Nicholas of bar's collection

Brill's Companions to the Christian Tradition

Volumn 7, Issue , 2007, Pages 333-343

  Piron, Sylvain ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 84966649881     PISSN: 18716377     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book Series    
DOI: 10.1163/ej.9789004162884.i-793.46     Document Type: Article

References (32)

1. e siècle," AHDLMA 3 (1928), pp. 201-38.
2. Although a detailed account of the impact of the Saulchoir school on medieval studies is still lacking, a more general picture can be found in the studies accompanying the edition, by G. Alberigo, of M.-D. Chenu, Une école de théologie: le Saulchoir (Paris 1985).
3. See also J.-P Jossua, "Le Saulchoir: une formation théologique replacée dans son histoire," Cristianesimo nella storia 14 (1993), pp. 99-124
4. A. Duval, "Aux origines de l'Institut historique d'études thomistes au Saulchoir (1920 et sq.)," RSPT 75 (1991), pp. 423-48.
5. Glorieux, Répertoire I-II
6. e siècles," AFH 26 (1933), pp. 257-81.
7. On the use of university sermons by Glorieux, see L.-J. Bataillon, "Guillaume de la Mare. Note sur sa régence parisienne et sa prédication," AFH 98 (2005), pp. 367-422 (esp. pp. 368-74).
8. Glorieux, "Notices," p. 203-4: "La première impression que l'on ressent à la lecture de cette liste ⋯ est qu'on se trouve en présence ⋯ de quodlibets qui durent se succéder assez régulièrement, sans doute d'année en année ⋯ La collection aurait été faite au fur et à mesure des soutenances annuelles, et suivant leur succession chronologique ⋯ Il semble parfaitement légitime de la considérer comme s'étendant de façon régulière sur une assez longue suite d'années."
9. Through confusion caused by the certitude displayed by Glorieux, some of his readers were misled into thinking that the quodlibeta were actually dated in the manuscript itself. Such is the case of L. Cova, "Alcune questioni di Simone di Lens sul peccato originale," AFH 73 (1980), p. 475, n. 2.
10. See J. Destrez, La Pecia dans les manuscrits universitaires du XIIIe et du XIVe siècle (Paris 1935)
11. its application to the case of quodlibeta in idem, "Les disputes quodlibétiques de saint Thomas d'après la tradition manuscrite," Mélanges thomistes (Kain 1923), pp. 49-108.
12. From 1924 to 1928, Destrez was secretary of the Bulletin thomiste for the first four issues, residing near Paris. His research has been continued by distinguished Saulchoir pupils, now members of the Commissio leonina; cf. La Production du livre universitaire au Moyen Age: exemplar et pecia, L.-J. Bataillon, B.G. Guyot, and R.H. House, eds. (Paris 1988).
13. C. Luna, "L'édition léonine de saint Thomas d'Aquin: vers une méthode de critique textuelle et d'ecdotique," RSPT 98 (2005), pp. 31-110, insists on the continuity between the two "ages" of the Commission. Without diminishing the merits of the first team set up in the late 19th century, I feel it is necessary to stress more the human and cultural continuity between the second team and the Saulchoir school. As an irony of history, the same Master General who had removed Chenu from teaching in 1942 then asked his disciples to take over the edition of Aquinas' Opera omnia less than ten years later.
14. L. Delisle, Cabinet des manuscrits de la bibliothèque nationale II (Paris 1874), p. 163. The other codices are lat. 15351 (Thomas Aquinas, Quodlibeta), lat. 15818 (Thomas Aquinas, Summa contra Gentiles), lat. 15985 (Thomas of Ireland's Manipulus florum), lat. 16158 (philosophical commentaries by Peter of Auvergne, Giles of Rome and Albert the Great), and lat. 16160 (more philosophical commentaries, mostly by Thomas Aquinas).
15. "Dies 16 maii obiit magister Nicolaus de Barro Ducis, socius hujus domus, anno Domini 1310, qui nobis legavit multos libros et multam pecuniam in redditibus," in Le registre de prêt de la bibliothèque du collège de Sorbonne, eds. J. Vieillard and M.-H. Jullien de Pommerol (Paris 2000), p. 568.
16. This register doesn't record any borrowing of cod. lat. 15850. The obituary was already edited in P. Glorieux, Aux origines de la Sorbonne. I. Robert de Sorbon (Paris 1966), p. 165.
17. P. Glorieux, Aux origines de la Sorbonne. II. Le cartulaire (Paris 1965), pp. 519-23. Surprisingly, Nicholas is presented as filius Ponceti de Barro, Tullensis dyocesis. There is, indeed, a city called Bar about fifteen kilometers north of Tulle. But since the students he wanted to support should stem, in order of priority, from his kindred, the city of Barle-Duc, Saint-Mihiel, and the diocese of Verdun, a Lorraine origin is beyond doubt.
18. See the details of the questions in J. Hoffmans and A. Pelzer, Etude sur les manuscrits des Quodlibets (Les philosophes belges, 14) (Louvain 1937), pp. 177-80
19. R. Macken, Bibliotheca Manuscripta Henrici de Gandavo I (Leuven-Leiden 1979), pp. 634-44.
20. Bonaventura, De perfectione evangelica, q. 2, a. 2, Opera omnia V (Quaracchi 1891), pp. 134-55
21. A.G. Traver, "William of Saint-Amour's Two Disputed Questiones De Quantitate eleemosynae and De valido mendicante" AHDLMA 62 (1995), pp. 295-342.
22. P. Glorieux, "Les Quodlibets de Gervais du Mont-Saint-Eloi," RTAM 20 (1953), pp. 129-34, argues in favor of a division of the 85 questions by Servais found in Paris, BnF lat. 15350, ff. 269r-291, into eight different Quodlibeta, on the basis of some marginal signs and of the recurrence of these rare speculative questions that would mark the begining of a new Quodlibet. This division is supported by even more marginal signs.
23. R.H. Rouse and M.A. Rouse, Preachers, florilegia and Sermons. Studies on the Manipulus florum of Thomas of Ireland (Toronto 1979), pp. 94-5, 164-5.
24. Paris, BnF lat. 15850, f. 36rb. The same question is tackled by Matthew of Aquasparta in 1279 (Quodl. II, q. 8), Henry of Ghent in 1291 (Quodl. XV, q. 13) and John Baconthorpe in 1330 (Quodl. III, q. 18), a sign of continuous interest in the issue. All these, and many more, are edited by A. Samaritani, "De beatae virginis immaculata conceptione Quodlibet XIII-XIV saec. primum edita," Marian Library Studies 5 (1973) pp. 729-835.
25. T. Kaeppeli, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum medii aevi III (Rome 1980), pp. 199-200.
26. Kaeppeli, Scriptores III, p. 280.
27. Vitalis de Furno, Quodlibeta tria, ed. F. Delorme (Spicilegium Pontificii Athenaei Antoniani, 5) (Rome 1947), pp. 221-9. John of Pershore ought to have been mentioned in my chapter in the first volume of this book. I am most grateful to Alain Boureau for reminding me of him. The abbreviation ends with the words Hic nihil deficit, a sign marking the end of a complete series of questions.
28. C. Guyon, Les écoliers du Christ. L'ordre canonial du Val des Écoliers (1201-1539) (St Etienne 1998), pp. 231-3.
29. P. Glorieux, "Un mémoire justificatif de Bernard de Trilia. Sa carrière à l'université de Paris (1279-1287)," RSPT 17 (1928), pp. 404-25, 18 (1929), pp. 24-58.
30. The history of the debate is synthesised by P. Künzle, "Prolegomena," in Bernardus de Trilia, Quaestiones disputatae de cognitione animae separatae, ed. Künzle (Bern 1969), pp. 16-17.
31. On Bernard's authentic first three quodlibeta, see P. Künzle, "Neu aufgefundene Quaestiones quodlibetales Berhnards von Trilia," FZPT IV (1957), pp. 52-6,
32. Such is the case of F. Veraja, Le origini della controversia teologica sul contratto di censo nel XIII secolo (Rome 1960), and myself in the first volume of this book.