Pakistan's endgame in Kashmir

The Kashmir Question: Retrospect and Prospect

Volumn , Issue , 2003, Pages 34-54

  Haqqani, Husain ^a  

^a CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 8744270937     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
DOI: 10.4324/9780203504161     Document Type: Chapter

References (56)

1. M. M. R. Khan, The United Nations and Kashmir (Groningen, Netherlands: J. B. Wolters, 1956), p. 62.
2. For a thorough discussion of nation-building in India and Pakistan and its relation to the Kashmir conflict, see Sumit Ganguly, Conflict Unending: India-Pakistan Tensions since 1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001).
3. This argument continually resurfaces, for example, in Suroosh Irfani, ed., Fifty Years of the Kashmir Dispute (Muzaffarabad: University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, 1997).
4. See, for example, Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's Independence Day Remarks delivered on August 15, 2002. This address is available online at the Indian Government's Information Center, pmindia.nic.in/infocentre/curr_speeches.htm.
5. Abdul Sattar, "Fifty Years of the Kashmir Dispute: The Diplomatic Aspect, " in Irfani, Fifty Years, pp. 11-12.
6. See, for example, M. A. Jinnah, Speeches as Governor General (Karachi: Ferozsons, 1981).
7. Stephen P. Cohen, The Pakistan Army (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 6-8.
8. Homer A. Jack, ed., The Gandhi Reader (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1956), pp. 454-56.
9. See Pervez Musharraf's interviews with The Plindu (April 1, 2002) and CNN (June 1, 2000). Both are available online at the Government of Pakistan's information portal, www.infopak.gov.pk/President_Addresses/presidential_addresses_index.htm.
10. Khan, United Nations and Kashmir, p. 62. It is significant that the argument in Pakistan has changed little since 1955, when Khan's book was published.
11. For more on the British role in Kashmir, see Alastair Lamb, Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy (Hertingfordbury, England: Roxford Books, 1991);
12. Victoria Schofield, Kashmir in the Crossfire (New York: I. B. Tauris, 1996).
13. Rajmohan Gandhi, "Understanding Religious Conflicts, " in Monique Menkenkamp, Paul van Tongeren, and Hans van de Veen, eds., Searching for Peace in Central and South Asia (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2002), p. 297.
14. This argument is advanced in Ian Stephens, Homed Moon (London: Chatto and Windus, 1954);
15. Chaudhri Muhammed Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan (New York; Columbia University Press, 1967).
16. For more on Nehru's "one nation" ideal, see Josef Korbel, Danger in Kashmir (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966).
17. Khan, The United Nations and Kashmir, p. 52.
18. See also Lamb, Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy, and Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan.
19. See Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan-
20. Shahid Hamid, Early Years of Pakistan (Lahore, 1993).
21. See Hari Singh's letter to Mountbatten in Verinder Grover, ed., The Story of Kashmir: Yesterday and Today (vol. 3) (New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publishing, 1995), p. 108.
22. See, for instance, Khan, The United Nations and Kashmir, pp. 45-52;
23. Prem Shanker Jha, Kashmir, 1947: Rival Versions of History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan.
24. Ganguly, Conflict Unending, pp. 52-53;
25. S. M. Burke, Mainsprings of Indian and Pakistani Foreign Policies (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1974), pp. 191-93.
26. For a full catalog of East Pakistan's grievances, see Appendix A of S. K. Chakrabarti, The Evolution of Politics in Bangladesh, 1947-1978 (New Delhi: Associated Publishing House, 1978).
27. On Pakistan's early security concerns, see Peter R. Blood, ed., Pakistan: A Country Study (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1994), pp. 263-64.
28. Sattar, "Fifty Years, " p. 11.
29. For a fuller description of this strategy, see Burke, Mainsprings, especially Chapter Five;
30. S. M. Burke, Pakistan's Foreign Policy: An Historical Analysis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 136-37.
31. For a full discussion of the diplomatic maneuvering of this era, see Burke, Pakistan's Foreign Policy, pp. 31-46.
32. Burke, Pakistan's Foreign Policy, pp. 226-30;
33. Khan, The United Nations and Kashmir, pp. 137-79.
34. Khan, The United Nations and Kashmir, pp. 72-73.
35. Khan, The United Nations and Kashmir, p. 61.
36. Sattar, "Fifty Years, " p. 15.
37. Altaf Gauhar, "Four Wars, One Assumption, " The Nation, September 5, 1999.
38. See, for example, Sattar, "Fifty Years, " p. 20.
39. Ganguly, Conflict Unending, p. 70.
40. See, for example, Blood, Pakistan, p. 272.
41. See Blood, Pakistan, pp. 272-74;
42. S. R. Sharma, Bangladesh Crisis and Indian Foreign Policy (New Delhi: Young Asia Publications, 1978), pp. 157-58.
43. See P. N. Dhar, Indira Gandhi: The Emergency and Indian Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000) for an account of the Simla talks by a member of the Indian delegation. See also "Did Bhutto Outwit Indira Gandhi?" The Hindu, February 6, 2000. In that article, Dhar refutes Pakistani denials of his account. According to Dhar, "Alastair Lamb, the well-known author of several books on the Kashmir question (in which he has vigorously supported Pakistan's point of view), says: 'Pakistani refutations of P.N. Dhar's claims (that Z.A. Bhutto did privately agree with the Indian Prime Minister that this was exactly the way in which the Kashmir problem would be settled, with the line of control being allowed to evolve gradually into an international border) have not to date been particularly impressive or convincing though circumstances have removed over the years any significance they may ever have possessed.'"
44. As recently as December 2002, Indian Home Minister L. K. Advani denounced Simla as a failure, saying that the Indian government should have "extracted a commitment" at the time that "Jammu and Kashmir was an integral part of India." (See Press Trust of India, "Poll: Kashmir, " December 6, 2002.) For a recent Pakistani critique of the agreement, see M. P. Bhandara, "Should We Renounce Shimla?" Dawn, January 5, 2003.
45. Julian Schofield, "Militarized Decision-Making for War in Pakistan: 1947-1971, " Armed Forces & Society (Fall 2000), pp. 131-48.
46. Roedad Khan, ed., The American Papers: Secret and Confidential India-Pakistan-Bangladesh Documents, 1965-73 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 763.
47. For one of many recent examples, see Musharraf's address to the United Nations General Assembly (September 12, 2002). Available online at www.infopak.gov.pk/President_Addresses/presidential_addresses_index.htm.
48. For a thorough discussion of this phenomenon, see Gilles Kepel, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam, trans. Anthony F. Roberts (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), especially Chapter 4.
49. Schofield, Kashmir in the Crossfire, p. 236.
50. For an excellent narrative of the events leading up to the insurgency as well as its consequences, see Sumit Ganguly, The Crisis in Kashmir: Portents of War, Hopes of Peace (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), Chapter 5.
51. Amnesty International, India - Torture, Rape and Deaths in Custody (New York, 1992).
52. C. Raja Mohan, "Other Issues Too Are Important: Benazir, " The Hindu, November 27, 2001.
53. See, for example, Gauhar, "Four Wars."
54. A. K. Dhar, "Intrusion A Disaster - Nur Khan, " Indian Express, July 21, 1999.
55. M. H. Askari, "Looking beyond Kargil, " Dawn, August 4, 1999.
56. This statement was made by Hafiz Saeed, the founder and former head of Lashkar-e-Taiba. See "Killing Hindus Better Than Talks: Saeed, " The News (Internet Edition), April 4, 2003.