THE TEMPLE LIBRARY OF JERUSALEM AND THE COMPOSITION OF THE BOOK OF KINGS

Vetus Testamentum, Supplements

Volumn 109, Issue , 2006, Pages 129-152

  Na'aman, Nadav ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 85202489020     PISSN: 00835889     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book Series    
DOI: None     Document Type: Chapter

References (89)

1. Throughout the discussion I distinguished between archives and libraries, although the distinction is not always clear and there are instances of archive with library, or a library with archive. For a discussion of the problem, see K.R. Veenhof, “Cuneiform Archives: An Introduction”, in: K.R. Veenhof (ed.), Cuneiform Archives and Libraries (Leiden, 1986), pp. 1–11
2. O. Pedersén, Archives and Libraries in the Ancient Near East 1500–300 B.C. (Bethesda, 1998), pp. 1–9. Veenhof (p. 7) defined archive as “the total of records accumulated during the time a particular task was performed by an institution or person …. and still present with those who made them out or used them”.
3. For a detailed survey of the archives discovered in Western Asia, see Pedersén, ibid., with earlier literature.
4. H. Otten, “Archive und Bibliotheken in Hattuša”, in: Veenhof (n. 1), pp. 184–190
5. P. Neve, “Hattuscha, Haupt- und Kultstadt der Hethiter—Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen in der Oberstadt,” Hethitica 8 (1987), pp. 297–318
6. idem, “Bogazköy-Hattusha—New Results of the Excavations in the Upper City,” Anatolica 16 (1990), pp. 7–19
7. Pedersén (n. 1), pp. 44–56.
8. For the text, see J.A. Wilson, in ANET, p. 27a
9. H. Goedicke, The Report of Wenamun (Baltimore and London, 1975), p. 153.
10. For discussion, see J. Van Seters, In Search of History. Historiography in the Ancient World and the Origins of Biblical History (New Haven and London, 1983), p. 198
11. M. Liverani, Prestige and Interest. International Relations in the Near East ca. 1600–1100 B.C. (Padova, 1990), p. 248. In letter EA 74:10–12 Rib-Adda wrote to the Pharaoh as follows: “May the king inspect the tablets of his father’s house, whether the ruler in Byblos has not been a loyal servant”. But the statement is rhetorical and does not reflect reality. The two sources indicate that it was possible to find out in archives records of the past, but it remains unclear whether it was customary to search in archives for documentary evidence.
12. A. Momigliano, “Historiography on Written Tradition and Historiography on Oral Tradition,” Studies in Historiography (London, 1966), pp. 211–217
13. Van Seters (n. 4), pp. 4, 40–51, 195–199
14. R. Thomas, “Literacy and the City-State in Archaic and Classical Greece,” in: A.K. Bowman and G. Woolf (ed.), Literacy and Power in the ancient World (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 35–37.
15. Documents are quoted in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah for determining rights, and some scholars suggested that their authors used archival sources. See E.J. Bicker-man, “The Edict of Cyrus in Ezra 1,” JBL 65 (1946), pp. 249–275
16. A.Momigliano, “Eastern Elements in Post-Exilic Jewish, and Greek, Historiography,” Essays in Ancient and Modern Historiography (Oxford, 1977), pp. 31–33.
17. D.B. Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, Annals and Day-Books: A Contribution to the Study of the Egyptian Sense of History (Mississauga, 1986), pp. 206–228
18. G.P. Verbrugghe and J.M. Wickersham, Berossos and Manetho, Introduced and Translated. Native Traditions in Ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt (Ann Arbor, 1996), pp. 95–212.
19. S.M. Burstein, The Babyloniaca of Berossus (SANE 1/5; Malibu, 1978)
20. A. Kuhrt, “Berossus’ Babyloniaka and Seleucid Rule in Babylonia,” in: A. Kuhrt and S. Sherwin-White (eds.), Hellenism in the East (London, 1987), pp. 32–56
21. Verbrugghe and Wickersham, Hellenism in the East, pp. 13–91.
22. A.L. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization (Chicago, 1964), pp. 15–24
23. S. Parpola, “The Royal Archives of Nineveh,” in: Veenhof (n. 1), pp. 223–236
24. T. Kwasman, “Neo-Assyrian Legal Archives in the Kouyunjik Collection,” in: Veenhof (n. 1), pp. 237–240.
25. I.M. Young (“Israelite Literacy: Interpreting the Evidence,” VT 48 [1998], pp. 239–253, 408–422) emphasized that in ancient Israelite society only scribes, priests and the upper class had the skills of writing and reading, while the rest of the population had no such skills.
26. N. Na'aman, “Sources and Composition in the History of David,” in: V. Fritz and P.R. Davies (eds.), The Origins of the Ancient Israelite States, JSOTSup 148 (Sheffield, 1996), pp. 180–183.
27. S.R. Bin-Nun, “Formulas from Royal Records of Israel and Judah,” VT 18 (1968), pp. 414–418
28. see Van Seters (n. 4), pp. 297–298.
29. A.K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Locust Valley, 1975), pp. 50–56, 157–170.
30. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 1975 pp. 14–17, 69–87.
31. nd rev. ed.; Halle, 1956), pp. 30–40.
32. For the lists, see H. Otten, “Die hethitischen ‘Königslisten’ und die altorientalische Chronologie,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 58 (1951), pp. 47–71
33. idem, Die hethitischen historischen Quellen und die altorientalische Chronologie, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur (Mainz and Wiesbaden, 1968), particularly pp. 25–29
34. T.P.J. van der Hout, “Death as Privilege: The Hittite Royal Funerary Ritual,” in: J.M. Bremer, T.P.J. van der Hout and H.R. Peters (eds), Hidden Futures. Death and Immortality in Ancient Egypt, Anatolia, the Classical, Biblical and Arabic-Islamic World (Amsterdam, 1994), pp. 37–44.
35. For the part played by king lists in the cult of ancestors ceremonies, see J.J. Finkel-stein, “The Genealogy of the Hammurabi Dynasty,” JCS 20 (1966), pp. 95–118
36. e Rencontre Assyriologiqie Internationale (Copenhagen, 1980), pp. 139–150
37. W.T. Pitard, “The Ugaritic Funerary Text RS 34.126,” BASOR 232 (1978), pp. 65–75
38. B.A. Levine and J.M. Tarragon, “Dead Kings and Rephaim—The Patrons of the Ugaritic Dynasty,” JAOS 104 (1984), pp. 649–659
39. B.B. Schmidt, “A Re-Evaluation of the Ugaritic King List (KTU I.113),” in: N. Wyatt, W.G.E. Watson and J.B. Lloyd (eds), Ugarit, Religion and Culture. Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Ugarit, Religion and Culture, Edinburgh, July 1994 (Münster, 1996), pp. 289–304
40. J. Vidal, “King Lists and Oral Tradition: From History to Memory,” UF 32 (2000), pp. 555–566.
41. H.S.J. Thackeray, Josephus: Against Apion (Loeb Classical Library), vol. 1 (Cambridge Mass and London, 1926), pp. 210–213.
42. M. Birot, “Les chroniques ‘assyriennes’ de Mari,” MARI, Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires 4 (Paris, 1985), pp. 219–242.
43. I.J. Gelb, “Two Assyrian King-Lists,” JNES 13 (1954), pp. 209–230
44. A.L. Oppenheim, “Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts,” in ANET, pp. 564–566
45. S. Yamada, “The Editorial History of the Assyrian King List,” ZA 84 (1994), pp. 11–37, with earlier literature.
46. th Centuries B.C.E.,” HUCA 62 (1991), pp. 179–244 (particularly pp. 197–199).
47. th Centuries B.C.E.,” HUCA 62 (1991), pp. 179–244, pp. 186–188
48. N. Na'aman, “Azariah of Judah and Jeroboam II of Israel,” VT 43 (1993), pp. 227–229. Halpern and Vanderhooft supposed that in verse 22 (“He built Elath and restored it to Judah after that the king slept with his fathers”) “he” refers to Amaziah, but I think it refers to Uzziah, who was regent with his father after Amaziah’s defeat in his war with Joash of Israel.
49. Halpern and Vanderhooft (n. 21), pp. 230–235, with earlier literature.
50. N. Na'aman, “Prophetic Stories as Sources for the Histories of Jehoshaphat and the Omrides,” Biblica 78 (1997), pp. 153–173.
51. Grayson (n. 13), pp. 40–42, 139–144; for a discussion of the text, see I. Finkel, “Bilingual Chronicle Fragments,” JCS 32 (1980), pp. 65–80.
52. For the omission of the burial place of Hezekiah, see N. Na'aman, “Death Formulae and the Burial Places of the Kings of the House of David,” Biblica 85 (2004), pp. 245–254.
53. Halpern and Vanderhooft (n. 21), pp. 179–244. A similar view had already been proposed by H. Weippert, “Die “deuteronomistischen” Beurteilungen der Könige von Israel und Juda und das Problem der Redaktion der Königsbücher,” Biblica 53 (1972), pp. 301–339
54. A Lemaire, “Vers l’histoire de la rédaction des Livres des Rois,” ZAW 98 (1986), pp. 221–236.
55. Na'aman (n. 24), pp. 155–162.
56. For recent discussions on this issue, see Van Seters (n. 4), pp. 292–321; G. Garbini, “Le fonti citate nel “Libro dei Re” (a proposito degli “Atti di Salomone”, degli “Annali dei re di Giuda”, e degli “Annali dei re d’Israele”),” Henoch 3 (1981), pp. 26–44
57. D.L. Christensen, “Chronicles of the Kings (Israel/Judah), Book of the,” in ABD 1 (New York, 1992), pp. 991–992
58. M. Haran, “The Books of the Chronicles “of the Kings of Judah” and “of the Kings of Israel”: What Sort of Books Were They?,” VT 49 (1999), pp. 156–164
59. M. Cogan, “Towards a Definition of the Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel/Judah,” Eretz Israel 26 (1999), pp. 78–83, with earlier literature (Hebrew).
60. M. Noth, The Deuteronomistic History, JSOTSup 15 (Sheffield, 1981), pp. 63–74 (original publication in 1943)
61. Haran, The Deuteronomistic History 1981, pp. 156–164.
62. For discussions on the prophetic stories, see recently S. Otto, Jehu, Elia und Elisa. Die Erzählung von der Jehu-Revolution und die Komposition der Elia-Elisa Erzählungen, BWANT 152 (Stuttgart, 2001)
63. id., “The Composition of the Elijah-Elisha Stories and the Deuteronomistic History,” JSOT 27 (2003), pp. 487–508; with earlier literature.
64. G. von Rad, “The Deuteronomic Theology of History in I and II Kings,” The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Edinburgh, 1966), pp. 205–221
65. H.N. Wallace, “The Oracles Against the Israelite Dynasty in 1 and 2 Kings,” Biblica 67 (1986), pp. 21–40.
66. C.F. Burney, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Kings (Oxford, 1903), pp. 207–209
67. G.A. Rendsburg, Linguistic Evidence for the Northern Origin of Selected Psalms (Atlanta, 1990), pp. 8–9
68. id., “Morphological Evidence for Regional Dialects of Ancient Hebrew,” in: W.R. Bodine (ed.), Linguistics and Biblical Hebrew (Winona Lake, 1992), pp. 65–88.
69. I. Young, “The “Northernisms” of the Israelite Narratives in Kings,” ZAH 8 (1995), pp. 63–70
70. W. Schniedewind and D. Sivan (“The Elijah-Elisha Narratives: A Test Case for the Northern Dialect of Hebrew,” JQR 87 [1997], pp. 303–337) have suggested that there is a clear linguistic resemblance between the literatures written in Samaria and Jerusalem, therefore language analysis would be an uncertain basis for determining the origin of the stories. However, they maintain that the spoken language was markedly different in the two kingdoms, and therefore the northern dialect is recognizable, chiefly in passages containing direct speech.
71. J.M. Miller, “The Elisha Cycle and the Accounts of the Omride Wars,” JBL 85 (1966), pp. 441–454
72. H.-C. Schmitt, Elisa. Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur vorklassischen nordisraelitischen Prophetie (Gütersloh, 1972)
73. S.L. McKenzie, The Trouble with Kings. The Composition of the Book of Kings in the Deuteronomistic History (Leiden, 1991), pp. 90–98
74. H.-J. Stipp, Elischa—Propheten -Gottesmänner: Die Kompositionsgeschichte des Elischazyklus und verwandter Texte, rekonstruiert auf der Basis von Text- und Literarkritik zu 1 Kön 20.22 und 2 Kön 2–7, ATSAT 24 (St. Ottilien, 1987)
75. id., “Ahabs Busse und die Komposition des deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerks,” Biblica 76 (1995), pp. 471–497
76. Otto (n. 31 – 2001); id. (n. 31 – 2003).
77. Na'aman (n. 22), pp. 153–173.
78. B.S. Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis (London, 1967), pp. 103–169
79. F.J. Gonçalves, L’expédition de Sennachérib en Palestine dans la littérature hébraïque ancienne (Louvainla-neuve, 1986), pp. 331–487
80. N. Na'aman, “New Light on Hezekiah’s Second Prophetic Story,” Biblica 81 (2000), pp. 393–402.
81. The story of the war between the king of Israel and Ben-Hadad of Aram in 1Kings 20 is attributed to the reign of Ahab, but reflects the situation of the reign of Joash, son of Jehoahaz, king of Israel. See A. Jepsen, “Israel und Damascus,” AfO 14 (1942), pp. 154–158
82. Miller (n. 35), pp. 441–454
83. E. Lipiński, “Le Ben-Hadad de la Bible et l’histoire,” Proceedings of the Fifth World Congress of Jewish Studies I (Jerusalem, 1972), pp. 157–173.
84. It seems, however, that the story in 1Kings 20 is post-Deuteronomistic, and was interpolated in the Book of Kings at a late date. I have found a similar view in: A. Rofé, Introduction to the Historical Literature of the Hebrew Bible (Jerusalem, 2001), pp. 93–97 (Hebrew).
85. B. Gosse, “Le recueil d’oracles contre les nations du livre d’Amos et l’histoire deuteronomique,” VT 38 (1988), pp. 22–40
86. N. Na'aman, The Past that Shapes the Present. The Creation of Biblical Historiography in the Late First Temple Period and After the Downfall, Yeriot 3 (Jerusalem, 2002), pp. 98–102 (Hebrew).
87. N. Na'aman, “Royal Inscriptions and the Histories of Joash and Ahaz, Kings of Judah,” VT 48 (1998), pp. 333–349.
88. For criticism, see S.B. Parker, “Did the Author of the Books of Kings Make Use of Royal Inscriptions,” VT 50 (2000), pp. 357–378.
89. The episodes of Gedaliah in Mizpah and the release of Jehoiachin from his prison (2Kgs. 25:22–30) were probably added by a late redactor.