Networking: Trade and exchange in the eighteenth-century British empire

Historical Journal

Volumn 47, Issue 2, 2004, Pages 451-476

  Glaisyer, Natasha ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF YORK   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 85021398418     PISSN: 0018246X     EISSN: 14695103     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X04003759     Document Type: Article

References (258)

1. A. G. Hopkins, The future of the imperial past (Cambridge, 1997), p.9
2. he developed the themes of this lecture in ‘Back to the future: from national history to imperial history’, Past and Present, 164 (1999), pp. 198–243.
3. D. Fieldhouse, ‘Can Humpty-Dumpty be put together again: imperial history in the 1980s’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 12 (1984), pp. 9–23.
4. Amongst those calling for histories that bring the fragments of imperial history together are Dane Kennedy, ‘Imperial history and postcolonial theory’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 24 (1996), pp. 345–63, at p. 358
5. C. A. Bayly, Imperial meridian: the British empire and the world, 1780–1830 (London, 1989), p. 256
6. J. G. A. Pocock, ‘British history: a plea for a new subject’, New Zealand Journal of History, 8 (1974), pp. 3–21
7. idem, ‘The limits and divisions of British history: in search of the unknown subject’, American Historical Review, 87 (1982), pp. 311–336.
8. Immanuel Wallerstein, The capitalist world economy (Cambridge, 1979)
9. idem, The modern world system (3 vols., New York, 1974–1988).
10. Other works associated with this approach include Samir Amin, Accumulation on a world scale (2 vols., New York, 1974)
11. Andre Gunder Frank, World accumulation, 1492–1789 (New York, 1978)
12. idem, Dependent accumulation and underdevelopment (New York, 1978). Fernand Braudel's conception of the world economy in the early modern period can be usefully compared to Wallerstein's ideas.
13. See Fernard Braudel, Capitalism and material life, 1400–1800, trans. Sîan Roberts (3 vols., London, 1974), 11.
14. Edward Shils, Center and periphery: essays in macrosociology (Chicago, 1975).
15. Jack P. Greene, Peripheries and center: constitutional development in the extended polities of the British empire and the United States, 1607–1788 (New York, 1986).
16. Roy Macleod, ‘Passages in imperial science: from empire to commonwealth’, Journal of World History, 4 (1993), pp. 117–50, at p. 123.
17. For a review of imperial environmental history see John M. Mackenzie, ‘Empire and the ecological apocalypse: the historiography of the imperial environment’, in Tom Griffiths and Libby Robin, eds., Ecology and empire: environmental history and settler societies (Edinburgh, 1997).
18. See also Roy Macleod, ‘Introduction’, Osiris, 15 (2000), pp. 1–13
19. Richard Drayton, ‘Science and the European empires’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 22 (1995), pp. 503–510.
20. Richard H. Grove, Green imperialism: colonial expansion, tropical island Edens and the origins of environmentalism, 1600–1820 (Cambridge, 1995).
21. Green imperialism: colonial expansion, tropical island Edens and the origins of environmentalism, pp. 62–63.
22. Green imperialism: colonial expansion, tropical island Edens and the origins of environmentalism, ch. 3.
23. Green imperialism: colonial expansion, tropical island Edens and the origins of environmentalism, pp. 61–62.
24. Lauren Benton, ‘From the world-systems perspective to institutional world history: culture and economy in global theory’, Journal of World History, 7 (1996), pp. 261–95, at pp. 262–70.
25. Journal of World History, p. 267.
26. Journal of World History, p. 268.
27. Sudipta Sen, Empire of free trade: the East India Company and the making of the colonial marketplace (Philadelphia, 1998), p. 6.
28. Empire of free trade: the East India Company and the making of the colonial marketplace, p. 3.
29. For an early statement of this sort of characterization (in relation to the Indian language) see Robert E. Frykenberg, ‘The myth of English as a “colonialist” imposition upon India: a reappraisal with special reference to South India’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd ser., 2 (1988), pp. 305–314.
30. Sen, Empire of free trade, p. 15.
31. Empire of free trade, pp. 82, 100. See also, pp. 3, 123–4.
32. Grove, Green imperialism, pp. 65, 275–9.
33. C. A. Bayly, Empire and information: intelligence gathering and social communication in India, 1780–1870 (Cambridge, 1999), p. 47.
34. Empire and information: intelligence gathering and social communication in India, 1780–1870, p. 46.
35. Bayly discusses this at length in C. A. Bayly, Rulers, townsmen and bazaars: north Indian society in the age of British expansion, 1770–1870 (Cambridge, 1983), chs. 10–11.
36. Bernard Cohn, Colonialism and its forms of knowledge: the British in India (Princeton, 1996), p. 18.
37. William R. Pinch, ‘Same difference in India and Europe’, History and Theory, 38 (1999), pp. 389–407, at p. 404.
38. Dustin H. Griffin, Literary patronage in England, 1650–1800 (Cambridge, 1996)
39. Roy Porter, ‘The gift relation: philanthropy and provincial hospitals in eighteenth-century England’, in Roy Porter and Lindsay Granshaw, eds., The hospital in history (London, 1990)
40. Hannah Elizabeth Smith, ‘Georgian monarchical culture in England, 1714–1760’ (PhD thesis, Cambridge, 2002).
41. Michel Morineau, ‘Eastern and Western merchants from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries’, trans. Cyprian P. Blamires, in Sushil Chaudhury and Michel Morineau, eds., Merchants, companies and trade: Europe and Asia in the early modern era (Cambridge, 1999).
42. Sushil Chaudhury, From prosperity to decline: eighteenth century Bengal (New Delhi, 1995).
43. Those who have defended the view that European trade was very significant in Bengal's economy include P.J. Marshall, Bengal: the British Bridgehead: Eastern India, 1740–1828 (Cambridge, 1987)
44. K. N. Chaudhuri, The trading world of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge, 1978)
45. Om Prakash, The Dutch East India Company and the economy of Bengal, 1630–1720 (Princeton, 1985)
46. C. A. Bayly, Indian society and the making of the British empire (Cambridge, 1988).
47. Sushil Chaudhury, ‘The Asian merchants and companies in Bengal's export trade, circa mideighteenth century’, in idem and Morineau, eds., Merchants, companies and trade, p. 309.
48. David Landes, Wealth and the poverty of nations: why some nations are so rich and some so poor (New York, 1998).
49. Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: global economy in the Asian age (Berkeley, 1998)
50. R. Bin Wong, China transformed: historical change and the limits of European experience (Ithaca, 1997)
51. idem, ‘The search for European differences and domination in the early modern world: a view from Asia’, American Historical Review, 107 (2002), pp. 447–469
52. Kenneth Pomeranz, The great divergence: China, Europe and the making of the modern world economy (Princeton, 2000)
53. idem, Kenneth Pomeranz ‘Political economy and ecology on the eve of industrialization: Europe, China and the global conjuncture’, American Historical Review, 107 (2002), pp. 425–446.
54. David D. Buck, ‘Was it pluck or luck that made the West grow rich?’, Journal of World History, 10 (1999), pp. 413–420
55. Joel Mokyr, ‘Eurocentricity triumphant’, American Historical Review, 104 (1999), pp. 1241–1246
56. P. H. H. Vries, ‘Are coal and colonies really crucial? Kenneth Pomeranz and the great divergence’, Journal of World History, 12 (2001), pp. 407–446.
57. Prasannan Parthasarathi, ‘The great divergence’, Past and Present, 176 (2002), pp. 275–93, at p. 279.
58. See also Lauren Benton, Law and colonial cultures: legal regimes in world history, 1400–1900 (Cambridge, 2002), p. 7.
59. John E. Wills, Jr, ‘Maritime Asia, 1500–1800: the interactive emergence of European domination’, American Historical Review, 98 (1993), pp. 83–105.
60. Jack A. Goldstone, ‘Whose measure of reality?’, American Historical Review, 105 (2000), pp. 501–8, at p. 505
61. Frederic Mauro, ‘Merchant communities, 1350–1750’, in James D. Tracy, ed., The rise of merchant empires: long-distance trade in the early modern world, 1350–1750 (New York, 1990)
62. Frank Perlin, ‘Proto-industrialization and pre-colonial South Asia’, Past and Present, 98 (1983), pp. 30–95
63. idem, ‘The other “species” world: speciation of commodities and moneys, and the knowledge-base ofcommerce, 1500–1900’, in Chaudhury and Morineau, eds., Merchants, companies and trade, pp. 147, 161–2.
64. The breakdown of the global economy into these four simple models comes from Patrick Manning, ‘Asia and Europe in the world economy: introduction’, American Historical Review, 107 (2002), pp. 419–24, at p. 423.
65. Dane Kennedy notes a tendency to see the West ‘as an undifferentiated, omnipotent entity, imposing its totalizing designs on the rest of the world without check or interruption’: Kennedy, ‘Imperial history’, p. 353.
66. For a summary of some of the recent research on Scotland, Ireland, and empire see P.J. Marshall, ‘Imperial Britain’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 23 (1995), pp. 379–394.
67. Older material that remains influential includes T. M. Devine, The tobacco lords: a study of the tobacco merchants of Glasgow and their trading activities, c. 1740–1790 (Edinburgh, 1970)
68. Jacob M. Price, ‘The rise of Glasgow in the Chesapeake tobacco trade, 1700–1775’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 11 (1954), pp. 179–199
69. idem, ‘The economic growth of the Chesapeake and the European market, 1697–1775’, Journal of Economic History, 24 (1964), pp. 496–511.
70. For a survey of Scottish imperial history see John M. Mackenzie, ‘Essay and reflection: on Scotland and the empire’, International History Review, 15 (1993), pp. 714–739.
71. Douglas Hamilton, ‘Scottish trading in the Caribbean: the rise and fall of Houston and Co.’
72. David Hancock, ‘Scots in the slave trade’, in Ned C. Landsman, ed., Nation and province in the first British empire: Scotland and the Americas, 1600–1800 (London, 2001).
73. Earlier work on this area that focuses on Scots in India includes: G. J. Bryant, ‘Scots in India in the eighteenth century’, Scottish Historical Review, 64 (1985), pp. 22–24
74. J. G. Parker, ‘Scottish enterprise in India, 1750–1914’, in R. A. Cage, ed., The Scots abroad: labour, capital and enterprise (London, 1985)
75. Alex M. Cain, The Cornchest for Scotland: Scots in India (Edinburgh, 1986).
76. Martha McLaren, British India and British Scotland, 1780–1830: career building, empire building, and a Scottish school of thought on Indian governance (Akron, 2001).
77. B. R. Tomlinson, ‘From Campsie to Kedgeree: Scottish enterprise, Asian trade and the Company Raj’, Modern Asian Studies, 36 (2002), pp. 769–791.
78. R. C. Nash, ‘Irish Atlantic trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 42 (1985), pp. 329–56, at p. 329.
79. Thomas M. Truxes, Irish-American trade, 1660–1783 (Cambridge, 1988)
80. Thomas Bartlett, ‘“This famous island set in a Virginia sea”: Ireland in the British empire, 1690–1801’, in P. J. Marshall, ed., The Oxford history of the British empire, II: the eighteenth century (Oxford, 1998)
81. Mark McCarthy, ‘The forging of an Atlantic port city: socio-economic and physical transformation in Cork, 1660–1760’, Urban History, 28 (2001), pp. 25–45, at p. 25.
82. Nini Rodgers, ‘Ireland and the black Atlantic in the eighteenth century’, Irish Historical Studies, 32 (2000), pp. 174–192.
83. Chris Evans, ‘Global commerce and industrial organization in an eighteenth-century Welsh enterprise: the Melingriffith Company’, Welsh Historical Review, 20 (2001), pp. 413–434.
84. Brendan Bradshaw and John Morrill, eds., The British problem, c. 1534–1707: state formation in the Atlantic archipelago (Basingstoke, 1996).
85. David Armitage, The ideological origins of the British empire (Cambridge, 2000).
86. The ideological origins of the British empire, pp. 7–8.
87. The ideological origins of the British empire, pp. 146–148, quotations at pp. 148, 162.
88. The ideological origins of the British empire, p. 181.
89. Kathleen Wilson, The sense of the people: politics, culture and imperialism in England, 1715–1785 (Cambridge, 1995), p. 56.
90. See also John Brewer, The sinews of power: war, money and the English state, 1688–1783 (Cambridge, MA, 1990), p. 185.
91. H. V. Bowen, ‘Sinews of trade and empire: the supply of commodity exports to the East India Company during the late eighteenth century’, Economic History Review, 55 (2002), pp. 466–86, at p. 468.
92. Economic History Review, p. 484.
93. Wilson, Sense of the people, p. 22.
94. Sense of the people, p. 161.
95. Sense of the people, p. 129
96. Perry Gauci, The politics of trade: the overseas merchant in state and society, 1660–1720 (Oxford, 2001), p. 235.
97. The politics of trade: the overseas merchant in state and society, p. 67.
98. Nancy Koehn, The power of commerce: economy and governance in the first British empire (Ithaca, 1994), p. 107.
99. T. H. Breen, ‘Ideology and nationalism on the eve of the American revolution: revisions once more in need of revising’, Journal of American History, 84 (1997), pp. 13–39
100. S.J. Connolly, ‘Varieties of Britishness: Ireland, Scotland and Wales in the Hanoverian state’, in Alexander Grant and Keith J. Stringer, eds., Uniting the kingdom? The making of British history (London, 1995)
101. Stephen Conway, The British Isles and the War of American Independence (Oxford, 2000)
102. idem, ‘“Ajoy unknown for years past”: the American war, Britishness and the celebration of Rodney's victory at Saints’, History, 2001 (86), pp. 180–199
103. idem, ‘From fellow-nationals to foreigners: British perceptions of the Americans, circa 1739–1783’, William and Mary Quarterly, 59 (2002), pp. 65–100
104. Eliga H. Gould, ‘The American Revolution in Britain's Imperial identity’, in Fred M. Leventhal and Roland Quinalt, eds., Anglo-American attitudes:from revolution to partnership (Aldershot, 2000)
105. idem, Thepersistence of empire: British political culture in the age of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, 2000)
106. Jack P. Greene, ‘Empire and identity from the Glorious Revolution to the American Revolution’, in Marshall, ed., Oxford history of the British empire
107. P.J. Marshall, ‘A nation defined by empire, 1755–1776’, in Grantand Stringer, eds., Uniting the kingdom?
108. Andrew W. Robertson, ‘“Look on this picture … and on this”: nationalism, localism and partisan images of otherness in the United States, 1787–1820’, American Historical Review, 106 (2001), pp. 1263–1280.
109. Dror Wahrman, ‘The English problem ofidentity in the American revolution’, American Historical Review, 106 (2001), pp. 1236–1262, at p. 1238.
110. Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York, 1978).
111. Kennedy, ‘Imperial history and post-colonial theory’, p. 358.
112. Wilson, Sense of the people, p. 25.
113. She cites Homi Bhabha, ‘Of mimicry and man: the ambivalence of colonial discourse’, October, 28 (1984), pp. 125–133.
114. Elsewhere (for example, p. 282) in discussions of nation and empire she usefully employs Benedict Anderson, Imagined communities (New York, 1983).
115. Wilson, Sense of the people, p. 202.
116. T. H. Breen, ‘An empire of goods: the Anglicization of colonial America, 1690–1776’, Journal of British Studies, 25 (1986), pp. 467–99, at p. 498.
117. T. H. Breen, ‘Narrative of commercial life: consumption, ideology, and community on the eve of the American Revolution’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 50 (1993), pp. 471–501, at p. 480.
118. See also idem, ‘“Baubles of Britain”: the American and consumer revolutions of the eighteenth centuries’, Past and Present, 119 (1988), pp. 73–104.
119. Wilson, Sense of the people, p. 56.
120. For London as a centre of consumption of colonial goods see Nuala Zahedieh ‘London and the colonial consumer in the late seventeenth century’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 47 (1994), pp. 239–261.
121. S. D. Smith, ‘The market for manufactures in the thirteen colonies, 1698–1776’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 51 (1998), pp. 676–708
122. Ann M. Carlos and Frank D. Lewis, ‘Trade, consumption, and the native economy: lessons from York Factory, Hudson Bay’, Journal of Economic History, 61 (2001), pp. 1037–1064.
123. Furthermore, colonial goods were not always simply ‘bought’ and ‘sold’. Midseventeenth-century attempts to control deforestation on Barbados involved the imposition of penalties in the form of sugar for those who illegally felled trees; Grove, Green imperialism, p. 68.
124. Jacob M. Price, ‘What did merchants do? Reflections on British overseas trade, 1660–1790’, Journal of Economic History, 49 (1989), pp. 267–84, at p. 277.
125. Reprinted in Jacob M. Price, Overseas trade and traders: essays on some commercial, financial and political challenges facing British Atlantic merchants, 1660–1775 (Aldershot, 1996).
126. William Smith, The history of the late province of New York … 1762, collections of the New York Historical Society, IV, Part 2 (New York, 1829), p. 281
127. quoted in Breen, ‘An empire of goods’, p. 487.
128. Jacob M. Price, ‘The imperial economy, 1700–1776’, in Marshall, ed., Oxford history of the British empire, p. 91.
129. Hamilton, ‘Scottish trading in the Caribbean’.
130. Tomlinson, ‘From Campsie to Kedgeree’, pp. 779–780.
131. H. V. Bowen, ‘Tea, tribute and the East India Company, c. 1750–1775’, in Stephen Taylor, Richard Connors, and Clyve Jones, eds., Hanoverian Britain and empire: essays in memory of Philip Lawson (Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 162–165.
132. Nuala Zahedieh, ‘Credit, risk and reputation in late seventeenth-century colonial trade’, Research in Maritime History, 15 (1998), pp. 53–74, at p. 54.
133. See also Nuala Zahedieh, ‘Making mercantilism work: London merchants and Atlantic trade in the seventeenth century’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 9 (1999), pp. 143–158.
134. Zahedieh, ‘Credit, risk and reputation’, p. 53.
135. Hamilton, ‘Scottish trading in the Caribbean’, p. 107.
136. Zahedieh, ‘Credit, risk and reputation’, p. 74.
137. See also Jacob M. Price, ‘The great Quaker business families of eighteenth-century London: the rise and fall of a sectarian patriciate’, in R. S. Dunn and M. M. Dunn, eds., The world of William Penn (Philadelphia, 1986)
138. Jacob M. Price, ‘English Quaker merchants and the war at sea, 1689–1783’, in R. A. McDonald, ed., West Indies accounts: essays on the history of the British Caribbean and the Atlantic economy in honour of Richard Sheridan (Kingston, 1996).
139. Both these essays are reprinted in Price, Overseas trade and traders.
140. For other studies of international trade amongst particular religious groups include J. F. Bosher, ‘Huguenot merchants and the Protestant international in the seventeenth century’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 52 (1995), pp. 77–102
141. D. Ormrod, ‘The Atlantic economy and the Protestant capitalist international, 1651–1775’, Historical Research, 66 (1993), pp. 197–208.
142. Michel Aghassian and Keram Kevonian, ‘The Armenian merchant network: overall autonomy and local integration’, in Chaudhury and Morineau, eds., Merchants, companies and trade, p. 83.
143. Peter Mathias, ‘Risk, credit and kinship in early modern enterprise’, in John J. McCusker and Kenneth Morgan, eds., The early modern Atlantic economy (Cambridge, 2000), p. 25.
144. For the contributions that relatives might make to the success of a London businessman's career see Richard Grassby, Kinship and capitalism: marriage, family, and business in the English speaking world, 1580–1740 (Cambridge, 2001).
145. Kenneth Morgan, ‘Business networks in the British export trade to North America, 1750–1800’, in McCusker and Morgan, eds., The early modern Atlantic economy, pp. 41–50.
146. Bowen, ‘Sinews of trade and empire’, p. 474.
147. C. A. Bayly, Empire and information: intelligence gathering and social communication in India, 1780–1870 (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 45–6, quotations at p. 45.
148. Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: a passage in the peopling of America on the eve of the Revolution (New York, 1986)
149. David Cressy, Coming over: migration and communication between England and New England in the seventeenth century (Cambridge, 1987)
150. Jacob M. Price, Capital and credit in British overseas trade: the view from the Chesapeake, 1700–1776 (Cambridge, MA, 1980)
151. Ian K. Steele, The English Atlantic, 1675–1740: an exploration of communication and community (Oxford, 1986).
152. Huw V. Bowen, Elites, enterprise and the making of the British overseas empire, 1688–1775 (Basingstoke, 1996)
153. Hamilton, ‘Scottish trading in the Caribbean’
154. Morgan, ‘Business networks’.
155. See also many of the essays in McCusker and Morgan, eds., The early modern Atlantic economy
156. Marshall, ed., Oxford history of the British empire.
157. David Hancock, Citizens of the world: London merchants and the integration of the British Atlantic community, 1735–1785 (Cambridge, 1995).
158. Hancock, Citizens of the world, p. 140.
159. Citizens of the world, p. 143.
160. Citizens of the world, p. 3.
161. Hopkins, ‘Back to the future’, p. 215.
162. David Hancock, ‘“A revolution in the trade”: wine distribution and the development of the infrastructure of the Atlantic market economy, 1703–1807’, in McCusker and Morgan, eds., The early modern Atlantic economy, pp. 131–3, quotation at p. 132.
163. See also idem, ‘Commerce and conversation in the eighteenth-century Atlantic: the invention of Madeira wine’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 29 (1998), pp. 197–219
164. idem, ‘Transatlantic trade in the era of the American Revolution’, in Leventhal and Roland, eds., Anglo-American attitudes.
165. Tomlinson, ‘From Campsie to Kedgeree’, p. 788.
166. ‘From Campsie to Kedgeree’, p. 783.
167. Bayly, Empire and information, p. 365.
168. Empire and information, ch. 2.
169. Bruno Latour, Science in action: how to follow scientists and engineers through society (Cambridge, MA, 1987).
170. For a sophisticated statement on knowledge networks see S. J. Harris, ‘Long-distance corporations, big sciences, and the geography of knowledge’, Configurations, 6 (1998), pp. 269–304.
171. Grove, Green imperialism
172. Richard Drayton, Nature's government: science, imperial Britain, and the improvement of the world (New Haven and London, 2000).
173. On the point that environmental history crosses national boundaries see Donald Worster, ‘Doing environmental history’, in idem, ed., The ends of the earth: perspectives on modern environmental history (Cambridge, 1998), p. 290.
174. An important example of trans-national ecological history is Alfred W. Crosby, Ecological imperialism: the biological expansion of Europe, 900–1900 (Cambridge, 1986).
175. Grove, Green imperialism
176. idem, ‘Indigenous knowledge and the significance of south-west India for Portuguese and Dutch construction of tropical nature’, in Richard H. Grove, Vinita Damodaran, and Satpal Sangwan, eds., Nature and the Orient: the environmental history of South and Southeast Asia (Delhi, 1998)
177. Deepak Kumar, ‘The evolution of colonial science in India: natural history and the East India Company’, in John Macdonald Mackenzie, ed., Imperialism and the natural world (Manchester, 1990), pp. 51–52.
178. Sverker Sorlin, ‘Ordering the world for Europe: science as intelligence and information as seen from the Northern periphery’, Osiris, 15 (2000), pp. 51–69, at p. 69.
179. R. W. Home, ‘The Royal Society and the empire: the colonial and commonwealth fellowship’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 56 (2002), pp. 307–22, Appendix 1
180. Mark Govier, ‘The Royal Society, slavery and the island of Jamaica: 1660–1700’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 53 (1999), pp. 203–217.
181. Steven Shapin, A social history of truth: civility and science in seventeenth-century England (Chicago, 1994)
182. Mary Poovey, A history of the modern fact: problems of knowledge in the sciences of wealth and society (Chicago, 1998).
183. Lucy P. Chester, ‘The mapping of empire: French and British cartographies of India in the late-eighteenth-century’, Portuguese Studies, 16 (2000), pp. 256–275, at pp. 266–7.
184. Michael T. Bravo, ‘Precision and curiosity in scientific travel: James Rennell and the Orientalist geography of the new imperial age (1760–1830)’, in Jaś Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubies, eds., Voyages and visions: towards a cultural history of travel (London, 1999), p. 163.
185. Marie-Noëlle Bourguet, Christian Licoppe, and H. Otto Sibum, ‘Introduction’, in idem, eds., Instruments, travel and science: itineraries of precision from the seventeenth to the twentieth century (London, 2002), p. 14
186. Simon Schaffer, ‘Golden means: assay instruments and the geography of precision in the Guinea trade’, in Bourguet, Licoppe, and Sibum, eds., Instruments, travel and science.
187. Grove, Green imperialism, pp. 65, 275–9.
188. Hancock, Citizens of the world, chs. 9–10.
189. John Gascoigne, Science in the service of empire: Joseph Banks, the British state and the uses of science in the age of revolution (Cambridge, 1998).
190. Hancock, Citizens of the world, p. 279
191. Koehn, The power of commerce, p. 109.
192. On the subject of the relationships between merchants and British government see also Alison Gilbert Olson, Making the empire work: London and American interest groups, 1690–1790 (Cambridge, MA, 1992).
193. Gascoigne, Science in the service of empire, p. 5.
194. Science in the service of empire, p. 14.
195. Science in the service of empire, p. 18.
196. A lengthier discussion of Baconian ideals and imperial science can be found in Richard Drayton, ‘Knowledge and empire’, in Marshall, ed., Oxford history of the British empire.
197. Michael Hunter, ed., Archives of the scientific revolution: the formation and exchange of ideas in seventeenth-century Europe (Woodbridge, 1998).
198. Gascoigne, Science in the service of empire, p. 114.
199. Science in the service of empire, p. 130.
200. Drayton, Nature's government, p. 80.
201. Gary B. Nash, ‘The hidden history of Mestizo America’, Journal of American History, 82 (1995), pp. 941–962
202. Margaret Connell Szasz, ed., Between Indian and white worlds: the cultural broker (Norman, OK, 1994)
203. Richard White, The middle ground: Indians, empires, and republics in the Great Lakes region, 1650–1815 (Cambridge, 1991).
204. Julia C. Wells, ‘Eva's men: gender and power in the establishment of the Cape of Good Hope, 1765–1774’, Journal of African History, 39 (1998), pp. 417–437.
205. Nash, ‘The hidden history’, p. 947.
206. On intimates at the turn of the nineteenth century in Southeast Asia see Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal knowledge and imperial power: race and the intimate in colonial rule (Berkeley, 2002)
207. idem, ‘Sexual affronts and racial frontiers: European identities and the cultural politics of exclusion in colonial Southeast Asia’, in Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler, eds., Tensions of empire: colonial cultures in a bourgeois world (Berkeley, 1997)
208. idem, ‘Carnal knowledge and imperial power: gender, race and morality in colonial Asia’, in Micaela di Leonardo, ed., Gender at the crossroads of knowledge: feminist anthropology in the postmodern era (Berkeley, 1991).
209. Grove, Green imperialism, ch. 2
210. Chester, ‘The mapping of empire’, pp. 266–267
211. Bayly, Empire and information, pp. 45–46
212. Norbert Peabody, ‘Cents, sense, census: human inventories in late precolonial and early colonial India’, Comparative Studies in History and Society, 43 (2001), pp. 819–850.
213. See also Robert E. Frykenberg, ‘India to 1858’, in Robin W. Winks, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire, V: Historiography (Oxford, 1999), p. 197.
214. Lynn Zastoupil, ‘Intimacy and colonial knowledge’, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History, 3 (2002)
215. Eugene F. Irschick, Dialogue and history: constructing South India, 1795–1895 (Berkeley, 1994).
216. Benton, Law and colonial cultures, p. 253.
217. See also idem, ‘The legal regime of the South Atlantic world, 1400–1750: jurisdictional complexity as institutional order’, Journal of World History, 11 (2000), pp. 27–56.
218. Benton, Law and colonial cultures, p. 10.
219. Law and colonial cultures, pp. 165–166.
220. Benton, ‘From the world-systems perspective to institutional world history’, pp. 285, 262.
221. Bailyn, Voyagers to the West
222. Cressy, Coming over
223. Alison Games, ‘Migration’, in David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick, eds., The British Atlantic world, 1500–1800 (Basingstoke, 2002)
224. Alan L. Karras, Sojourners in the sun: Scottish migrants in Jamaica and the Chesapeake, 1740–1800 (Ithaca, 1992).
225. Tomlinson, ‘From Campsie to Kedgeree’, pp. 773–779, quotation from p. 779.
226. Felix Driver and Luciana Martins, ‘Visual histories: John Septimus Roe and the art of navigation, c. 1815–1830’, History Workshop Journal, 54 (2002), pp. 144–61, at p. 146.
227. History Workshop Journal, p. 159.
228. History Workshop Journal, p. 158.
229. Elsner and Rubiés, eds., Voyages and visions.
230. Tim Fulford and Peter J. Kitson, eds., Travels, explorations and empires: writings from the era of imperial expansion, 1770–1835 (8 vols., London, 2001–2002)
231. Jonathan Lamb, Vanessa Smith, and Nicholas Thomas, eds., Exploration and exchange: a South Seas anthology, 1680–1900 (Chicago, 2000).
232. Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial eyes: travel writing and transculturation (London, 1992).
233. Much stimulating research has been undertaken on the Grand Tour, see, for example, Chloe Chard, Pleasure and guilt on the Grand Tour: travel writing and imaginative geography, 1600–1830 (Manchester, 1999).
234. Pratt, Imperial eyes, pp. 6, 36, 5.
235. Neil Chambers, ‘Letters from the president: the correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 53 (1999), pp. 27–57, at p. 38.
236. Neil Chambers, ed., The scientific letters of Sir Joseph Banks, 1743–1820 (6 vols., forthcoming).
237. See also Neil Chambers, ed., The letters of Sir Joseph Banks: a selection, 1768–1820 (London, 2000).
238. Thomas M. Truxes, ed., Letterbook of Greg and Cunningham: merchants of New York and Belfast (Oxford, 2001).
239. Toby L. Ditz, ‘Formative ventures: eighteenth-century commercial letters and the articulation of experience’, in Rebecca Earle, ed., Epistolary selves: letters and letter-writers, 1600–1945 (Aldershot, 1999), p. 62.
240. Epistolary selves: letters and letter-writers, p. 70.
241. Hancock, ‘“A revolution in the trade”’, pp. 106–107.
242. For the drawing of similar distinctions between early modern knowledge networks (the centralized but far-reaching network of the Musaeum Kircherianum in mid-seventeenth-century Rome is contrasted with the scattered and multicentred network of eclipse observations) see Harris, ‘Long-distance corporations’, pp. 274–275.
243. Bayly, Imperial meridian, p. 15.
244. P.J. Marshall, ‘Empire and opportunity in Britain, 1763–75’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 5 (1995) pp. 111–28, at p. 127.
245. Price, ‘What did merchants do?’, p. 281.
246. Bowen, ‘Sinews of trade and empire’, p. 483
247. Bowen, ‘Tea, tribute and the East India Company’, pp. 166–167.
248. Morgan, ‘Business networks’, pp. 39–40.
249. Grove, Green imperialism, p. 10.
250. Hancock, Citizens of the world, p. 164.
251. Sörlin, ‘Ordering the world for Europe’, p. 52.
252. Morgan, ‘Business networks’, pp. 39–40.
253. ‘Business networks’, pp. 50–52.
254. See also David Hancock, ‘“A world of business to do”: William Freeman and the foundations of England's commercial empire, 1645–1707’, William and Mary Quarterly, 57 (2000), pp. 3–34 at p. 4 n. 4.
255. As examples Hancock cites Robin Law and Kristin Mann, ‘West Africa in the Atlantic community: the case of the slave coast’, William and Mary Quarterly, 56 (1999), pp. 307–334
256. Paul E. Lovejoy and David Richardson, ‘Trust, pawnship and Atlantic history: the institutional foundations of the old Calabar slave trade’, American Historical Review, 104 (1999), pp. 332–355.
257. Ian K. Steele, ‘Exploding colonial American history: Amerindia, Atlantic and global perspectives’, Reviews in American History, 26 (1998), pp. 70–95.
258. P.J. Marshall, ‘Introduction’, in idem, ed., Oxford history of the British empire, p. 12.