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Volumn 24, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 219-242

The end of the old order ? Globalization and the prospects for world order

(2)  Held, David a   McGrew, Anthony a  

a NONE

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EID: 0005193752     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0260210598002198     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (74)

References (98)
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    • See, in particular, A. Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Cambridge, 1990); D. J. Elkins, Beyond Sovereignty: Territory and Political Economy in the Twenty First Century (Toronto, 1995); D. Held, Democracy and Global Order (Cambridge, 1995); R. O. Keohane and H. V. Milner (eds.), Internationalization and Domestic Politics (Cambridge, 1996); D. Goldblatt, D. Held, et al., 'Economic Globalization and the Nation-state: Shifting Balances of Power', Alternatives, 22: 3 (1997), pp. 269-85; B. Jessop, 'Capitalism and its Future: Remarks on Regulation, Government and Governance', Review of International Political Economy, 4: 3 (1997), pp. 561-82; M. Mann, 'Has Globalization ended the Rise and Rise of the Nation-state?', Review of International Political Economy, 4: 3 (1997), pp. 472-96; J. Rosenau, Along the Domestic-Foreign Frontier (Cambridge, 1997).
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    • The concept of sovereignty lodges a distinctive claim to the rightful exercise of political power over a circumscribed realm. It seeks to specify the political authority within a community which has the right to determine the framework of rules, regulations and policies within a given territory and to govern accordingly. However, in thinking about the impact of globalization upon the modern nation-state, one needs to distinguish the claim to sovereignty - the entitlement to rule over a bounded territory - from state autonomy - the actual power the nation-state possesses to articulate and achieve policy goals independently. In effect, state autonomy refers to the capacity of state representatives, managers and agencies to articulate and pursue their policy preferences even though these may on occasion clash with the dictates of domestic and international social forces and conditions. Moreover, to the extent that modern nation-states are democratic, sovereignty and autonomy are assumed to be embedded within, and congruent with, the territorially organized framework of liberal democratic government: 'the rulers' - elected representatives - are accountable to 'the ruled' - the citizenry - within a delimited territory. There is, in effect, a 'national community of fate', whereby membership of the political community is defined in terms of the peoples within the territorial borders of the nation-state. See Held and McGrew, et al., Global Transformations, the Introduction, for a fuller analysis of these terms.
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    • cf. Burnheim, Is Democracy Possible? (Cambridge, 1985); R. B. J. Walker, One World, Many Worlds (Boulder, CO., 1988); R. Falk, On Humane Governance (Cambridge, 1995).
    • (1985) Is Democracy Possible?
    • Burnheim1
  • 92
    • 0003934238 scopus 로고
    • Boulder, CO.
    • cf. Burnheim, Is Democracy Possible? (Cambridge, 1985); R. B. J. Walker, One World, Many Worlds (Boulder, CO., 1988); R. Falk, On Humane Governance (Cambridge, 1995).
    • (1988) One World, Many Worlds
    • Walker, R.B.J.1
  • 93
    • 0005932169 scopus 로고
    • Cambridge
    • cf. Burnheim, Is Democracy Possible? (Cambridge, 1985); R. B. J. Walker, One World, Many Worlds (Boulder, CO., 1988); R. Falk, On Humane Governance (Cambridge, 1995).
    • (1995) On Humane Governance
    • Falk, R.1
  • 94
    • 0003399018 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • See Held, Democracy and the Global Order; A. Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community (Cambridge, 1998); Archibugi, Held and Köhler, Re-imagining Political Community.
    • Democracy and the Global Order
    • Held1


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.