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1
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85190671659
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Sweetser in fact adresses two early versions of the bipartite distinction formulated by Ross (1967) and Davison (1973). However, her criticisms apply to the more recent versions too
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Sweetser in fact adresses two early versions of the bipartite distinction formulated by Ross (1967) and Davison (1973). However, her criticisms apply to the more recent versions too.
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2
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85190689612
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fact, Sweetser (1990, 92) is unwilling to commit to the view that explicit performative should be understood as contributing to the semantics of a sentence. But the rationale for this is mainly concern for a proper demarcation the domains of 'semantics'and 'pragmatics'; the only relevant implication for our purposes is that the performative glosses are to be understood as falling in the latter domain rather than the former
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In fact, Sweetser (1990, p. 92) is unwilling to commit to the view that explicit performative should be understood as contributing to the semantics of a sentence. But the rationale for this is mainly concern for a proper demarcation the domains of 'semantics'and 'pragmatics'; the only relevant implication for our purposes is that the performative glosses are to be understood as falling in the latter domain rather than the former.
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3
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85190712453
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Or perhaps more precisely, as stating that the proposition R(f (U1), f (U2)) is asserted by the speaker
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Or perhaps more precisely, as stating that the proposition R(f (U1), f (U2)) is asserted by the speaker.
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4
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85190667178
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Note that the account works equally well if the conditional is interpreted as a habitual: there are none of the problems associated with conditional, future or repeated speech acts that would arise if we extended the SPEECH-ACT account. Note that the protasis has to be evaluated from the perspective of the hearer in this case. This reading certainly seems possible, but it might be thought that it could also be evaluated from the speaker's perspective (i.e. the hearer comes to the speaker for a loan if the hearer believes the speaker believes he has run out of money). If this is considered a problem, it could be borne in mind that the intended eVect of an indicative utterance with content can also be taken to be that the hearer believes that the speaker believes that With this alternative interpretation, both of the required perspectives are available. 5. Spooren (1989) apparently suggests that a violated expectation does arise in a case such as (43), as the necessary additional premise (in this case, that there is food to be found) is an implicature of the utterance expressing the protagonist's goal (i.e. John was hungry). While we must certainly implicate the fact that John has a goal if this is not explicitly stated, there seems good reason to suggest that the speaker's informing the hearer about this goal should lead to an implicature that the goal is satisWable. If anything, hearers are used to hearing about situations in which a protagonist's goals are not satisWed: this is certainly the predominant case in narratives
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Note that the account works equally well if the conditional is interpreted as a habitual: there are none of the problems associated with conditional, future or repeated speech acts that would arise if we extended the SPEECH-ACT account. Note that the protasis has to be evaluated from the perspective of the hearer in this case. This reading certainly seems possible, but it might be thought that it could also be evaluated from the speaker's perspective (i.e. the hearer comes to the speaker for a loan if the hearer believes the speaker believes he has run out of money). If this is considered a problem, it could be borne in mind that the intended eVect of an indicative utterance with content p can also be taken to be that the hearer believes that the speaker believes that p. With this alternative interpretation, both of the required perspectives are available. 5. Spooren (1989) apparently suggests that a violated expectation does arise in a case such as (43), as the necessary additional premise (in this case, that there is food to be found) is an implicature of the utterance expressing the protagonist's goal (i.e. John was hungry). While we must certainly implicate the fact that John has a goal if this is not explicitly stated, there seems no good reason to suggest that the speaker's informing the hearer about this goal should lead to an implicature that the goal is satisWable. If anything, hearers are used to hearing about situations in which a protagonist's goals are not satisWed: this is certainly the predominant case in narratives.
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5
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