Talking identity in the public sphere: Broad visions and small spaces in sexual identity politics

Theory and Society

Volumn 28, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 101-141

  Lichterman, Paul ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN MADISON   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0033437705     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1006954611027     Document Type: Article

References (120)

1. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
2. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
3. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
4. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
5. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
6. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
7. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
8. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
9. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
10. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
11. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
12. These "theorists of multicultural democracy" are sometimes called "radical democracy" theorists because they envision an indefinite expansion of democratic participation in social life, beyond the bounds of the liberal, modern state. Without denying conceptual differences between these perspectives, I want to emphasize their shared notion that identity groups ought to engage one another and co-evolve democratically through open-ended, critical conversation. Key statements of a multicultural democratic viewpoint include Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 109-142; Nancy Fraser, Justice Interrupts (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Chantal Mouffe, "Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community," in Chantal Mouffe, editor, Dimensions of Radical Democracy (London: Verso, 1992), 225-239, and Chantai Mouffe, "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics," in The Return of the Political (London: Verso, 1993), 74-89; Cornel West, "The New Cultural Politics of Difference," in Simon During, editor, The Cultural Studies Reader (New York: Routledge, 1993), 203-217; and Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, "Introduction" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, editors, Social Postmodernism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 1-35. Shane Phelan uses a similar imagination when she envisions a lesbian-identified way of practicing citizenship, in "The Space of Justice: Lesbians and Democratic Politics" in Linda Nicholson and Steven Seidman, ibid., 332-356. See also Iris Young, "Gender as Seriality: Thinking about Women as a Social Collective," in Nicholson and Seidman, ibid., 187-215. For relevant political commentaries on identity politics, see Jeffrey Escoffier, "The Limits of Multiculturalism," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 61-73; LisaTessman, "Beyond Communitarian Unity in the Politics of Identity," Socialist Review 24/1-2 (1995): 55-83.
13. "Identity politics" is a slippery term that I do not intend to have carry great analytical weight; the varied meanings and debates surrounding the term deserve a paper in themselves. My use of "identity politics" is loosely informed by Charles Taylor's notion of "the politics of recognition" in Amy Gutmann, editor, Multiculturalism: Examining "the Politics of Recognition" (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994). I am using the term as a rough but widely accessible tag for social movements since the 1960s that seek public recognition or advocate rights for groups that identify by gender, race, ethnicity, sexuality, or religion. Thus, environmental, peace, and anti-nuclear movements - which often get grouped with contemporary feminism or lesbian/gay activism as "new social movements" - for the most part do not practice identity politics as defined here. I do not mean to imply that groups practicing identity politics necessarily take their group identities as essential sources of members' interests; that is an empirical question I address here. What matters most is how people talk about identity in everyday settings, not how we decide which settings definitely are sites of "identity politics."
14. "Critical" means a willingness to acknowledge and debate the assumptions behind one's own interests or identity claims, an avoidance of ideological taboos. See Jürgen Habermas's conception of critical discourse in The Theory of Communicative Action, 2 vols.,T. McCarthy, trans. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1987, 1984).
15. See William Connolly, The Ethos of Pluralization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995).
16. Cornel West ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), Nancy Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy"), and Chantal Mouffe ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community") make similar statements about this tension.
17. From here on I use the abbreviation "lgbt" to designate "sexual minority" when either I or the people I am quoting intend a generic, inclusive designation. I use other terms, such as "gay" and "queer," when the people quoted or referred to were using or clearly implying those terms.
18. All groups' and individuals' names are pseudonyms. Pseudonyms have preserved the cultural and political valence of the original names - so that "queer" and "right" in the pseudonyms carry over from the respective groups' real names.
19. The focus is on talk about sexual and other identities, rather than the putative origins of those identities. For an extensive review of the debates about whether sexual identity is innately determined or socially constructed, see Steven Epstein, "Gay Politics, Ethnic Identity: The Limits of Social Constructionism," Socialist Review 93/94 (1987): 9-54; Steven Seidman, "Identity and Politics in a Gay 'Postmodern' Culture: Some Historical and Conceptual Notes," in Michael Warner, editor, Fear of a Queer Planet (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1993), 105-144; Dennis Altman, The Homosexualization of America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1982).
20. The focus is on talk about sexual and other identities, rather than the putative origins of those identities. For an extensive review of the debates about whether sexual identity is innately determined or socially constructed, see Steven Epstein, "Gay Politics, Ethnic Identity: The Limits of Social Constructionism," Socialist Review 93/94 (1987): 9-54; Steven Seidman, "Identity and Politics in a Gay 'Postmodern' Culture: Some Historical and Conceptual Notes," in Michael Warner, editor, Fear of a Queer Planet (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1993), 105-144; Dennis Altman, The Homosexualization of America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1982).
21. The focus is on talk about sexual and other identities, rather than the putative origins of those identities. For an extensive review of the debates about whether sexual identity is innately determined or socially constructed, see Steven Epstein, "Gay Politics, Ethnic Identity: The Limits of Social Constructionism," Socialist Review 93/94 (1987): 9-54; Steven Seidman, "Identity and Politics in a Gay 'Postmodern' Culture: Some Historical and Conceptual Notes," in Michael Warner, editor, Fear of a Queer Planet (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1993), 105-144; Dennis Altman, The Homosexualization of America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1982).
22. The war metaphor has received much attention through the work of James Hunter, especially his Culture Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1991), Robert Hughes (Culture of Complaint (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)), and Todd Gitlin (The Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Henry Holt, 1995)). See also Martin Marty, The One and the Many (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). Cultural conservatives define their protagonists as upholders of a Western cultural heritage, and their most well-known arguments indude Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1987), and Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991). Criticisms of identity politics from a left, universalist perspective favor the unifying force of the left's social justice tradition, and those arguments include Todd Gitlin's (The Twilight of Common Dreams) and Barbara Epstein's ("'Political Correctness' and Collective Powerlessness," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 13-35).
23. The war metaphor has received much attention through the work of James Hunter, especially his Culture Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1991), Robert Hughes (Culture of Complaint (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)), and Todd Gitlin (The Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Henry Holt, 1995)). See also Martin Marty, The One and the Many (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). Cultural conservatives define their protagonists as upholders of a Western cultural heritage, and their most well-known arguments indude Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1987), and Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991). Criticisms of identity politics from a left, universalist perspective favor the unifying force of the left's social justice tradition, and those arguments include Todd Gitlin's (The Twilight of Common Dreams) and Barbara Epstein's ("'Political Correctness' and Collective Powerlessness," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 13-35).
24. The war metaphor has received much attention through the work of James Hunter, especially his Culture Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1991), Robert Hughes (Culture of Complaint (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)), and Todd Gitlin (The Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Henry Holt, 1995)). See also Martin Marty, The One and the Many (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). Cultural conservatives define their protagonists as upholders of a Western cultural heritage, and their most well-known arguments indude Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1987), and Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991). Criticisms of identity politics from a left, universalist perspective favor the unifying force of the left's social justice tradition, and those arguments include Todd Gitlin's (The Twilight of Common Dreams) and Barbara Epstein's ("'Political Correctness' and Collective Powerlessness," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 13-35).
25. The war metaphor has received much attention through the work of James Hunter, especially his Culture Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1991), Robert Hughes (Culture of Complaint (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)), and Todd Gitlin (The Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Henry Holt, 1995)). See also Martin Marty, The One and the Many (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). Cultural conservatives define their protagonists as upholders of a Western cultural heritage, and their most well-known arguments indude Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1987), and Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991). Criticisms of identity politics from a left, universalist perspective favor the unifying force of the left's social justice tradition, and those arguments include Todd Gitlin's (The Twilight of Common Dreams) and Barbara Epstein's ("'Political Correctness' and Collective Powerlessness," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 13-35).
26. The war metaphor has received much attention through the work of James Hunter, especially his Culture Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1991), Robert Hughes (Culture of Complaint (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)), and Todd Gitlin (The Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Henry Holt, 1995)). See also Martin Marty, The One and the Many (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). Cultural conservatives define their protagonists as upholders of a Western cultural heritage, and their most well-known arguments indude Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1987), and Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991). Criticisms of identity politics from a left, universalist perspective favor the unifying force of the left's social justice tradition, and those arguments include Todd Gitlin's (The Twilight of Common Dreams) and Barbara Epstein's ("'Political Correctness' and Collective Powerlessness," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 13-35).
27. The war metaphor has received much attention through the work of James Hunter, especially his Culture Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1991), Robert Hughes (Culture of Complaint (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)), and Todd Gitlin (The Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Henry Holt, 1995)). See also Martin Marty, The One and the Many (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). Cultural conservatives define their protagonists as upholders of a Western cultural heritage, and their most well-known arguments indude Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1987), and Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991). Criticisms of identity politics from a left, universalist perspective favor the unifying force of the left's social justice tradition, and those arguments include Todd Gitlin's (The Twilight of Common Dreams) and Barbara Epstein's ("'Political Correctness' and Collective Powerlessness," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 13-35).
28. The war metaphor has received much attention through the work of James Hunter, especially his Culture Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1991), Robert Hughes (Culture of Complaint (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)), and Todd Gitlin (The Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Henry Holt, 1995)). See also Martin Marty, The One and the Many (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). Cultural conservatives define their protagonists as upholders of a Western cultural heritage, and their most well-known arguments indude Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1987), and Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991). Criticisms of identity politics from a left, universalist perspective favor the unifying force of the left's social justice tradition, and those arguments include Todd Gitlin's (The Twilight of Common Dreams) and Barbara Epstein's ("'Political Correctness' and Collective Powerlessness," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 13-35).
29. The war metaphor has received much attention through the work of James Hunter, especially his Culture Wars (New York: Basic Books, 1991), Robert Hughes (Culture of Complaint (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993)), and Todd Gitlin (The Twilight of Common Dreams (New York: Henry Holt, 1995)). See also Martin Marty, The One and the Many (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997). Cultural conservatives define their protagonists as upholders of a Western cultural heritage, and their most well-known arguments indude Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1987), and Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991). Criticisms of identity politics from a left, universalist perspective favor the unifying force of the left's social justice tradition, and those arguments include Todd Gitlin's (The Twilight of Common Dreams) and Barbara Epstein's ("'Political Correctness' and Collective Powerlessness," Socialist Review 21/3-4 (1991): 13-35).
30. For critical reviews of the culture wars debate and some empirical investigations, see Rhys Williams, editor, Cultural Wars in American Politics (Hawthorne, N.Y.: Aldine de Gruyter, 1997). James Hunter (Culture Wars) argues that culture wars exist in the institutionalized rhetorics and symbols of U.S. public life, even if we find only limited evidence of such battles through traditional attitude surveys; DiMaggio, Evans, and Bryson ("Have Americans' Social Attitudes Become More Polarized?" American Journal of Sociology 102/3 (1996): 690-755) are more skeptical about the existence of widespread culture wars, as are Smith and his colleagues Chris Smith, with Michael Emerson, Sally Gallagher, Paul Kennedy) and David Sikkink, "The Myth of Culture Wars: The Case of American Protestantism," in Rhys Williams, Cultural Wars, 175-195.
31. For critical reviews of the culture wars debate and some empirical investigations, see Rhys Williams, editor, Cultural Wars in American Politics (Hawthorne, N.Y.: Aldine de Gruyter, 1997). James Hunter (Culture Wars) argues that culture wars exist in the institutionalized rhetorics and symbols of U.S. public life, even if we find only limited evidence of such battles through traditional attitude surveys; DiMaggio, Evans, and Bryson ("Have Americans' Social Attitudes Become More Polarized?" American Journal of Sociology 102/3 (1996): 690-755) are more skeptical about the existence of widespread culture wars, as are Smith and his colleagues Chris Smith, with Michael Emerson, Sally Gallagher, Paul Kennedy) and David Sikkink, "The Myth of Culture Wars: The Case of American Protestantism," in Rhys Williams, Cultural Wars, 175-195.
32. For critical reviews of the culture wars debate and some empirical investigations, see Rhys Williams, editor, Cultural Wars in American Politics (Hawthorne, N.Y.: Aldine de Gruyter, 1997). James Hunter (Culture Wars) argues that culture wars exist in the institutionalized rhetorics and symbols of U.S. public life, even if we find only limited evidence of such battles through traditional attitude surveys; DiMaggio, Evans, and Bryson ("Have Americans' Social Attitudes Become More Polarized?" American Journal of Sociology 102/3 (1996): 690-755) are more skeptical about the existence of widespread culture wars, as are Smith and his colleagues Chris Smith, with Michael Emerson, Sally Gallagher, Paul Kennedy) and David Sikkink, "The Myth of Culture Wars: The Case of American Protestantism," in Rhys Williams, Cultural Wars, 175-195.
33. For critical reviews of the culture wars debate and some empirical investigations, see Rhys Williams, editor, Cultural Wars in American Politics (Hawthorne, N.Y.: Aldine de Gruyter, 1997). James Hunter (Culture Wars) argues that culture wars exist in the institutionalized rhetorics and symbols of U.S. public life, even if we find only limited evidence of such battles through traditional attitude surveys; DiMaggio, Evans, and Bryson ("Have Americans' Social Attitudes Become More Polarized?" American Journal of Sociology 102/3 (1996): 690-755) are more skeptical about the existence of widespread culture wars, as are Smith and his colleagues Chris Smith, with Michael Emerson, Sally Gallagher, Paul Kennedy) and David Sikkink, "The Myth of Culture Wars: The Case of American Protestantism," in Rhys Williams, Cultural Wars, 175-195.
34. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
35. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
36. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
37. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
38. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
39. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
40. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
41. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
42. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
43. For the classic formulation of the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, "The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article," New German Critique 3 (1974): 49-55, and The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). Critical appropriations extend Habermas's vision by conceiving of multiple public spheres, and by considering identity work itself as a "public" task for participants in those spheres. Besides Fraser ("Rethinking the Public Sphere"), Moufle ("Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community" and "Feminism, Citizenship and Radical Democratic Politics"), and Wes ("The New Cultural Politics of Difference"), see Craig Calhoun, "Introduction: Habermas and the Public Sphere," in Craig Calhoun, editor, Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 1-48; GeofT Eley, "Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century," in Calhoun, ibid.; Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America," in Calhoun, ibid.; Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, Feminism as Critique (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987) and especially Iris Young, "Impartiality and the Civic Public," in Benhabib and Cornell, ibid., 56-76.
44. See, for instance, Calhoun, Habermas; Michael Schudson, "Was There Ever a Public Sphere? If So, When? Reflections on the American Case," in Calhoun, ibid.; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere: Toward an Historical Sociology of Concept Formation," Sociological Theory 13 (1995): 113-144; Paul Lichterman, "Beyond the Seesaw Model: Public Commitment in a Culture of Self-Fulfillment," Sociological Theory 13: 275-300; Ronald Jacobs, "Civil Society and Crisis: Culture, Discourse, and the Rodney King Beating," American Journal of Sociology 103 (1996): 1238-1272; Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public: A Talk-Centered Study of Citizenship and Power," Sociological Theory 14/3 (1996): 262-289.
45. See, for instance, Calhoun, Habermas; Michael Schudson, "Was There Ever a Public Sphere? If So, When? Reflections on the American Case," in Calhoun, ibid.; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere: Toward an Historical Sociology of Concept Formation," Sociological Theory 13 (1995): 113-144; Paul Lichterman, "Beyond the Seesaw Model: Public Commitment in a Culture of Self-Fulfillment," Sociological Theory 13: 275-300; Ronald Jacobs, "Civil Society and Crisis: Culture, Discourse, and the Rodney King Beating," American Journal of Sociology 103 (1996): 1238-1272; Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public: A Talk-Centered Study of Citizenship and Power," Sociological Theory 14/3 (1996): 262-289.
46. See, for instance, Calhoun, Habermas; Michael Schudson, "Was There Ever a Public Sphere? If So, When? Reflections on the American Case," in Calhoun, ibid.; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere: Toward an Historical Sociology of Concept Formation," Sociological Theory 13 (1995): 113-144; Paul Lichterman, "Beyond the Seesaw Model: Public Commitment in a Culture of Self-Fulfillment," Sociological Theory 13: 275-300; Ronald Jacobs, "Civil Society and Crisis: Culture, Discourse, and the Rodney King Beating," American Journal of Sociology 103 (1996): 1238-1272; Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public: A Talk-Centered Study of Citizenship and Power," Sociological Theory 14/3 (1996): 262-289.
47. See, for instance, Calhoun, Habermas; Michael Schudson, "Was There Ever a Public Sphere? If So, When? Reflections on the American Case," in Calhoun, ibid.; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere: Toward an Historical Sociology of Concept Formation," Sociological Theory 13 (1995): 113-144; Paul Lichterman, "Beyond the Seesaw Model: Public Commitment in a Culture of Self-Fulfillment," Sociological Theory 13: 275-300; Ronald Jacobs, "Civil Society and Crisis: Culture, Discourse, and the Rodney King Beating," American Journal of Sociology 103 (1996): 1238-1272; Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public: A Talk-Centered Study of Citizenship and Power," Sociological Theory 14/3 (1996): 262-289.
48. See, for instance, Calhoun, Habermas; Michael Schudson, "Was There Ever a Public Sphere? If So, When? Reflections on the American Case," in Calhoun, ibid.; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere: Toward an Historical Sociology of Concept Formation," Sociological Theory 13 (1995): 113-144; Paul Lichterman, "Beyond the Seesaw Model: Public Commitment in a Culture of Self-Fulfillment," Sociological Theory 13: 275-300; Ronald Jacobs, "Civil Society and Crisis: Culture, Discourse, and the Rodney King Beating," American Journal of Sociology 103 (1996): 1238-1272; Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public: A Talk-Centered Study of Citizenship and Power," Sociological Theory 14/3 (1996): 262-289.
49. See, for instance, Calhoun, Habermas; Michael Schudson, "Was There Ever a Public Sphere? If So, When? Reflections on the American Case," in Calhoun, ibid.; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere: Toward an Historical Sociology of Concept Formation," Sociological Theory 13 (1995): 113-144; Paul Lichterman, "Beyond the Seesaw Model: Public Commitment in a Culture of Self-Fulfillment," Sociological Theory 13: 275-300; Ronald Jacobs, "Civil Society and Crisis: Culture, Discourse, and the Rodney King Beating," American Journal of Sociology 103 (1996): 1238-1272; Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public: A Talk-Centered Study of Citizenship and Power," Sociological Theory 14/3 (1996): 262-289.
50. See, for instance, Calhoun, Habermas; Michael Schudson, "Was There
51. Studies of ideological "framing" in social movements constitute one widely cited version of this approach. See David Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven Worden, and Robert Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow, editors, International Social Movement Research 1 (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1988), 197-217; Scott Hunt, Robert Benford, and David Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Social Construction of Movement Identities," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 185-208. See also Mary Bernstein's argument that lesbian and gay activists deploy identity strategically to accomplish various ends ("Celebration and Suppression-. The Strategic Uses of Identity by the Lesbian and Gay Movement," American Journal of Sociology 103/3 (1997): 531-565).
52. Studies of ideological "framing" in social movements constitute one widely cited version of this approach. See David Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven Worden, and Robert Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow, editors, International Social Movement Research 1 (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1988), 197-217; Scott Hunt, Robert Benford, and David Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Social Construction of Movement Identities," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 185-208. See also Mary Bernstein's argument that lesbian and gay activists deploy identity strategically to accomplish various ends ("Celebration and Suppression-. The Strategic Uses of Identity by the Lesbian and Gay Movement," American Journal of Sociology 103/3 (1997): 531-565).
53. Studies of ideological "framing" in social movements constitute one widely cited version of this approach. See David Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven Worden, and Robert Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow, editors, International Social Movement Research 1 (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1988), 197-217; Scott Hunt, Robert Benford, and David Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Social Construction of Movement Identities," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 185-208. See also Mary Bernstein's argument that lesbian and gay activists deploy identity strategically to accomplish various ends ("Celebration and Suppression-. The Strategic Uses of Identity by the Lesbian and Gay Movement," American Journal of Sociology 103/3 (1997): 531-565).
54. Studies of ideological "framing" in social movements constitute one widely cited version of this approach. See David Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven Worden, and Robert Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; David Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance, and Participant Mobilization," in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow, editors, International Social Movement Research 1 (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1988), 197-217; Scott Hunt, Robert Benford, and David Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Social Construction of Movement Identities," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 185-208. See also Mary Bernstein's argument that lesbian and gay activists deploy identity strategically to accomplish various ends ("Celebration and Suppression-. The Strategic Uses of Identity by the Lesbian and Gay Movement," American Journal of Sociology 103/3 (1997): 531-565).
55. See the introductory discussion of "strategic framing" in Doug McAdam, John McCarthy, and Mayer Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, Cultural Framings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Steve Hart ("The Cultural Dimension of Social Movements: A Theoretical Reassessment and Literature Review," Sociology of Religion 57 (1996): 87-100) and Emirbayer and Goodwin ("Symbols, Positions, Objects: Situating 'Culture' within Social Movement Theory," paper presented at American Sociological Association Annual meetings, New York, 1996) similarly suggest that there are limits as well as benefits in understanding opinion-forming as strategic action.
56. See the introductory discussion of "strategic framing" in Doug McAdam, John McCarthy, and Mayer Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, Cultural Framings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Steve Hart ("The Cultural Dimension of Social Movements: A Theoretical Reassessment and Literature Review," Sociology of Religion 57 (1996): 87-100) and Emirbayer and Goodwin ("Symbols, Positions, Objects: Situating 'Culture' within Social Movement Theory," paper presented at American Sociological Association Annual meetings, New York, 1996) similarly suggest that there are limits as well as benefits in understanding opinion-forming as strategic action.
57. See the introductory discussion of "strategic framing" in Doug McAdam, John McCarthy, and Mayer Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, Cultural Framings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Steve Hart ("The Cultural Dimension of Social Movements: A Theoretical Reassessment and Literature Review," Sociology of Religion 57 (1996): 87-100) and Emirbayer and Goodwin ("Symbols, Positions, Objects: Situating 'Culture' within Social Movement Theory," paper presented at American Sociological Association Annual meetings, New York, 1996) similarly suggest that there are limits as well as benefits in understanding opinion-forming as strategic action.
58. See, for instance, Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere"; Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). For contemporary and historical examples, see Cohen and Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory; Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); Harry Boyte, "The Pragmatic Ends of Popular Politics," (in Calhoun, Habermas), 340-355, Commonwealth: A Return to Citizen Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1989); Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America."
59. See, for instance, Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere"; Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). For contemporary and historical examples, see Cohen and Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory; Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); Harry Boyte, "The Pragmatic Ends of Popular Politics," (in Calhoun, Habermas), 340-355, Commonwealth: A Return to Citizen Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1989); Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America."
60. See, for instance, Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere"; Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). For contemporary and historical examples, see Cohen and Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory; Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); Harry Boyte, "The Pragmatic Ends of Popular Politics," (in Calhoun, Habermas), 340-355, Commonwealth: A Return to Citizen Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1989); Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America."
61. See, for instance, Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere"; Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). For contemporary and historical examples, see Cohen and Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory; Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); Harry Boyte, "The Pragmatic Ends of Popular Politics," (in Calhoun, Habermas), 340-355, Commonwealth: A Return to Citizen Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1989); Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America."
62. See, for instance, Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere"; Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). For contemporary and historical examples, see Cohen and Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory; Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); Harry Boyte, "The Pragmatic Ends of Popular Politics," (in Calhoun, Habermas), 340-355, Commonwealth: A Return to Citizen Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1989); Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America."
63. See, for instance, Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere"; Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). For contemporary and historical examples, see Cohen and Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory; Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978); Harry Boyte, "The Pragmatic Ends of Popular Politics," (in Calhoun, Habermas), 340-355, Commonwealth: A Return to Citizen Politics (New York: The Free Press, 1989); Mary Ryan, "Gender and Public Access: Women's Politics in Nineteenth-Century America."
64. In Making History: The Radical Tradition in American Life (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), Flacks argues that movements' important effects include political socialization, especially under a post-World War II "social contract" that privatized a lot of decision-making about economic power and political participation.
65. See especially Carol Mueller's treatment of Melucci's work in "Conflict Networks and the Origins of Women's Liberation," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, New Social Movements, 234-263. Relevant works by Melucci include Nomads of the Present (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), and "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements" Social Research 52 (1985): 789-816. For orienting statements about movement identity and empirical examples, see Laraña, Johnston, and Gusfield, New Social Movements, and Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller, Frontiers of Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).
66. See especially Carol Mueller's treatment of Melucci's work in "Conflict Networks and the Origins of Women's Liberation," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, New Social Movements, 234-263. Relevant works by Melucci include Nomads of the Present (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), and "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements" Social Research 52 (1985): 789-816. For orienting statements about movement identity and empirical examples, see Laraña, Johnston, and Gusfield, New Social Movements, and Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller, Frontiers of Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).
67. See especially Carol Mueller's treatment of Melucci's work in "Conflict Networks and the Origins of Women's Liberation," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, New Social Movements, 234-263. Relevant works by Melucci include Nomads of the Present (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), and "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements" Social Research 52 (1985): 789-816. For orienting statements about movement identity and empirical examples, see Laraña, Johnston, and Gusfield, New Social Movements, and Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller, Frontiers of Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).
68. See especially Carol Mueller's treatment of Melucci's work in "Conflict Networks and the Origins of Women's Liberation," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, New Social Movements, 234-263. Relevant works by Melucci include Nomads of the Present (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), and "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements" Social Research 52 (1985): 789-816. For orienting statements about movement identity and empirical examples, see Laraña, Johnston, and Gusfield, New Social Movements, and Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller, Frontiers of Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).
69. See especially Carol Mueller's treatment of Melucci's work in "Conflict Networks and the Origins of Women's Liberation," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, New Social Movements, 234-263. Relevant works by Melucci include Nomads of the Present (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), and "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements" Social Research 52 (1985): 789-816. For orienting statements about movement identity and empirical examples, see Laraña, Johnston, and Gusfield, New Social Movements, and Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller, Frontiers of Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).
70. See especially Carol Mueller's treatment of Melucci's work in "Conflict Networks and the Origins of Women's Liberation," in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston, and Joseph Gusfield, New Social Movements, 234-263. Relevant works by Melucci include Nomads of the Present (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), and "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements" Social Research 52 (1985): 789-816. For orienting statements about movement identity and empirical examples, see Laraña, Johnston, and Gusfield, New Social Movements, and Aldon Morris and Carol Mueller, Frontiers of Social Movement Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).
71. But see Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public," and Avoiding Politics: How Americans Produce Apathy in Everyday Life (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998) for an exemplar; see Paul Lichterman, The Search for Political Community (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996) for different kinds of public-spirited talk in different grassroots movements; see also Jane Mansbridge, Beyond Adversary Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983).
72. But see Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public," and Avoiding Politics: How Americans Produce Apathy in Everyday Life (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998) for an exemplar; see Paul Lichterman, The Search for Political Community (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996) for different kinds of public-spirited talk in different grassroots movements; see also Jane Mansbridge, Beyond Adversary Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983).
73. But see Nina Eliasoph, "Making a Fragile Public," and Avoiding Politics: How Americans Produce Apathy in Everyday Life (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998) for an exemplar; see Paul Lichterman, The Search for Political Community (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996) for different kinds of public-spirited talk in different grassroots movements; see also Jane Mansbridge, Beyond Adversary Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983).
74. See Lichterman, The Search for Political Community. This work did not treat identity politics as defined in note 1 here.
75. By social identity I mean, similarly to John Hewitt (Dilemmas of the American Self (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989)), the relation that someone maintains with an array of communities or institutions, or cultural authorities, a relation we can find in everyday talk, as when someone says, "as queers, we should support the pro-choice march." Along complementary lines, Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot hold that reference groups influence the ways people draw the boundaries of their communities; see their volume on the evaluative criteria people use to draw political, racial, civic, artistic, and professional boundaries, Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot, editors, Comparing Cultures and Polities: Repertoires of Evaluation in France and the United States (forthcoming).
76. By social identity I mean, similarly to John Hewitt (Dilemmas of the American Self (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989)), the relation that someone maintains with an array of communities or institutions, or cultural authorities, a relation we can find in everyday talk, as when someone says, "as queers, we should support the pro-choice march." Along complementary lines, Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot hold that reference groups influence the ways people draw the boundaries of their communities; see their volume on the evaluative criteria people use to draw political, racial, civic, artistic, and professional boundaries, Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot, editors, Comparing Cultures and Polities: Repertoires of Evaluation in France and the United States (forthcoming).
77. For examples of the "cultural structure" notion, see Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith, "The discourse of American civil society: A new proposal for cultural studies," Theory and Society 22 (1993): 151-207; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere;" William Sewell, "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29; Eric Rambo and Elaine Chan, "Text, Structure, and Action in Cultural Sociology," Theory and Society 19 (1990): 635-648; Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot, editors, Comparing Cultures and Polities. See also Robert Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). The phrase "cultural structure" gets employed earliest in Rambo and Chan, and Alexander and Smith.
78. For examples of the "cultural structure" notion, see Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith, "The discourse of American civil society: A new proposal for cultural studies," Theory and Society 22 (1993): 151-207; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere;" William Sewell, "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29; Eric Rambo and Elaine Chan, "Text, Structure, and Action in Cultural Sociology," Theory and Society 19 (1990): 635-648; Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot, editors, Comparing Cultures and Polities. See also Robert Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). The phrase "cultural structure" gets employed earliest in Rambo and Chan, and Alexander and Smith.
79. For examples of the "cultural structure" notion, see Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith, "The discourse of American civil society: A new proposal for cultural studies," Theory and Society 22 (1993): 151-207; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere;" William Sewell, "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29; Eric Rambo and Elaine Chan, "Text, Structure, and Action in Cultural Sociology," Theory and Society 19 (1990): 635-648; Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot, editors, Comparing Cultures and Polities. See also Robert Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). The phrase "cultural structure" gets employed earliest in Rambo and Chan, and Alexander and Smith.
80. For examples of the "cultural structure" notion, see Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith, "The discourse of American civil society: A new proposal for cultural studies," Theory and Society 22 (1993): 151-207; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere;" William Sewell, "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29; Eric Rambo and Elaine Chan, "Text, Structure, and Action in Cultural Sociology," Theory and Society 19 (1990): 635-648; Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot, editors, Comparing Cultures and Polities. See also Robert Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). The phrase "cultural structure" gets employed earliest in Rambo and Chan, and Alexander and Smith.
81. For examples of the "cultural structure" notion, see Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith, "The discourse of American civil society: A new proposal for cultural studies," Theory and Society 22 (1993): 151-207; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere;" William Sewell, "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29; Eric Rambo and Elaine Chan, "Text, Structure, and Action in Cultural Sociology," Theory and Society 19 (1990): 635-648; Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot, editors, Comparing Cultures and Polities. See also Robert Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). The phrase "cultural structure" gets employed earliest in Rambo and Chan, and Alexander and Smith.
82. For examples of the "cultural structure" notion, see Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith, "The discourse of American civil society: A new proposal for cultural studies," Theory and Society 22 (1993): 151-207; Margaret Somers, "What's Political or Cultural about Political Culture and the Public Sphere;" William Sewell, "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29; Eric Rambo and Elaine Chan, "Text, Structure, and Action in Cultural Sociology," Theory and Society 19 (1990): 635-648; Michele Lamont and Laurent Thévenot, editors, Comparing Cultures and Polities. See also Robert Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). The phrase "cultural structure" gets employed earliest in Rambo and Chan, and Alexander and Smith.
83. "Community interest politics" should not be confused with "local communitarian activism," a different cultural structure explored in The Search for Political Community.
84. I describe a participant-observer's approach to social identities and solidarities more extensively in "What do Movements Mean?" Qualitative Sociology 21/4 (1998): 401-418.
85. I will comment more extensively on these issues in a future book.
86. See, for instance, the reactions of lgbt newspaper readers to the word "queer," in Joshua Gamson, "Must Identity Movements Self Destruct? A Queer Dilemma" Social Problems 42 (1995): 101-118. A specifically "queer"-named politics is receiving considerable attention, especially in debates about the construction of homosexuality. There is no consensus on the meaning of "queer." Some scholars and activists use it simply as a synonym for "lesbian and gay." For others, queer communicates the claim that sexual identity is fluid, indeterminate. Some use the word to signify a style of aggressive visibility, complementing a radical politics of lgbt liberation; for others the word connotes a rejection of conventionality across the social map. See Lisa Duggan, "Making it Perfectly Queer," Socialist Review 22 (1992): 11-32; Steven Epstein, "A Queer Encounter: Sociology and the Study of Sexuality," Sociological Theory 12 (1994): 188-202; and Janice Irvine, "A Place in the Rainbow," Sociological Theory 12 (1994): 232-248.
87. See, for instance, the reactions of lgbt newspaper readers to the word "queer," in Joshua Gamson, "Must Identity Movements Self Destruct? A Queer Dilemma" Social Problems 42 (1995): 101-118. A specifically "queer"-named politics is receiving considerable attention, especially in debates about the construction of homosexuality. There is no consensus on the meaning of "queer." Some scholars and activists use it simply as a synonym for "lesbian and gay." For others, queer communicates the claim that sexual identity is fluid, indeterminate. Some use the word to signify a style of aggressive visibility, complementing a radical politics of lgbt liberation; for others the word connotes a rejection of conventionality across the social map. See Lisa Duggan, "Making it Perfectly Queer," Socialist Review 22 (1992): 11-32; Steven Epstein, "A Queer Encounter: Sociology and the Study of Sexuality," Sociological Theory 12 (1994): 188-202; and Janice Irvine, "A Place in the Rainbow," Sociological Theory 12 (1994): 232-248.
88. See, for instance, the reactions of lgbt newspaper readers to the word "queer," in Joshua Gamson, "Must Identity Movements Self Destruct? A Queer Dilemma" Social Problems 42 (1995): 101-118. A specifically "queer"-named politics is receiving considerable attention, especially in debates about the construction of homosexuality. There is no consensus on the meaning of "queer." Some scholars and activists use it simply as a synonym for "lesbian and gay." For others, queer communicates the claim that sexual identity is fluid, indeterminate. Some use the word to signify a style of aggressive visibility, complementing a radical politics of lgbt liberation; for others the word connotes a rejection of conventionality across the social map. See Lisa Duggan, "Making it Perfectly Queer," Socialist Review 22 (1992): 11-32; Steven Epstein, "A Queer Encounter: Sociology and the Study of Sexuality," Sociological Theory 12 (1994): 188-202; and Janice Irvine, "A Place in the Rainbow," Sociological Theory 12 (1994): 232-248.
89. See, for instance, the reactions of lgbt newspaper readers to the word "queer," in Joshua Gamson, "Must Identity Movements Self Destruct? A Queer Dilemma" Social Problems 42 (1995): 101-118. A specifically "queer"-named politics is receiving considerable attention, especially in debates about the construction of homosexuality. There is no consensus on the meaning of "queer." Some scholars and activists use it simply as a synonym for "lesbian and gay." For others, queer communicates the claim that sexual identity is fluid, indeterminate. Some use the word to signify a style of aggressive visibility, complementing a radical politics of lgbt liberation; for others the word connotes a rejection of conventionality across the social map. See Lisa Duggan, "Making it Perfectly Queer," Socialist Review 22 (1992): 11-32; Steven Epstein, "A Queer Encounter: Sociology and the Study of Sexuality," Sociological Theory 12 (1994): 188-202; and Janice Irvine, "A Place in the Rainbow," Sociological Theory 12 (1994): 232-248.
90. Whether or not this surprise stemmed from unexamined homophobia on my part, it did help me identify an intriguing puzzle for further investigation in the field, and further theoretical work. Identifying "surprises" in this way is a crucial part of the extended case method of participant-observation, which this study followed in large part. See Michael Burawoy et al., Ethnography Unbound, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).
91. See Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London: Methuen, 1979), and Paul Willis, Learning to Labor (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981).
92. See Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London: Methuen, 1979), and Paul Willis, Learning to Labor (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981).
93. See Eliasoph, Avoiding Politics; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community.
94. See Eliasoph, Avoiding Politics; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community.
95. Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere," 124.
96. See, for instance, Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990); Eve Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990).
97. See, for instance, Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990); Eve Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990).
98. For a different assessment of queer politics, based on the deconstructive meaning of queer, see Joshua Gamson, "Must Identity Movements Self-Destruct? A Queer Dilemma."
99. Lichterman, The Search for Political Community.
100. Major statements of this viewpoint include Melucci, Nomads of the Present; Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Herbert Kitschelt, "New Social Movements in West Germany and the United States," Political Power and Social Theory 5 (1985): 273-324.
101. Major statements of this viewpoint include Melucci, Nomads of the Present; Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Herbert Kitschelt, "New Social Movements in West Germany and the United States," Political Power and Social Theory 5 (1985): 273-324.
102. Major statements of this viewpoint include Melucci, Nomads of the Present; Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Herbert Kitschelt, "New Social Movements in West Germany and the United States," Political Power and Social Theory 5 (1985): 273-324.
103. For versions of this argument, see Steven Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas of the Protest Movement Against Nuclear Power," Social Problems 27 (1979): 19-37; Barbara Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991) ; Suzanne Staggenborg, "The Consequences of Professionalization and Formalization in the Pro-Choice Movement," American Sociological Review 53 (1988): 585-606.
104. For versions of this argument, see Steven Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas of the Protest Movement Against Nuclear Power," Social Problems 27 (1979): 19-37; Barbara Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991) ; Suzanne Staggenborg, "The Consequences of Professionalization and Formalization in the Pro-Choice Movement," American Sociological Review 53 (1988): 585-606.
105. For versions of this argument, see Steven Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas of the Protest Movement Against Nuclear Power," Social Problems 27 (1979): 19-37; Barbara Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991) ; Suzanne Staggenborg, "The Consequences of Professionalization and Formalization in the Pro-Choice Movement," American Sociological Review 53 (1988): 585-606.
106. For an interesting argument that emphasizes organizational, implicitly strategic forces in the shaping of "gay" and "queer" identity, see Joshua Gamson, "The Organizational Shaping of Collective Identity: The Case of Lesbian and Gay Film Festivals in New York," Sociological Forum 11/2 (1996): 231-261.
107. See Calhoun, "Community without Propinquity Revisited: Categorical Identities, Relational Networks, and the Electronic Communication," paper given at American Sociological Association annual meetings, New York, 1996.
108. For personalized politics, see B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas." For examples of community interest talk at the grassroots, see Gary Delgado, Organizing the Movement: The Roots and Growth of ACORN (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985); William Kornblum, Blue Collar Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). A third style of grassroots politics, "local communitarian," upholds a unitary community but depends on shared traditions and shared history more than instrumental ties. It, too, has influenced a variety of citizens' political groups in the U.S.; see Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton, Habits of the Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Certainly, grassroots groups can be shaped by more than one of these three structures.
109. For personalized politics, see B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas." For examples of community interest talk at the grassroots, see Gary Delgado, Organizing the Movement: The Roots and Growth of ACORN (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985); William Kornblum, Blue Collar Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). A third style of grassroots politics, "local communitarian," upholds a unitary community but depends on shared traditions and shared history more than instrumental ties. It, too, has influenced a variety of citizens' political groups in the U.S.; see Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton, Habits of the Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Certainly, grassroots groups can be shaped by more than one of these three structures.
110. For personalized politics, see B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas." For examples of community interest talk at the grassroots, see Gary Delgado, Organizing the Movement: The Roots and Growth of ACORN (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985); William Kornblum, Blue Collar Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). A third style of grassroots politics, "local communitarian," upholds a unitary community but depends on shared traditions and shared history more than instrumental ties. It, too, has influenced a variety of citizens' political groups in the U.S.; see Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton, Habits of the Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Certainly, grassroots groups can be shaped by more than one of these three structures.
111. For personalized politics, see B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas." For examples of community interest talk at the grassroots, see Gary Delgado, Organizing the Movement: The Roots and Growth of ACORN (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985); William Kornblum, Blue Collar Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). A third style of grassroots politics, "local communitarian," upholds a unitary community but depends on shared traditions and shared history more than instrumental ties. It, too, has influenced a variety of citizens' political groups in the U.S.; see Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton, Habits of the Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Certainly, grassroots groups can be shaped by more than one of these three structures.
112. For personalized politics, see B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas." For examples of community interest talk at the grassroots, see Gary Delgado, Organizing the Movement: The Roots and Growth of ACORN (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985); William Kornblum, Blue Collar Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). A third style of grassroots politics, "local communitarian," upholds a unitary community but depends on shared traditions and shared history more than instrumental ties. It, too, has influenced a variety of citizens' political groups in the U.S.; see Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton, Habits of the Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Certainly, grassroots groups can be shaped by more than one of these three structures.
113. For personalized politics, see B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas." For examples of community interest talk at the grassroots, see Gary Delgado, Organizing the Movement: The Roots and Growth of ACORN (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985); William Kornblum, Blue Collar Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). A third style of grassroots politics, "local communitarian," upholds a unitary community but depends on shared traditions and shared history more than instrumental ties. It, too, has influenced a variety of citizens' political groups in the U.S.; see Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton, Habits of the Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Certainly, grassroots groups can be shaped by more than one of these three structures.
114. For personalized politics, see B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas." For examples of community interest talk at the grassroots, see Gary Delgado, Organizing the Movement: The Roots and Growth of ACORN (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985); William Kornblum, Blue Collar Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). A third style of grassroots politics, "local communitarian," upholds a unitary community but depends on shared traditions and shared history more than instrumental ties. It, too, has influenced a variety of citizens' political groups in the U.S.; see Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton, Habits of the Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Certainly, grassroots groups can be shaped by more than one of these three structures.
115. For personalized politics, see B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution; Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Barkan, "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas." For examples of community interest talk at the grassroots, see Gary Delgado, Organizing the Movement: The Roots and Growth of ACORN (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986); Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985); William Kornblum, Blue Collar Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). A third style of grassroots politics, "local communitarian," upholds a unitary community but depends on shared traditions and shared history more than instrumental ties. It, too, has influenced a variety of citizens' political groups in the U.S.; see Lichterman, The Search for Political Community; Robert Bellah, Richard Madsen, William Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven Tipton, Habits of the Heart (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Certainly, grassroots groups can be shaped by more than one of these three structures.
116. See The Search for Political Community.
117. See B. Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution.
118. Fraser recently makes a similar point in Justice Interruptus, 4. Referring to computer-mediated communication like that on the Internet, Craig Calhoun ("Community without Propinquity Revisited") similarly warns against expecting public-spirited discourse to arise when interlocutors are limited to categorical identities.
119. Fraser recently makes a similar point in Justice Interruptus, 4. Referring to computer-mediated communication like that on the Internet, Craig Calhoun ("Community without Propinquity Revisited") similarly warns against expecting public-spirited discourse to arise when interlocutors are limited to categorical identities.
120. See William Gamson, "Safe Spaces and Social Movements," Perspectives on Social Problems 8 (1996): 27-38.