What Has “Coming to Terms with the Past” Meant in Post-World War II Germany? From History to Memory to the “History of Memory”

Central European History

Volumn 35, Issue 2, 2002, Pages 223-256

  Moeller, Robert G ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 85008556134     PISSN: 00089389     EISSN: 15691616     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1163/15691610260420674     Document Type: Review

References (79)

1. These estimates are based on the population figures in “CIA: The World Factbook 2000-Germany,” http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/gm.html.
2. See the thoughtful discussion in Jeffrey K. Olick, “What Does It Mean to Normalize the Past? Official Memory in German Politics since 1989,” Social Science History 22 (1998): 547-71.
3. See e.g., Klaus Naumann, Der Krieg als Text: Das Jahr 1945 im kulturellen Geddchtnis der Presse (Hamburg, 1998).
4. Hamburger Institut fur Sozialforschung, ed., Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 1941 bis 1944: Ausstellungskatalog (Hamburg, 1996); Hannes Heer and Klaus Naumann, eds., Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 1941-1944 (Hamburg, 1995); and Bogdan Musial, “Bilder einer Ausstellung: Kritische Anmerkungen zur Wanderausstellung ‘Vernichtungskrieg: Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944,’” Vierteljahrshefte fur Zeitgeschichte 47 (1999): 563-91.
5. See Geoff Eley, ed., The “Goldhagen Effect”: History, Memory, Nazism-Facing the German Past (Ann Arbor, 2000), especially the essays by Eley, Omer Bartov, and Atina Grossmann; also Johannes Heil and Rainer Erb, Geschichtswissenschafi und Ojfentlichkeit: Der Streit um Daniel J. Goldhagen (Frankfurt am Main, 1998); Robert R. Shandley, ed., Unwilling Germans} The Goldhagen Debate, trans, by Jeremiah Riemer (Minneapolis, 1998); and Julius H. Schoeps, ed., Ein Volk von Mb'rdem? Die Dokumentation zur Goldhagen-Kontroverse um die Rolle der Deutschen im Holocaust (Hamburg, 1996).
6. Martin Walser, “Erfahrungen beim Verfassen einer Sonntagsrede,” and “Geistige Brandstiftung: Bubis wendet sich gegen Walser,” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 13 October 1998, both republished in Die Walser-Bubis-Debatte: Eine Dokumentation, ed. Frank Schirrmacher (Frankfurt am Main, 1999), 11, 12, 34. See also Gerd Wiegel and Johannes Klotz, eds., Geistige Brandstiftung? Die Walser-Bubis Debatte (Cologne, 1999).
7. Walser, “Erfahrungen,” in Walser-Bubis-Debatte, 13.
8. Michael S. Cullen, ed., Das Holocaust-Mahnmal: Dokumentation einer Debatte (Zurich, 1999); Michael Jeismann, ed., Mahnmal Mitte: Eine Kontroverse (Cologne, 1999); and Ute Heimrod, Giinter Schlusche, and Horst Seferens, eds., Denkmalstreit-das Denkmal? Die Debatte um das “Denkmal jiir die ermordeten Juden Europas” (Berlin, 1999). Extensive documentation of the debate is also available at http://wTvw.lrz-muenchen.de/~jgk/Walser-Bubis-Kontroverse.htm.
9. Winfried Schulze and Otto Gerhard Oexle, eds., Deutsche Historiker im Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt am Main, 1999).
10. A complete list of the firms is available at http://www.us-israel.org/jsource/Holocaust/germancol. html. See also the law regulating compensatoin at http://www.compensation-for-forcedlabour. org/.
11. Norbert Frei, Pergtingenheitspolitik: Die Anfdnge der Bundcsrcpublik mid die XS-Vergiwgenheit (Munich, 1996).
12. See, e.g., Norbert Frei, “Von deutscher Erfindungskraft, oder: Die Kollektivschuldthese in der Nachkriegszeit,” Rechtshistorisches Journal 17 (1997): 621-34; also Josef Foschepoth, “German Reactions to Defeat and Occupation,” in West Germany under Construction: Politics, Society, and Culture in the Adenauer Era, ed. Robert G. Moeller (Ann Arbor, 1997), 73-89.
13. See Richard J. Evans, In Hitler's Shadow: West German Historians and the Attempt to Escape from the Nazi Past (New York, 1989).
14. See also Jan-Holger Kirsch, “Wir haben aus der Qcschichte gelcrnt”: Der 8. Mai ah politischer Gedenktag in Deutschland (Cologne, 1999).
15. See also Mary Fulbrook, German Xational Identity after the Holocaust (Cambridge, 1999). Fulbrook's survey is a good introductory text, but it is based on far less research and remains primarily at the national level.
16. Recent analyses of the Allied reeducation campaign, cited by Marcuse, include Cornelia Brink, Ikonen Her Vertiichtung: Offentlicher Gebrauch von Fotograficn aus nationahozialistischen Konzentrationslagern tiach 1945 (Berlin, 1998), reviewed in this journal by David Crew, “Remembering German Pasts: Memory in German History, 1871-1989,” Central European History 33 (2000): 217-34; also Cornelia Brink, “Secular Icons: Looking at Photographs from Nazi Concentration Camps,” History and Memory 12 (2000): 135-50; also Dagmar Barnouw, Germany 1945: Views of War and Violence (Bloomington, 1996). Suggestive as well is Barbie Zelizer, Remembering to Forget: Holocaust Memory through the Camerás Eye (Chicago, 1998).
17. Here Marcuse adds to a growing literature. See, e.g., Peter Reichel, Politik mil da Erinnerung: Gedikhtnisorte im Streit urn die nalionalsozialistische Vergangenheit (Munich, 1995); and, locating post-1945 developments in a longer term perspective, Rudy Koshar, From Monuments to Traces: Artifacts of German Memory, 1870-1990 (Berkeley, 2000).
18. See the interesting parallels with the conclusions of Helmut Peitsch, “Deutschlands Gedachtnis an seine dunkelste Zeit”: Zur Funktion da Autobiogmphik in den Westzonen Deutschlands und den Westsektoren von Berlin 1945 bis 1949 (Berlin, 1990).
19. On this topic, Frevert cites an article by Edgar Wolfrum, which anticipated his major study, Geschichtspolitik in der Butidesrepublik Deutschland: Der Weg zur bundesrepubHkanischen Erinnemng, 1948-1990 (Darmstadt, 1999).
20. See, e.g., Pierre Nora, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Memoire” Representations 26 (1989): 7-24.
21. On this topic, see also the important work of Detlef Siegfried, “Zwischen Aufarbeitung und Schlussstrich: Der Umgang mit der NS-Vergangenheit in den beiden deutschen Staaten 1958 bis 1969,” in Dynamische Zeiten: Die 60er Jahre in den beiden deutschen Gesellschaften, ed. Axel Schildt, Detlef Siegfried and Karl Christian Lammers (Hamburg, 2000), 77-113; also A. D. Moses, “The Forty-Fivers: A Generation Between Fascism and Democracy,” German Politics and Society 17 (1999): 94-126.
22. To commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the opening of the Bundestag, the first installment of a new version of this exhibition opened in Berlin in November 1999. The exhibition is scheduled to be completed by spring 2002. See http://www.bundestag.de/info/berlin/fragen/.
23. Alexander and Margarete Mitscherlich, Die Unfahigkeit zu traitern: Grundlagen kallektivcn Verhaltens (Munich., 1967), 19. See also Hartmut Berghoff, “Zwischen Verdrangung und Aufarbeitung,” Geschichte in Wissenschaft und I'nterricht 49 (1998): 96-114; and Eric L. Santner, Stranded Objects: Mournitig, Memory, and Film in Postwar Germany (Ithaca, 1990), 1-6; and Moses, “The Forty-Fivers,” 97-101.
24. Hermann Liibbe, “Der Nationalsozialismus ini politischen Bewusstsein der Gegenwart,” in Deutsdilands Weg in die Diktatur: Internationale Konferenz zur nationalsozialistischen Machtiibernahme ini Reichstagsgebaude zu Berlin, ed. Martin Broszat (Berlin, 1983), 329-49, especially 334-35; Liibbbe, “Der Nationalsozialismus im deutschen Nachkriegsbewusstsein,” Historische Zeitschrift 236 (1983): 579-99.
25. Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory: Ttte Sazi Past in the Two Germanys (Cambridge, Mass., 1997), 225.
26. Much the same point is made in Gesine Schwan, Politik und Sclntld: Die zerstb'rerische Mctcht dcs Scltweigens (Frankfurt am Main, 1997), a book that influences Assmann's analysis in particular. See also Claudia Frohlich and Michael Kohlstruck, ed., Engagierte Demokraten: Vergangenheitspolitik in kritischer Absiclit (Miinster, 1999). The twenty-two brief essays that make up this book focus on key individuals, who, the editors argue, significantly contributed to a critical confrontation with the past by their commitment to promoting a broad public discussion of the crimes of National Socialism. Short sketches of Martin Niemoller, Eugen Kogon, Wolfgang Staudte, Theodor Adorno, the Mitscherlichs, and many others provide compelling evidence of the general thesis that critical perspectives on the National Socialist past can easily be traced back to the late 1940s and 1950s.
27. I develop this theme at length in War Stories: Tlie Search for a Usable Past in the Federal Republic of Germany (Berkeley, 2001).
28. Curt Garner, “Public Service Personnel in West Germany in the 1950s: Controversial Policy Decisions and Their Effects on Social Composition, Gender Structure, and the Role of Former Nazis,” in West Germany Under Construction, ed. Moeller, 135-95; Garner, “Schlussfolgerungen aus der Vergangenheit? Die Auseinandersetzungen um die Zukunft des deutschen Berufsbeamtentums nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges,” in Ende des Dritten Reiches-Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges: Eine perspektivistische Riickschau, ed. Hans-Ulrich Volkmann (Munich, 1995), 607-74; James M. Diehl, Tlie Tlianks of the Fatherland: German Veterans after the Second World War (Chapel Hill, 1993); and Ulrich Brochhagen, Nach Niirnberg: Vergangenheitsbewaltigung und Westintegration in der Ara Adenauer (Hamburg, 1994).
29. Frank Biess, ‘“Pioneers of a New Germany’: Returning POWs from the Soviet Union and the Making of East German Citizens, 1945-1960,” Central European History 32 (1999): 143-80. Biess's article comes from his dissertation, a comparison of the reintegration of POWs in East and West, “The Protracted War: Returning POWs and the Making of East and West German Citizens, 1945-1955” (Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 2000). See also idem, “Survivors of Totalitarianism: Returning POWs and the Reconstruction of Masculine Citizenship in West Germany, 1945-1955,” in Vie Miracle Years: A Cultural History of West Germany, 1949-1968, ed. Hanna Schissler (Princeton, 2000), 57-82.
30. The literature on this topic is vast. For a good summary, see Herf, Divided Memory; also Constantin Goschler, Wiedergutmachung: Westdeutschiand und die Verfolgten des S'ationalsozialismus (1950-1954) (Munich, 1992); Frank Stern, The Whitewashing of the Yellow Badge: Antisemitism and Philosemitism in Postwar Germany, trans, by William Templer (Oxford, 1992); and the useful documentary collection, Yeshayahu A. Jelinek, ed., Zwischen Moral und Rcalpolitik: Deutsch-israelische Beziehungen, 1945-1965 (Gerlingen, 1997).
31. The formulation is Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's in an address to the West German Bundestag in September 1951, republished in Rolf Vogel, ed., Deutschlands Weg nach Israel: Eine Dokumentation mit einem Geleitwort von Konrad Adenauer (Stuttgart, 1967), 36
32. See most recently, Herf, Divided Memory, who also places appropriate emphasis on the role of the Social Democratic Party.
33. See Ulrike Offenberg, “Seid vorsichtig gegen die Machthaber”: Die jiidischen Gemeinden in der SBZ und der DDR 1945-1990 (Berlin, 1998); Mario Kessler, Die SED und die Juden-zuHschen Repression und Toleranz: Politische Entwicklungen bis 1961 (Berlin, 1995); Angelika Timm, “Der politische und propagandistische Umgang mit der ‘Reichskristallnacht’ in der DDR,” in Die geteilte Vergangenheit: Zum Umgang mit Nationalsozialismus und Widerstand in beiden deutschen Staaten, ed. Jiirgen Danyel (Berlin, 1995), 213-23; and on the antisemitism of the SED, Herf, Divided Memory, especially, 69-161.
34. Michael L. Hughes, Shouldering the Burdens of Defeat: West Germany and the Reconstruction of Social Justice (Chapel Hill, 1999).
35. Michael Krause, Flucht vor dem Bombenkrieg: “Umquartierungen” im zweiten Weltkrieg und die Wiedereingliederung der Evakuierten in Deutschland, 1943-1963 (Diisseldorf, 1997); and Gregory Frederick Schroeder, “The Long Road Home: German Evacuees of the Second World War, Postwar Victim Identities, and Social Policy in the Federal Republic” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1997).
36. Pertti [Tapio] Ahonen, “Domestic Constraints on West German Ostpolitik: The Role of the Expellee Organizations in the Adenauer Era,” Central European History 31 (1998): 31-63. Ahonen's article comes from his dissertation, “The Expellee Organizations and West German Ostpolitik, 1949-1969” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1999).
37. Philipp Ther, “The Integration of Expellees in Germany and Poland after World War II: A Historical Reassessment,” Slavic Review 55 (1996): 789-805; idem, Deutsche und polnische Vertriebene: Gesellschaft und Vertriebenenpolitik in der SBZ/DDR und in Polen, 1945-1956 (Gdttingen, 1998); Michael Schwarz, “Vertreibung und Vergangenheitspolitik: Ein Versuch iiber geteilte deutsche Nachkriegsidentitaten,” Deutscldandarchiv 30 (1997): 177-95; Alexander von Plato and Wolfgang Meinicke, Alte Heimat-neue Zeit: Fluchtlinge, Umgesiedelte, Vertriebene in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone und in der DDR (Berlin, 1991); Manfred Wille, Johannes Hoffmann, and Wolfgang Meinicke, eds., Sie hatten alles verloren: Fluchtlinge und Vertriebene in der sowjetischen Besatzungszone Deutschlands (Wiesbaden, 1993); and the review of recent literature on East and West in Edgar Wolfrum, “Zwischen Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtspolitik: Forschungen zu Flucht und Vertreibung nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg,” Archiv fur Sozialgeschichte 36 (1996): 500-22.
38. Tony Judt, “The Past is Another Country: Myth and Memory in Postwar Europe,” in The Politics of Retribution in Europe: World War II and its Aftermath, ed. Istvan Deak.Jan T. Gross, and Tony Judt (Princeton, 2000), 293, 303.
39. S.Jonathan Wiesen, “Overcoming Nazism: Big Business, Public Relations, and the Politics of Memory, 1945-50,” Central European History 29 (1996): 201-26; also idem, West German Industry and the Challenge of the Nazi Past (Chapel Hill, 2001).
40. Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, Munich and Memory: Architecture, Monuments, and the Legacy of the Tliird Reich (Berkeley, 2000); Koshar, From Monuments to Traces; idem, Germany's Transient Pasts: Preservation and National Memory in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill, 1998); Brian Ladd, The Ghosts of Berlin: Confronting German History in the Urban Landscape (Chicago, 1997). This work complements older studies of Holocaust memorials. See in particular James Young, Tl\e Texture of Memory: Holocaust Memorials and Meaning (New Haven, 1993); Claudia Koonz, “Between Memory and Oblivion: Concentration Camps in German Memory,” in Commemorations: Tlie Politics of National Identity, ed. John R. Gillis (Princeton, 1994), 258-80; and Koonz, “Germany's Buchenwald: Whose Shrine? Whose Memory?” in Tlte Art of Memory: Holocaust Memorials in History, ed. James E. Young (New York, 1994), 111-19.
41. Alon Confino, “Traveling as a Culture of Remembrance: Traces of National Socialism in West Germany, 1945-1960,” History & Memory 12 (2000): 92-121, quotation 106.
42. See, e.g., Donald Abenheim, Reforging the Iron Cross: The Search for Tradition in the West German Armed Forces (Princeton, 1988); David Clay Large, Germans to the Front: West German Rearmament in the Adenauer Era (Chapel Hill, 1996); Detlef Bald, “Wolf Graf von Baudissin: Die Zivilisierung des Militars,” in Engagierte Demokraten, ed. Frohlich and Kohlstruck, 84-94; and Thomas Lindenberger, “Aus dem Volk, fur das Volk? Bemerkungen zur Entstehung der bewaffneten Organe der SBZ/DDR aus sozialhistorischer Sicht,” in Nationale Volksarmee-Armee fur den Frieden: Beitrage zu Selhstverstandnis und Geschichte des deutschen Militars, 1945-1990, ed. Detlef Bald, Reinhard Briihl, and Andreas Priifert (Baden-Baden, 1995), 165-80.
43. See Robert G. Moeller, “The Homosexual Man Is a ‘Man,’ the Homosexual Woman Is a ‘Woman’: Sex, Society, and the Law in Postwar West Germany,” in West Germany Under Construction, ed. Moeller, 251-84.
44. See Elizabeth Heineman, What Difference Does a Husband Make? Marital Status in Germany, 1933-1961 (Berkeley, 1999); idem, “Complete Families, Half Families, No Families at All: Female-Headed Households and the Reconstruction of the Family in the Early Federal Republic,” Central European History 29 (1996): 29-60; and Robert G. Moeller, Protecting Motherhood: Women and the Family in the Politics of Postwar West Germany (Berkeley, 1993).
45. Uta G. Poiger, Jazz, Rock, and Rebels: Cold War Politics and American Culture in a Divided Germany (Berkeley, 2000).
46. Erica Carter, “Alice in the Consumer Wonderland: West German Case Studies in Gender and Consumer Culture,” in West Germany Under Construction, ed. Moeller, 369.
47. Poiger, Jazz, Rock, and Rebels, 179; also Erica Carter, How German Is She? Postwar West German Reconstruction and the Consuming Woman (Ann Arbor, 1997).
48. Heide Fehrenbach, Cinema in Democratizing Germany: Reconstructing National Identity after Hitler (Chapel Hill, 1995). See also Frank Stern, “Film in the 1950s: Passing Images of Guilt and Responsibility,” in Miracle Years, ed. Schissler, 266-80, also Richard McCormick, “Memory and Commerce, Gender and Restoration: Wolfgang Staudte's Roses for the State Prosecutor (1959) and West German Film in the 1950s,” in Miracle Years, ed. Schissler, 280-300.
49. Heide Fehrenbach, “Rehabilitating Fatherland: Race and Remasculimzation,” Signs 24 (1998): 107-27; also idem, “Of German Mothers and ‘Negermischlingskinder”: Race, Sex, and the Post-war Nation,” in Miracle Years, ed. Schissler, 164-86; and Fehrenbach, “‘Ami-Liebchen’ und ‘Mischlingskinder’: Rasse, Geschlecht und Kultur in der deutsch-amerikanischen Begegnung,” in Nachkrieg in Deutschland, ed. Klaus Naumann (Hamburg, 2001), 178-205.
50. Fehrenbach, Cinema in Democratizing Germany,153.
51. See the discussion in Moeller, War Stories, 123-70.
52. Thomas Heimann, “Erinnerung als Wandlung: Kriegsbilder im friihen DDR-Film,” in Ceschichte ah Hemchafisdiskurs: Der L'mgang mil der Vergangenheit in der DDR, ed. Martin Sabrow (Cologne, 2000), 37-85. See also idem, “ Xehren aus der deutschen Geschichte’: Wahrheitstreue und Propaganda im DEFA-Dokumentarhlm DM und mancher Kamercid” in Venvahexe Vergangenheil: Geschkhtskultur und Herrschaftslegitimtition in der DDR, ed. Martin Sabrow (Leipzig, 1997), 185-215. See also Crew, “Remembering German Pasts,” 224-27.
53. See, e.g., Christoph Classen, Bilder der Vergaugenheit: Die Zeit des Xarionalsozialismus im Fernsehen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1955-1965 (Cologne, 1999); also Wulf Kansteiner, “Television and the Historicization ot National Socialism in the Federal Republic of Germany: The Programs of the Zweite Deutsche Fernsehen between 1963 and 1993” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1997).
54. See, e.g.,Jiirgen Danyel, ed., Die geteilte Vergangenheit: Zum Umgang mit Nationalsozialisnms und Widcrstand in beiden deutschen Staaten (Berlin, 1995); Ulrich Herbert and Olaf Groehler, Zweierlei Bewaltigung: Vier Bcitrage itbcr den Umgang mit der NS-Vergattgenheit in den beiden deutschen Staaten (Hamburg, 1992); and Siegfried, “Zwischen Aufarbeitung und Schlussstrich.”
55. Elizabeth Heineman, “The Hour of the Woman: Memories of Germany's ‘Crisis Years’ and West German National Identity,” American Historical Review 101 (1996): 354-95; now republished in a slightly shorter version in Miracle Years, ed. Schissler. See also Atina Grossmann, “A Question of Silence: The Rape of German Women by Occupation Soldiers,” in West Germany Under Construction, ed. Moeller, 33-52; Marlene Epp, “The Memory of Violence: Soviet and East European Mennonite Refugees and Rape in the Second World War,” Journal of Women i History 9 (1997): 58-87; Helke Sander and Barbara Johr, eds., BeFreier und Befreite: Krieg, Vergewaltignngen, Kinder (Munich, 1992); Barbara Kosta, “Rape, Nation and Remembering History: Helke Sander's Liberators Take Liberties,” in Gender and Germanness: Cultural Productions of Nation, ed. Patricia Herminghouse and Magda Mueller (Providence, R.I., 1997), 217-31. See also Maria Hohn, “Frau im Haus, Girl im Spiegel: Discourse on Women in the Interregnum Period of 1945-1949 and the Question of German Identity,” Central European History 26 (1993): 57-90.
56. Birgit Dahlke, “‘Frau komm!’ Vergewaltigungen 1945: Zur Geschichte eines Diskurses,” in LiteraturGesellschaft DDR: Kanonkampfe und Hue Geschichte(n), ed., idem, Martina Langermann, and Thomas Taterka (Stuttgart, 2000), 275-311, quotation 280; also Norman M. Naimark, The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation, 1945-1949 (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 69-140.
57. Atina Grossmann, “Trauma, Memory, and Motherhood: Germans and Jewish Displaced Persons in Post-Nazi Germany, 1945-1949,” Archivfiir Sozialgeschichte 38 (1998): 215-39, quotation from 237. On masculinity, see the work of Biess; Fehrenbach, “Rehabilitating Fatherland”’, Poiger, Jazz, Rock, and Rebels; Poiger, “Krise der Mannlichkeit: Rekriminalisierung in beiden deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaften,” in Nachkrieg in Deutschland, ed. Naumann, 227-66; and Robert G. Moeller, “Heimkehr ins Vaterland: Die Remaskulinisierung Westdeutschlands in den flinfziger Jahren,” MilitdrgeschichtHche Zeitschrift 60 (2001): 403-36.
58. Lutz Niethammer, ed., “Die Jahre weiss man nicht, wo man die heute hinsetzen soil”: Faschismus-Erfahrungen im Ruhrgebiet (Berlin, 1983); idem, ed., “Hinterher merkt man, dass es richtig war, dass es schiefgegangen ist”: Nachkriegs-Erfahrungen im Ruhrgebiet (Berlin, 1983); and idem and Alexander von Plato, ed., “Wir kriegen jetzt andere Zeiten”: Auf der Suche nach der Erfahrung des Volkes in nachfaschistischen Ldndern (Berlin, 1985); and on the German Democratic Republic, idem, Alexander von Plato, and Dorothee Wierling, Die wlkseigene Erfahrung: Eine Archaologie des Lcbens in der Industriepmvinz der DDR (Berlin, 1991). See also Lutz Niethammer, “‘Normalization’ in the West: Traces of Memory Leading Back into the 1950s,” in Miracle Years, ed. Schissler, 237-65; Gabriele Rosenthal, ed., “Als der Krieg kam, hatte ich mit Hitler nichts mehr zu tun”: Zur Gegenwartigkeit des “Dritten Reiches” in Biographien (Opladen, 1990); Sibylle Meyer and Eva Schulze, Von Liebe sprach damals keiner: Familienalltag in der Nachkriegszeit (Munich, 1985); and Sibylle Meyer and Eva Schulze, Wie wir das alles geschajft haben: Alleinstehende Frauen berichten uber ihr Leben nach 1945 (Munich, 1985). In general, see also Joyce Marie Mushaben, “Collective Memory Divided, Reunited: Mothers, Daughters and the Fascist Experience in Germany,” History & Memory 11 (1999): 7-40.
59. Dagmar Herzog, “‘Pleasure, Sex, and Politics Belong Together’: Post-Holocaust Memory and the Sexual Revolution in West Germany,” Critical Inquiry 24 (1998): 393-444, quotation, 444; and idem, “Antifaschistische Korper: Studentenbewegung, sexuelle Revolution und antiautoritare Kindererziehung,” in Nachkrieg in Deutschland, ed. Naumann, 521-51.
60. See in particular, Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge, Mass., 1988).
61. Omer Bartov, Mirrors of Destruction: War, Genocide, and Modern Identity (New York, 2000), 5-6; see also idem, Murder in Our Midst: The Holocaust, Industrial Killing, and Representation (New York, 1996).
62. Charles A. Maier, “Consigning the Twentieth Century to History: Alternative Narratives for the Modern Era,” American Historical Review 105 (2000): 812, 826-27.
63. Michael Geyer, “The Place of the Second World War in German Memory and History,”. Yew German Critique 71 (1997): 5-40, quotation, 37.
64. Alison Des Forges, “heave Kone to Tell the Story”: Genocide in Rwanda (New York, 1999), 15. For a higher estimate of one million deaths, see Charles C. Taylor, Sacrifice as Terror: Tile Rwandan Genocide of 1994 (Oxford, 1999), 1. See also Mahmood Mamdani, Wlien Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Xativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda (Princeton, 2001).
65. Vahakn N. Dadrian, The History of the Armenian Genocide: Ethnic Conflict from the Balkans to Anatolia to the Caucasus (Providence, 1995), xvii; also idem, “The Convergent Aspects of the Armenian and Jewish Cases of Genocide: A Reinterpretation of the Concept of Holocaust,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 3 (1988): 151-69. See also Norman M. Naimark, Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe (Cambridge, Mass., 2001).
66. Patrick Raszelenberg, “The Khmers Pvouges and the Final Solution,” History & Memory 11 (1999): 62-93.
67. Ian Buruma, The Wages of Guilt: Memories of War in Germany and Japan (New York, 1994). See also John W. Dower, Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II (New York, 1999); idem, “Triumphal and Tragic Narratives of the War in Asia,” Journal of American Histor)1 82 (1995): 1124-35; idem, “The Bombed: Hiroshimas and Nagasakis in Japanese memory,” Dipomatic History 19 (1995): 275-95; Michael J. Hogan, ed., Hiroshima in History and Memory (New York, 1996); Yoshikuni [garashi, Bodies of Memory: Narratives of War in Postwar Japanese Culture, 1945-1970 (Princeton, 2000); Norma Field, In the Realm of a Dying Emperor: Japan at Century's End (New York, 1993); Carol Gluck, “The Past in the Present,” in Postwar Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley, 1993), 64-95; Gluck, “The ‘Long Postwar’: Japan and Germany in Common and Contrast,” in Legacies and Ambiguities: Postwar Fiction and Culture in West Germany and Japan, ed. Ernestine Schlant and J. Thomas Pviemer (Washington, D.C., 1991), 63-78; Reiko Tachibana, Sanative as Counter-Memory: A Half-Century of Postwar Writing in Germany and Japan (Albany, 1998); Lisa Yoneyama, Hiroshima Traces: Time, Space, and the Dialectics of Alemory (Berkeley, 1999); and Sebastian Conrad, Auf tier Suche nach der verlorenen S'ation: Geschichtsschreibung in Westdeutchland und Japan 1945-1960 (Gottingen, 1999); and T[akashi] Fujitani, Geoffrey M. White, and Lisa Yoneyama, eds., Perilous Memories: Tlie Asia-Pacific War(s) (Durham, 2001).
68. See the suggestive comparisons in Caroline Alice Wiedmer, The Claims of Memory. Representations of the Holocaust in Contemporary Germany and France (Ithaca, 1999).
69. Amir Weiner, “Nature, Nurture, and Memory in a Socialist Utopia: Delineating the Soviet Socio-Ethnic Body in the Age of Socialism,” American Historical Review 104 (1999): 1114-55; also idem, Making Sense of War: The Second World War and the Fate of the Bolslievik Revolution (Princeton, 2001); Kathleen E. Smith, Remembering Stalin's Victims: Popular Memory and the End of the USSR (Ithaca, 1996); Nina Tumarkin, Tlie Living and the Dead: Tlie Rise and Fall of the Cult of World War 11 in Russia (New York, 1994); Catherine Merridale, “Death and Memory in Modern Russia,” History Workshop Journal 42 (1996): 1-18; idem, Night of Stone: Death and Memory in Russia (London, 2000); and Dan Diner, “Massenverbrechen im 2O.Jahrhundert: Ober Nationalsozialismus und Stalinismus,” in Der Umgang mit dem Holocaust: Europa-USA-Israel, ed. Rolf Steininger (Vienna, 1994), 468-81.
70. See also Karel Vodicka, “Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen und die Versohnungserklarung,” Osteuropa 47 (1997): 975-86; Detlef Brandes, Edita Ivamckova,Jiri Pesek, eds., Erzwungenc Trennung: Vertreibungen und Aussiedlungen in und aus der Tsdiechoslowakei, 1938-1947 (Essen, 1999): Detlef Brandes and Vaclav Kural, eds., Der Weg in die Katastrophe: Deutsche-tschechoslowakische Beziehungen, 1959-1941 (Essen, 1994); Klaus Bachmann and Jerzy Kranz, eds., Verlorene Heimat: Die Vertreibungsdebatte in Polen (Bonn, 1998); and Richard G. Plaschka, Horst Haselsteiner, Arnold Suppan, and Anna M. Drabek, eds., Nationale Frage und Vertreibung in der Tsdiechoslowakei und Vngarn, 1938-1948 (Vienna, 1997).
71. See the insightful comments of Ruth Kliiger, Weiter Leben: Einejugend (Gottingen, 1992), 110.
72. See Martin Meredith, Coming to Terms: South Africás Search for Truth (New York, 1999); Tina Rosenberg, “Afterword: Confronting the Painful Past,” in Meredith, Coming to Terms, 328-70; Kader Asmal, Louise Asmal, and Ronald Suresh Roberts, Reconciliation Tluough Truth: A Reckoning of Apartheid's Criminal Governance, 2d ed. (Cape Town, 1997); and the information available at the website of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, http://www.truth.org.za/. On post-Communist regimes in Eastern Europe, see the superb study by Tina Rosenberg, The Haunted Land: Facing Europe's Ghosts After Communism (New York, 1995). For a study of war crimes tribunals that includes Nuremberg and goes back into the early part of the nineteenth century, see Gary Jonathan Bass, Stay the Hand of Vengeance: The Politics of War Crime Tribunals (Princeton, 2000). The limits and enormous possibilities of broad comparative frameworks are also clear in Elazar Barkan, Tlie Guilt of Nations: Restitution and Negotiating Historical Injustices (New York, 2000); and Erna Paris, Long Shadows: Truth, Lies and History (New York, 2001).
73. Martha Minow, Between Vengeance and Forgiveness: Facing History after Genocide and Mass Violence (Boston, 1998), 118, 133; and Charles S. Maier, “Doing History, Doing Justice: The Narrative of the Historian and of the Truth Commission,” in Truth v. Justice: Tlie Morality of Truth Commissions, ed. Robert I. Rotberg and Dennis Thompson (Princeton, 2000), 273. The essays in this volume focus particular attention on the South African case. See also Charles S. Maier, “A Surfeit of Memory? Reflections on History, Melancholy and Denial,” History & Memory 5 (1993): 136-51; Martha Minow, “The Hope for Healing: What Can Truth Commissions Do?,” in Rotberg and Thompson, Truth v. Justice, 235-60; and the insightful comments of Mamdani, 270-80.
74. Biess, “ ‘Pioneers of a New Germany.’”
75. Svenja Goltermann, “Verletzte Korper oder ‘Building National Bodies’: Kriegsheimkehrer, ‘Krankheit’ und Psychiatrie in der westdeutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft, 1945-1955,” WerkstattGeschichte 24 (1999): 83-98; idem, “Im Wahn der Gewalt: Massentod, Opferdiskurs und Psychiatrie 1945-1956,” in Nachkrieg in Deutschland, ed. Naumann, 343-63; Vera Neumann, Nicht der Rede wert: Die Privatisierung der Kriegsfolgen in der fruhen Bundesrepublik-Lebensgeschichtliche Erinnerungen (Miinster, 1999); and idem, “Kampf um die Anerkennung: Die westdeutsche Kriegsfolgengesellschaft im Spiegel der Versorgungsamter,” in Nachkrieg in Deutschland, ed. Naumann, 364-83. See also Elisabeth Domansky, “A Lost War: World War II in Postwar German Memory,” in Thinking about the Holocaust after Haifa Century, ed. Alvin H. Rosenfeld (Bloomington, 1997), 233-72.
76. See Dahlke, “Vergewaltigungen,” 276; Moeller, War Stories, 88-122, 173-74.
77. Ernst Nolte, “Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will: Eine Rede, die geschrieben, aber nicht gehalten werden konnte,” in Historikerstreit: Die Documentation der Kontroverse um die Einzigartigkeit der ntttionalsozialismcheiijuieiivemiciituiig, by Rudolf Augstein, et al. (Munich, 1987).
78. I borrow the formulation and many valuable insights from Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick, N.J., 1994).
79. See, e.g., Norbert Frei, “Farewell to the Era of Contemporaries: National Socialism and Its Historical Examination en route into History,” History & Memory 9 (1997): 59-79.