Turkish-European relations: At a new crossroads?

Middle East Policy

Volumn 6, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 157-173

  Kubicek, Paul ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0033242511     PISSN: 10611924     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1475-4967.1999.tb00360.x     Document Type: Article

References (63)

1. Others might call this "Westernization." I will use "Europeanization," which captures better the quest to become like and a part of Europe, traditionally seen in Turkey as the center for "Western" civilization.
2. Ayse Kadioglu, "The Paradox of Turkish Nationalism and the Construction of Official Identity," Middle Eastern Studies 32:2, April 1996, p. 180.
3. Prior to this time, intellectuals tried to create an "Ottomanism" among all the Empire's peoples, and the word "Turk" was used as a pejorative to denote an Anatolian peasant. On the change in connotation of the word "Turk," see David Kushner, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism 1876-1908 (London: Frank Cass, 1977).
4. Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization: Selected Essays of Ziya Gökalp, ed. and trans. by Niyazi Berkes (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), p. 276.
5. nd edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 410.
6. Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993).
7. Gökalp himself criticized the Tanzimat reformers for failing to the see that "the two (Eastern and Western civilizations), with their diametrically opposed principles, could not be reconciled...Any attempt to reconcile East and West means carrying medieval conditions to the modern age and trying to keep them alive." In Berkes, ed., 1959, pp. 276-277.
8. The seminal sources on the Atatürk period remain Lewis, 1968 and Lord Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964). For a more critical appraisal of Atatürk's nation-building efforts, see Erik Zurcher, Turkey: A Modern History (London: I.B. Tauris, 1994) and Hugh Poulton, Top Hat, Grey Wolf and Crescent: Turkish Nationalism and the Turkish Republic (New York: New York University Press, 1997).
9. The seminal sources on the Atatürk period remain Lewis, 1968 and Lord Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964). For a more critical appraisal of Atatürk's nation-building efforts, see Erik Zurcher, Turkey: A Modern History (London: I.B. Tauris, 1994) and Hugh Poulton, Top Hat, Grey Wolf and Crescent: Turkish Nationalism and the Turkish Republic (New York: New York University Press, 1997).
10. The seminal sources on the Atatürk period remain Lewis, 1968 and Lord Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964). For a more critical appraisal of Atatürk's nation-building efforts, see Erik Zurcher, Turkey: A Modern History (London: I.B. Tauris, 1994) and Hugh Poulton, Top Hat, Grey Wolf and Crescent: Turkish Nationalism and the Turkish Republic (New York: New York University Press, 1997).
11. Quoted in Vakur Versan, "The Kemalist Reform of Turkish Law and Its Impact," in Jacob Landau, ed. Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey (Boulder: Westview, 1984), p. 247.
12. Paul Gentizon, quoted in Paul Dumont, "The Origins of Kemalist Ideology," in Landau, 1984, p. 26.
13. Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), p. 376. Huntington devotes much attention to Atatürk's "Fabian strategy" and holds it up as a successful model for would-be reformers and modernizers.
14. Poulton, 1997, p. 129, and Paul Stirling, "Social Change and Social Control in Republican Turkey," in Papers and Discussions: International Symposium on Atatürk (Istanbul: Türkiye Is Bankasi, 1982).
15. Serif Mardin, "The Just and Unjust," Daedalus 120:3, Summer 1991: 113-129.
16. Yakup Karaosmanoglu, quoted in Lewis, 1968, p. 401.
17. Lewis, 1968, p. 424.
18. For the best analysis of the Refah phenomenon in English, see M. Hakan Yavuz, "Political Islam and the Welfare (Refah) Party in Turkey," Comparative Politics 30:1, October 1997: 63-82.
19. Poulton, 1997, p. 322.
20. Ronald Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), p. 349.
21. Presentation of Yilmaz Esmer and Ronald Inglehart, "Turkey and the 1997 World Value Survey," in Istanbul, Turkey, 1997.
22. In February 1945, Turkey did declare war on Germany, but this was purely symbolic and motivated primarily so Turkey could be a founding member of the UN.
23. Unnamed author quoted in Altemur Kiliç, Turkey and the World (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1959), pp. 201-202.
24. Quoted in Meltem Müftüler-Bac, Turkey's Relations with a Changing Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997), p. 5.
25. Quoted in Andrew Mango, Turkey: The Challenge of a New Role (Washington: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1994), p. 88.
26. Onur Öymen, "Turkey's European Foreign Policy," Perceptions (Ankara) 2:1, March-May 1997: 5-14.
27. Ayin Tarihi, (January-March 1997), pp. 144-145.
28. Hürriyet, December 13, 1997.
29. Philip Robins, "Between Sentiment and Self-Interest: Turkey's Policy Toward Azerbaijan and the Central Asian States," Middle East Journal 47:4, Autumn 1993: 593-610.
30. Müftüler-Bac, 1997, p. 18.
31. Heinz Kramer, "Turkey and the European Union: A Multi-Dimensional Relationship with Hazy Perspectives," in Vojtech Mastny and R. Craig Nation, Turkey Between East and West (Boulder: Westview, 1996), p. 223.
32. Andrew Mango, "Turkey and the Enlargement of the European Mind," Middle Eastern Studies 34:2, April 1998, p. 173.
33. Geoffrey Lewis, "Turkey, The Fit Man of Europe," in Turkey and Europe in a Cultural Context, proceedings of symposium held on June 7, 1988, Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, Cambridge University.
34. For major works on the Kurds, see Henri Barkey and Graham Fuller, Turkey's Kurdish Question (Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998); Kemal Kirisci and Gareth Winrow, The Kurdish Question and Turkey: An Example of a Trans-State Ethnic Conflict (London: Frank Cass, 1997); and Michael Gunter, The Kurds and the Future of Turkey (New York: St. Martin's, 1997).
35. For major works on the Kurds, see Henri Barkey and Graham Fuller, Turkey's Kurdish Question (Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998); Kemal Kirisci and Gareth Winrow, The Kurdish Question and Turkey: An Example of a Trans-State Ethnic Conflict (London: Frank Cass, 1997); and Michael Gunter, The Kurds and the Future of Turkey (New York: St. Martin's, 1997).
36. For major works on the Kurds, see Henri Barkey and Graham Fuller, Turkey's Kurdish Question (Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998); Kemal Kirisci and Gareth Winrow, The Kurdish Question and Turkey: An Example of a Trans-State Ethnic Conflict (London: Frank Cass, 1997); and Michael Gunter, The Kurds and the Future of Turkey (New York: St. Martin's, 1997).
37. M. Hakan Yavuz, "Search for a New Social Contract in Turkey: Fethullah Gülen, the Virtue Party and the Kurds," SAIS Review 19:1, Winter-Spring 1999: 114-143.
38. Müftüler-Bac, 1997, p. 25.
39. Hugh Pope, "Çiller Charms Washington," Middle East International, October 22, 1993, p. 12.
40. Turkish Foreign Ministry statement, quoted in The New York Times, March 14, 1999, p. A7.
41. Milliyet, February 27, 1993. In this survey of 15,683 Istanbulites, over 66 percent favored the fight against terrorism as a solution, and ambitious political reforms such as federalism or autonomy for Kurdish areas were unequivocally rejected.
42. The Treaty of Lausanne defined Turkish ethnic minorities in religious terms. By definition, there cannot be Muslim ethnic minorities.
43. Bruce Kuniholm, "Turkey and the West Since World War II," in Mastny and Nation, 1996, p. 64.
44. Esmer and Inglehart, 1997.
45. This provision has been sporadically enforced. The Marxist Turkish Labor party, the Alevi-based Unity party, and the Islamist National Salvation party existed in the 1960s-70s, and there have been Refah and several Kurdish-oriented parties in the 1990s. However, when any of these parties becomes too threatening, this provision can be (and has been) invoked. Moreover, other countries, Germany being the clearest case, have banned parties, particularly the Nazis, due to their potential to undermine democracy.
46. For useful reviews with different points of view, see Michael Attalides, Cyprus, Nationalism, and International Politics (New York: St. Martin's, 1979); Zaim Necatigil, The Cyprus Question and the Turkish Position in International Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Clement Dodd, The Cyprus Imbroglio (Huntingdon UK: Eothen Press, 1998).
47. For useful reviews with different points of view, see Michael Attalides, Cyprus, Nationalism, and International Politics (New York: St. Martin's, 1979); Zaim Necatigil, The Cyprus Question and the Turkish Position in International Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Clement Dodd, The Cyprus Imbroglio (Huntingdon UK: Eothen Press, 1998).
48. For useful reviews with different points of view, see Michael Attalides, Cyprus, Nationalism, and International Politics (New York: St. Martin's, 1979); Zaim Necatigil, The Cyprus Question and the Turkish Position in International Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); and Clement Dodd, The Cyprus Imbroglio (Huntingdon UK: Eothen Press, 1998).
49. As of 1993, over 2,500,000 Turks lived in EU countries. Of these, 1,854,945 lived in Germany. See Müftüler-Bac, 1997, p.20.
50. Müftüler-Bac, 1997, p. 23.
51. Yavuz, 1999.
52. Quoted in Kushner, "Atatürk's Legacy: Westernism in Contemporary Turkey," in Landau, 1984, p. 240.
53. For more on Turkey's potential and desire to serve as a "bridge," see Ian Lesser, "Bridge or Barrier? Turkey and the West After the Cold War," in Graham Fuller and Ian Lesser, eds. Turkey's New Geopolitics (Boulder: Westview, 1993).
54. Lewis, 1968, p. 424.
55. Samuel Huntington, "Clash of Civilizations," Foreign Affairs 72:3, Summer 1993: 22-49.
56. I do recognize the immense problems of assimilating millions of rural migrants into "modern" Turkish society, and do not expect the process to be simple or even a one-way transmission of values. People who grew up in Istanbul, for example, will acknowledge how the various new arrivals have changed the face of the city, often for the worse in their view. And, certainly a large urban poor amidst a richer, Westernized elite might prove a fertile ground for an Islamic revival. This is happening now in Turkey. However, my point is that exposure to schools (mandatory education was increased from five to eight years), the urban working environment, and urban culture will tear away at village culture and prevent a sweeping return to the past.
57. Birol Yesilada notes that Turkey is fundamentally tied to Europe and therefore Turkey cannot and will not break away from Europe. See his "The Worsening EU-Turkey Relations," SAIS Review 19:1, Winter-Spring 1999: 144-161.
58. See Henri Barkey, ed. Reluctant Neighbor: Turkey's Role in the Middle East (Washington: United States Institute of Peace, 1996).
59. Nicole and Hugh Pope, Turkey Unveiled: Atatürk and After (London: John Murray, 1997), p. 347.
60. Yavuz 1999.
61. Lewis also concludes on a hopeful note, albeit in more flowery language. "The Turkish people, by the exercise of their practical common sense and powers of improvisation, may yet find a workable compromise between Islam and modernism that will enable them, without conflict, to follow both their fathers' path to freedom and progress and their grandfathers' path to God." (p. 424.)
62. Metin Heper, "Bureaucrats: Persistent Elitists," in Metin Heper, Ayse Öncü, and Heinz Kramer, eds. Turkey and the West: Changing Political and Cultural Identities (London: I.B. Tauris, 1993), p. 68.
63. Ayse Öncü, "Small Worlds and Grand Projects," in Heper et al, 1993.