay, "'A Retreat from Profit': MacKaye's Path to the Appalachian Trail, 1919-1921," presented at the symposium entitled "Benton MacKaye and the Appalachian Trail," University at Albany, State University of New York, November 22, 1996, draft copy in author's possession. Anderson is working on a biography of MacKaye that will add immeasurably to our knowledge of his life and thought.
96. In a letter to Rep. M. Clyde Kelly, dated October 2, 1919, MacKaye mentioned that he had lost his salary at the Department of Labor effective July 1, 1919, and had turned to writing. MacKaye Papers, Box 165. MacKaye published a couple of articles in Louis Post's journal, The Public. See MacKaye, "Lessons of Alaska," The Public 22 (August 30, 1919): 930-32, and "First Soldier Colony - Kapuskasing, Canada," The Public 22 (November 15, 1919): 1066-68. While with the Postal Service, MacKaye was charged with outlining a postal marketing system similar to one he had described in Employment and Natural Resources. He wrote a report on this issue, entitled "Farmer to Consumer via Postal Motor Service," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. See also "A Plan for Cooperation between Farmer and Consumer," Monthly Labor Review 11, no. 2 (August 1920): 213-33. On the "Hell Raisers," see Bryant, "The Quality of the Day," 90-93. I am indebted to Larry Anderson for much of my understanding of MacKaye during this period. Information in this paragraph is gleaned from his essay, "'A Retreat from Profit': MacKaye's Path to the Appalachian Trail, 1919-1921," presented at the symposium entitled "Benton MacKaye and the Appalachian Trail," University at Albany, State University of New York, November 22, 1996, draft copy in author's possession. Anderson is working on a biography of MacKaye that will add immeasurably to our knowledge of his life and thought.
97. Letter from MacKaye, Herbert Brougham, and Charles Harris Whitaker to Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, with dossiers attached, March 23, 1920, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. Those on the list included MacKaye, his wife Jessie, Brougham, Whitaker, Stuart Chase, C. H. Chase, Paul Wallace Hanna, Jacob Kotinsky, Aaron Kravitz, Leland Olds, and Horace Warner Truesdell. In early April, Martens replied to MacKaye and his colleagues, thanking them for their offer of assistance and telling them they would be contacted when the time was right. Letter, Martens to MacKaye, April 4, 1920, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. On Martens and the Palmer Raids, see David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 287-92.
98. Kennedy, Over Here, 25-26, 75-78, 237-38, 289-90. See letter from Victor Berger to MacKaye, November 22, 1922, MacKaye Papers, Box 166. See also Sally Miller, Victor Berger and the Promise of Constructive Socialism, 1910-1920 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973). MacKaye kept clippings from the Leader that span most of 1920. Almost all the editorials were unsigned, but there were a number on Alaskan issues that sounded like MacKaye. See MacKaye Papers, Box 182. On their departure, see letter from MacKaye to Elizabeth Thomas, December 12, 1920, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
99. Kennedy, Over Here, 25-26, 75-78, 237-38, 289-90. See letter from Victor Berger to MacKaye, November 22, 1922, MacKaye Papers, Box 166. See also Sally Miller, Victor Berger and the Promise of Constructive Socialism, 1910-1920 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973). MacKaye kept clippings from the Leader that span most of 1920. Almost all the editorials were unsigned, but there were a number on Alaskan issues that sounded like MacKaye. See MacKaye Papers, Box 182. On their departure, see letter from MacKaye to Elizabeth Thomas, December 12, 1920, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
100. Kennedy, Over Here, 25-26, 75-78, 237-38, 289-90. See letter from Victor Berger to MacKaye, November 22, 1922, MacKaye Papers, Box 166. See also Sally Miller, Victor Berger and the Promise of Constructive Socialism, 1910-1920 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973). MacKaye kept clippings from the Leader that span most of 1920. Almost all the editorials were unsigned, but there were a number on Alaskan issues that sounded like MacKaye. See MacKaye Papers, Box 182. On their departure, see letter from MacKaye to Elizabeth Thomas, December 12, 1920, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
101. Kennedy, Over Here, 25-26, 75-78, 237-38, 289-90. See letter from Victor Berger to MacKaye, November 22, 1922, MacKaye Papers, Box 166. See also Sally Miller, Victor Berger and the Promise of Constructive Socialism, 1910-1920 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973). MacKaye kept clippings from the Leader that span most of 1920. Almost all the editorials were unsigned, but there were a number on Alaskan issues that sounded like MacKaye. See MacKaye Papers, Box 182. On their departure, see letter from MacKaye to Elizabeth Thomas, December 12, 1920, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
102. Kennedy, Over Here, 25-26, 75-78, 237-38, 289-90. See letter from Victor Berger to MacKaye, November 22, 1922, MacKaye Papers, Box 166. See also Sally Miller, Victor Berger and the Promise of Constructive Socialism, 1910-1920 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973). MacKaye kept clippings from the Leader that span most of 1920. Almost all the editorials were unsigned, but there were a number on Alaskan issues that sounded like MacKaye. See MacKaye Papers, Box 182. On their departure, see letter from MacKaye to Elizabeth Thomas, December 12, 1920, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
103. Veblen's treatise was originally published in 1919 as a series of articles in Dial; it appeared in book form in 1921. See Veblen, The Engineers and the Price System (New York: B.W. Huebsch, 1921). A number of scholars have suggested that Veblen got his idea from a movement among engineers in the late 1910s, led by Morris Cooke and Henry Gantt, to reject their profession's subservience to business and to chart an independent course for the profession. But most scholars have concluded that Veblen was quite mistaken to see revolutionary potential among a group that turned out to be profoundly conservative. See William Akin, Technocracy and the American Dream: The Technocratic Movement, 1900-1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 14-26; Edwin Layton, The Revolt of the Engineers: Social Responsibility and the Engineering Profession (Cleveland, Ohio: The Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1971); John M. Jordan, Machine-Age Ideology: Social Engineering and American Liberalism, 1911-1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). On the Technocratic Movement, see Akin, 34-37; Westbrook, "Tribune of the Technostructure,393. The Technical Alliance included among its members MacKaye's old friends Whitaker and Chase as well as Frederick Ackerman and Robert Kohn, future colleagues of his in the Regional Planning Association of America.
104. Veblen's treatise was originally published in 1919 as a series of articles in Dial; it appeared in book form in 1921. See Veblen, The Engineers and the Price System (New York: B.W. Huebsch, 1921). A number of scholars have suggested that Veblen got his idea from a movement among engineers in the late 1910s, led by Morris Cooke and Henry Gantt, to reject their profession's subservience to business and to chart an independent course for the profession. But most scholars have concluded that Veblen was quite mistaken to see revolutionary potential among a group that turned out to be profoundly conservative. See William Akin, Technocracy and the American Dream: The Technocratic Movement, 1900-1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 14-26; Edwin Layton, The Revolt of the Engineers: Social Responsibility and the Engineering Profession (Cleveland, Ohio: The Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1971); John M. Jordan, Machine-Age Ideology: Social Engineering and American Liberalism, 1911-1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). On the Technocratic Movement, see Akin, 34-37; Westbrook, "Tribune of the Technostructure,393. The Technical Alliance included among its members MacKaye's old friends Whitaker and Chase as well as Frederick Ackerman and Robert Kohn, future colleagues of his in the Regional Planning Association of America.
105. Veblen's treatise was originally published in 1919 as a series of articles in Dial; it appeared in book form in 1921. See Veblen, The Engineers and the Price System (New York: B.W. Huebsch, 1921). A number of scholars have suggested that Veblen got his idea from a movement among engineers in the late 1910s, led by Morris Cooke and Henry Gantt, to reject their profession's subservience to business and to chart an independent course for the profession. But most scholars have concluded that Veblen was quite mistaken to see revolutionary potential among a group that turned out to be profoundly conservative. See William Akin, Technocracy and the American Dream: The Technocratic Movement, 1900-1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 14-26; Edwin Layton, The Revolt of the Engineers: Social Responsibility and the Engineering Profession (Cleveland, Ohio: The Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1971); John M. Jordan, Machine-Age Ideology: Social Engineering and American Liberalism, 1911-1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). On the Technocratic Movement, see Akin, 34-37; Westbrook, "Tribune of the Technostructure,393. The Technical Alliance included among its members MacKaye's old friends Whitaker and Chase as well as Frederick Ackerman and Robert Kohn, future colleagues of his in the Regional Planning Association of America.
106. Veblen's treatise was originally published in 1919 as a series of articles in Dial; it appeared in book form in 1921. See Veblen, The Engineers and the Price System (New York: B.W. Huebsch, 1921). A number of scholars have suggested that Veblen got his idea from a movement among engineers in the late 1910s, led by Morris Cooke and Henry Gantt, to reject their profession's subservience to business and to chart an independent course for the profession. But most scholars have concluded that Veblen was quite mistaken to see revolutionary potential among a group that turned out to be profoundly conservative. See William Akin, Technocracy and the American Dream: The Technocratic Movement, 1900-1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 14-26; Edwin Layton, The Revolt of the Engineers: Social Responsibility and the Engineering Profession (Cleveland, Ohio: The Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1971); John M. Jordan, Machine-Age Ideology: Social Engineering and American Liberalism, 1911-1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). On the Technocratic Movement, see Akin, 34-37; Westbrook, "Tribune of the Technostructure,393. The Technical Alliance included among its members MacKaye's old friends Whitaker and Chase as well as Frederick Ackerman and Robert Kohn, future colleagues of his in the Regional Planning Association of America.
107. Veblen's treatise was originally published in 1919 as a series of articles in Dial; it appeared in book form in 1921. See Veblen, The Engineers and the Price System (New York: B.W. Huebsch, 1921). A number of scholars have suggested that Veblen got his idea from a movement among engineers in the late 1910s, led by Morris Cooke and Henry Gantt, to reject their profession's subservience to business and to chart an independent course for the profession. But most scholars have concluded that Veblen was quite mistaken to see revolutionary potential among a group that turned out to be profoundly conservative. See William Akin, Technocracy and the American Dream: The Technocratic Movement, 1900-1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 14-26; Edwin Layton, The Revolt of the Engineers: Social Responsibility and the Engineering Profession (Cleveland, Ohio: The Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1971); John M. Jordan, Machine-Age Ideology: Social Engineering and American Liberalism, 1911-1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). On the Technocratic Movement, see Akin, 34-37; Westbrook, "Tribune of the Technostructure,393. The Technical Alliance included among its members MacKaye's old friends Whitaker and Chase as well as Frederick Ackerman and Robert Kohn, future colleagues of his in the Regional Planning Association of America.
108. Veblen's treatise was originally published in 1919 as a series of articles in Dial; it appeared in book form in 1921. See Veblen, The Engineers and the Price System (New York: B.W. Huebsch, 1921). A number of scholars have suggested that Veblen got his idea from a movement among engineers in the late 1910s, led by Morris Cooke and Henry Gantt, to reject their profession's subservience to business and to chart an independent course for the profession. But most scholars have concluded that Veblen was quite mistaken to see revolutionary potential among a group that turned out to be profoundly conservative. See William Akin, Technocracy and the American Dream: The Technocratic Movement, 1900-1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 14-26; Edwin Layton, The Revolt of the Engineers: Social Responsibility and the Engineering Profession (Cleveland, Ohio: The Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1971); John M. Jordan, Machine-Age Ideology: Social Engineering and American Liberalism, 1911-1939 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994). On the Technocratic Movement, see Akin, 34-37; Westbrook, "Tribune of the Technostructure,393. The Technical Alliance included among its members MacKaye's old friends Whitaker and Chase as well as Frederick Ackerman and Robert Kohn, future colleagues of his in the Regional Planning Association of America.
109. MacKaye, "From Homesteads to Valley Authorities," in From Geography to Geotechnics, ed. Bryant, 36.
110. Thomas, "Lewis Mumford, Benton MacKaye, and the Regional Vision," 72.
111. MacKaye, "Memorandum on Regional Planning," (1921), MacKaye Papers, Box 182; Anderson, "'A Retreat from Profit,'" 14-15.
112. MacKaye, "Memorandum on Regional Planning," (1921), MacKaye Papers, Box 182; Anderson, "'A Retreat from Profit,'" 14-15.
113. MacKaye, "Regional Planning and Social Readjustment," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. Also in Anderson, "A Retreat from Profit." MacKaye echoes Robert Gottlieb's call to recognize a more complex history to the environmental movement, and to see it as multivalent. See Gottlieb's "Introduction: Where We Live, Work, and Play," in Forcing the Spring, 3-11.
114. MacKaye, "Regional Planning and Social Readjustment," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. Also in Anderson, "A Retreat from Profit." MacKaye echoes Robert Gottlieb's call to recognize a more complex history to the environmental movement, and to see it as multivalent. See Gottlieb's "Introduction: Where We Live, Work, and Play," in Forcing the Spring, 3-11.
115. MacKaye, "Regional Planning and Social Readjustment," MacKaye Papers, Box 182. Also in Anderson, "A Retreat from Profit." MacKaye echoes Robert Gottlieb's call to recognize a more complex history to the environmental movement, and to see it as multivalent. See Gottlieb's "Introduction: Where We Live, Work, and Play," in Forcing the Spring, 3-11.
116. MacKaye, "Regional Planning and Social Readjustment." Ronald Foresta has argued that MacKaye's broader vision for the Appalachian Trail faded because he failed to see that the trail would be appropriated by a managerial middle-class and transformed into a solely recreational facility. While Foresta was right in his description of this transformation, he missed two important elements of the story. First, MacKaye understood, even before he published his article proposing the trail, that utilizing this middle-class recreational constituency would be both necessary and dangerous. Secondly, Foresta was wrong to conclude that the "transformation of the trail from an instrument of social reform to a recreational facility was thus smooth, uncontested, and forgotten." MacKaye's growing commitment to wilderness would be a direct result of contesting this very transformation. Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail."
117. MacKaye, "Regional Planning and Social Readjustment." Ronald Foresta has argued that MacKaye's broader vision for the Appalachian Trail faded because he failed to see that the trail would be appropriated by a managerial middle-class and transformed into a solely recreational facility. While Foresta was right in his description of this transformation, he missed two important elements of the story. First, MacKaye understood, even before he published his article proposing the trail, that utilizing this middle-class recreational constituency would be both necessary and dangerous. Secondly, Foresta was wrong to conclude that the "transformation of the trail from an instrument of social reform to a recreational facility was thus smooth, uncontested, and forgotten." MacKaye's growing commitment to wilderness would be a direct result of contesting this very transformation. Foresta, "Transformation of the Appalachian Trail."
118. MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail: A Project in Regional Planning," Journal of the American Institute of Architects 9(October 1921): 326.
119. MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail," 327; italics are mine. On the Country Life Movement, see William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); Peter Schmitt, Back to Nahire: The Arcadian Myth in Urban America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 20-32. On the many and varied regionalisms of the interwar period, see Dorman, The Revolt of the Provinces. On the Appalachian timber boom in the decades preceding MacKaye's proposal, see Ronald Lewis, Transforming the Appalachian Countryside: Railroads, Deforestation, and Social Change in West Virginia, 1880-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998).
120. MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail," 327; italics are mine. On the Country Life Movement, see William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); Peter Schmitt, Back to Nahire: The Arcadian Myth in Urban America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 20-32. On the many and varied regionalisms of the interwar period, see Dorman, The Revolt of the Provinces. On the Appalachian timber boom in the decades preceding MacKaye's proposal, see Ronald Lewis, Transforming the Appalachian Countryside: Railroads, Deforestation, and Social Change in West Virginia, 1880-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998).
121. MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail," 327; italics are mine. On the Country Life Movement, see William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); Peter Schmitt, Back to Nahire: The Arcadian Myth in Urban America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 20-32. On the many and varied regionalisms of the interwar period, see Dorman, The Revolt of the Provinces. On the Appalachian timber boom in the decades preceding MacKaye's proposal, see Ronald Lewis, Transforming the Appalachian Countryside: Railroads, Deforestation, and Social Change in West Virginia, 1880-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998).
122. MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail," 327; italics are mine. On the Country Life Movement, see William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); Peter Schmitt, Back to Nahire: The Arcadian Myth in Urban America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 20-32. On the many and varied regionalisms of the interwar period, see Dorman, The Revolt of the Provinces. On the Appalachian timber boom in the decades preceding MacKaye's proposal, see Ronald Lewis, Transforming the Appalachian Countryside: Railroads, Deforestation, and Social Change in West Virginia, 1880-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998).
123. MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail," 327; italics are mine. On the Country Life Movement, see William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); Peter Schmitt, Back to Nahire: The Arcadian Myth in Urban America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 20-32. On the many and varied regionalisms of the interwar period, see Dorman, The Revolt of the Provinces. On the Appalachian timber boom in the decades preceding MacKaye's proposal, see Ronald Lewis, Transforming the Appalachian Countryside: Railroads, Deforestation, and Social Change in West Virginia, 1880-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998).
124. MacKaye, "An Appalachian Trail," 326.
125. Ibid., 326-27; italics are MacKaye's. Cindy Aron has a good discussion of the connection between outdoor vacations and health in her book, Working at Play: A History of Vacation in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
126. Ibid., 326-27; italics are MacKaye's. Cindy Aron has a good discussion of the connection between outdoor vacations and health in her book, Working at Play: A History of Vacation in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
127. Ibid., 327.
128. Ibid., 329.
129. Ibid., 327-29.
130. Clarence Stein, "Introduction," appended to reprints of MacKaye, "A Project for an Appalachian Trail," copy in MacKaye Papers, Box 183. On anticipated support, see letter from MacKaye to Clarence Stein, November 9, 1921, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. Chamberlain was a long-time friend of MacKaye's. See Chamberlain to MacKaye, October 13, 1909, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. On his experience at the NETC meeting, see letter from MacKaye to Stein, December 11, 1921, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
131. Clarence Stein, "Introduction," appended to reprints of MacKaye, "A Project for an Appalachian Trail," copy in MacKaye Papers, Box 183. On anticipated support, see letter from MacKaye to Clarence Stein, November 9, 1921, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. Chamberlain was a long-time friend of MacKaye's. See Chamberlain to MacKaye, October 13, 1909, MacKaye Papers, Box 165. On his experience at the NETC meeting, see letter from MacKaye to Stein, December 11, 1921, MacKaye Papers, Box 165.
132. The best history of the ATC is contained within the Appalachian Trail Conference Member Handbook (Harper's Ferry, W.V.: ATC, 1988). On MacKaye's important role in developing support for the trail, see MacKaye, "Progress Toward the Appalachian Trail," Appalachia 15, no. 3 (December 1922): 244-52; MacKaye, "Some Early A.T. History," Potomac Appalachian Trail Club Bulletin 26, no. 4 (October/December 1957): 91-96.
133. The best history of the ATC is contained within the Appalachian Trail Conference Member Handbook (Harper's Ferry, W.V.: ATC, 1988). On MacKaye's important role in developing support for the trail, see MacKaye, "Progress Toward the Appalachian Trail," Appalachia 15, no. 3 (December 1922): 244-52; MacKaye, "Some Early A.T. History," Potomac Appalachian Trail Club Bulletin 26, no. 4 (October/December 1957): 91-96.
134. The best history of the ATC is contained within the Appalachian Trail Conference Member Handbook (Harper's Ferry, W.V.: ATC, 1988). On MacKaye's important role in developing support for the trail, see MacKaye, "Progress Toward the Appalachian Trail," Appalachia 15, no. 3 (December 1922): 244-52; MacKaye, "Some Early A.T. History," Potomac Appalachian Trail Club Bulletin 26, no. 4 (October/December 1957): 91-96.
135. MacKaye, "Progress Toward the Appalachian Trail," 244.
136. In 1926, Congress passed legislation enabling the creation of Shenandoah and Great Smoky Mountains National Parks, pending the purchase of sufficient acreage by the states and subsequent presentation of the parklands to the federal government. By the mid-1930s, with the help of copious New Deal labor and funding, both parks were up and running. See Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience, 2d ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 115-17.
137. There were proposals to build roads in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and through Vermont's Green Mountains. On the Smokies, see Harvey Broome, "The Origins of the Wilderness Society," The Living Wilderness 5, no. 5 (July 1940): 13-15. On the Green Mountain proposals, see Hannah Silverstein, "No Parking: Vermont Rejects the Green Mountain Parkway," and Hal Goldman, "James Taylor's Progressive Vision: The Green Mountain Parkway," Vermont History 63 (1995): 133-79.
138. There were proposals to build roads in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and through Vermont's Green Mountains. On the Smokies, see Harvey Broome, "The Origins of the Wilderness Society," The Living Wilderness 5, no. 5 (July 1940): 13-15. On the Green Mountain proposals, see Hannah Silverstein, "No Parking: Vermont Rejects the Green Mountain Parkway," and Hal Goldman, "James Taylor's Progressive Vision: The Green Mountain Parkway," Vermont History 63 (1995): 133-79.
139. There were proposals to build roads in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park and through Vermont's Green Mountains. On the Smokies, see Harvey Broome, "The Origins of the Wilderness Society," The Living Wilderness 5, no. 5 (July 1940): 13-15. On the Green Mountain proposals, see Hannah Silverstein, "No Parking: Vermont Rejects the Green Mountain Parkway," and Hal Goldman, "James Taylor's Progressive Vision: The Green Mountain Parkway," Vermont History 63 (1995): 133-79.
140. MacKaye, The New Exploration: A Philosophy of Regional Planning (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1928); MacKaye, "The Townless Highway," The New Republic 62 (March 12, 1930): 93-95; MacKaye and Lewis Mumford, "Townless Highway for the Motorist," Harper's 163 (1931): 347-65.
141. MacKaye, The New Exploration: A Philosophy of Regional Planning (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1928); MacKaye, "The Townless Highway," The New Republic 62 (March 12, 1930): 93-95; MacKaye and Lewis
142. MacKaye, The New Exploration: A Philosophy of Regional Planning (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1928); MacKaye, "The Townless Highway," The New Republic 62 (March 12, 1930): 93-95; MacKaye and Lewis Mumford, "Townless Highway for the Motorist," Harper's 163 (1931): 347-65.
143. MacKaye, "Outdoor Culture: The Philosophy of Through Trails," Landscape Architecture 17, no. 3 (April 1927), reprinted in Paul Bryant, ed., From Geography to Geotechnics, 169.
144. MacKaye, "Outdoor Culture: The Philosophy of Through Trails," Landscape Architecture 17, no. 3 (April 1927), reprinted in Paul Bryant, ed., From Geography to Geotechnics, 169.
145. During the 1920s, Leopold was the nation's preeminent proponent of preserving wilderness areas. See Sutter, "'A Blank Spot on the Map.'" MacKaye and Leopold corresponded as early as 1926, and MacKaye's first use of the term "wilderness area" was in a letter to Walter Pritchard Eaton. See Leopold to MacKaye, February 3, 1926, and MacKaye to Eaton, August 11, 1926, both in the MacKaye Papers, Box 166. MacKaye also invoked Leopold's model of preservation in The New Exploration, 202-3.
146. During the 1920s, Leopold was the nation's preeminent proponent of preserving wilderness areas. See Sutter, "'A Blank Spot on the Map.'" MacKaye and Leopold corresponded as early as 1926, and MacKaye's first use of the term "wilderness area" was in a letter to Walter Pritchard Eaton. See Leopold to MacKaye, February 3, 1926, and MacKaye to Eaton, August 11, 1926, both in the MacKaye Papers, Box 166. MacKaye also invoked Leopold's model of preservation in The New Exploration, 202-3.
147. During the 1920s, Leopold was the nation's preeminent proponent of preserving wilderness areas. See Sutter, "'A Blank Spot on the Map.'" MacKaye and Leopold corresponded as early as 1926, and MacKaye's first use of the term "wilderness area" was in a letter to Walter Pritchard Eaton. See Leopold to MacKaye, February 3, 1926, and MacKaye to Eaton, August 11, 1926, both in the MacKaye Papers, Box 166. MacKaye also invoked Leopold's model of preservation in The New Exploration, 202-3.
148. During the 1920s, Leopold was the nation's preeminent proponent of preserving wilderness areas. See Sutter, "'A Blank Spot on the Map.'" MacKaye and Leopold corresponded as early as 1926, and MacKaye's first use of the term "wilderness area" was in a letter to Walter Pritchard Eaton. See Leopold to MacKaye, February 3, 1926, and MacKaye to Eaton, August 11, 1926, both in the MacKaye Papers, Box 166. MacKaye also invoked Leopold's model of preservation in The New Exploration, 202-3.
149. On MacKaye's TVA years, see Daniel Schaffer, "Benton MacKaye: The TVA Years," Planning Perspectives 5 (1990): 5-21. For evidence on how the New Deal resuscitated MacKaye's enthusiasm for colonization schemes, see "Memorandum to the Secretary of Labor Re Forest Communities," March 1933, and "Memorandum to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs," May 24, 1933, MacKaye Papers, Box 184.
150. On MacKaye's TVA years, see Daniel Schaffer, "Benton MacKaye: The TVA Years," Planning Perspectives 5 (1990): 5-21. For evidence on how the New Deal resuscitated MacKaye's enthusiasm for colonization schemes, see "Memorandum to the Secretary of Labor Re Forest Communities," March 1933, and "Memorandum to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs," May 24, 1933, MacKaye Papers, Box 184.
151. On MacKaye's TVA years, see Daniel Schaffer, "Benton MacKaye: The TVA Years," Planning Perspectives 5 (1990): 5-21. For evidence on how the New Deal resuscitated MacKaye's enthusiasm for colonization schemes, see "Memorandum to the Secretary of Labor Re Forest Communities," March 1933, and "Memorandum to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs," May 24, 1933, MacKaye Papers, Box 184.
152. MacKaye, "Why the Appalachian Trail?" The Living Wilderness 1, no. 1 (September 1935): 7.