The “wonderful properties of glass”: Liebig’s Kaliapparat and the practice of chemistry in glass

ISIS

Volumn 106, Issue 1, 2015, Pages 43-69

  Jackson, Catherine M ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN MADISON   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

GLASS;

CHEMISTRY; EUROPE; HISTORY; MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY;

CHEMISTRY; EUROPE; GLASS; HISTORY, 19TH CENTURY; MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY;

EID: 84926316004     PISSN: 00211753     EISSN: 15456994     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/681036     Document Type: Article

References (134)

1. This important idea has been brought to historical attention in Marco Beretta's recent body of work on glass and glassblowing in the period up to 1800: Marco Beretta, ed., When Glass Matters: Studies in the History of Science and Art from Graeco-Roman Antiquity to Early Modern Era (Florence: Olschki, 2004).
2. Beretta, The Alchemy of Glass: Counterfeit, Imitation, and Transmutation in Ancient Glassmaking (Sagamore Beach, Mass.: Science History Publications, 2009).
3. Beretta, "Secrecy, Industry, and Science: French Glassmaking in the Eighteenth Century," in A Master of Science History: Essays in Honor of Charles Coulston Gillespie, ed. Jed Z. Buchwald (Dordrecht: Springer, 2011), pp. 357-366.
4. Justus Liebig, Familiar Letters on Chemistry in Its Relations to Physiology, Dietetics, Agriculture, Commerce, and Political Economy, 4th ed., rev. and enlarged by John Blyth (London: Walton & Maberly, 1859), p. 124.
5. The glassware revolution did not change the theoretical framework of chemistry. It is not a new example of a Kuhnian scientific revolution. Nor is this an attempt to reinterpret the Chemical Revolution through the history of instruments and instrumentation. Rather, this choice of term reflects the significance of the changes described in this essay. It is based on solid precedent within the history of science, including David Cahan's "institutional revolution" and Graeme Gooday's "laboratory revolution." See David Cahan, "The Institutional Revolution in German Physics, 1865-1914," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences, 1985, 15:1- 65.
6. Graeme Gooday, "Precision Measurement and the Genesis of Physics Teaching Laboratories in Victorian Britain," British Journal for the History of Science, 1990, 23:25-51.
7. Peter J.T. Morris, ed., From Classical to Modern Chemistry: The Instrumental Revolution (Cambridge: Royal Society of Chemistry, 2002).
8. An analogous change in this relationship took place in the early twentieth-century instrumental revolution. Of particular relevance here is the contribution by Davis Baird, "Analytical Chemistry and the 'Big' Scientific Instrumentation Revolution," in From Classical to Modern Chemistry, ed. Morris, pp. 29-56. Baird argued explicitly against the idea that the changes he described could be characterized as a Kuhnian scientific revolution (pp. 46-47).
9. Frederic L. Holmes, Eighteenth-Century Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 1989). The figures appended to Lecture 1 (pp. 21-32) display a range of eighteenth-century chemical apparatus.
10. Frederic L. Holmes, "The Evolution of Lavoisier's Chemical Apparatus," in Instruments and Experimentation in the History of Chemistry, ed. Holmes and Trevor H. Levere (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000), pp. 137-152, described Lavoisier's use of adapted instruments and apparatus but provided no evidence for the implicit assertion (p. 145) that Lavoisier performed these modifications himself.
11. Increased historical focus on the material culture and laboratory practice of chemistry has resulted in several studies of Liebig's analytical practice and his introduction of the Kaliapparat, most recently Melvyn C. Usselman, Christina Reinhart, Kelly Foulser, and Alan J. Rocke, "Restaging Liebig: A Study in the Replication of Experiments," Annals of Science, 2005, 62:1-55.
12. Catherine M. Jackson, "Visible Work: The Role of Students in the Creation of Liebig's Giessen Research School," Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 2008, 62:31-49.
13. This advantage remained of paramount importance until at least the mid-twentieth century. See, e.g., Andrew J. B. Robertson, D. J. Fabian, A. J. Crocker, and J. Dewing, Laboratory Glass-working for Scientists (London: Butterworth, 1957), p. 1.
14. Isobel Armstrong, Victorian Glassworlds: Glass Culture and the Imagination, 1830-80 (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2010).
15. John J. Griffin, Descriptive Catalogue of Chemical Apparatus Manufactured and Imported by J. J. Griffin, new ed., corrected to March 1850 (London, 1850), Pt. 1 (catalogue published July 1841), p. 37.
16. William A. Shenstone, The Methods of Glass Blowing and of Working Silica in the Oxy-gas Flame for the Use of Chemical and Physical Students, 5th ed. (London: Longmans, 1902), was the first to include a chapter on working silica glass (pp. 84-95).
17. Ernest Child, The Tools of the Chemist: Their Ancestry and American Evolution (New York: Reinhold, 1940), p. 100.
18. See also Hannah Gay, "Technical Assistance in the World of London Science, 1850-1900," Notes Rec. Roy. Soc., 2008, 62:51-75, on the growing number of London glassware suppliers.
19. Whereas the few glassblowing manuals published earlier in the century were aimed mainly at instrument makers, and late nineteenth-century glassblowing manuals-of which there are many-largely focused on high-vacuum physics, the manuals I examine here were intended specifically for use by would-be and practicing chemists. This group of texts is distinguished partly by its intended audience but principally by its explicitly pedagogical orientation, something that differentiates it from earlier publications in which glassblowing was associated with chemistry, such as the entry on glass and glassblowing in John Georg Krünitz, Oekonomischtechnologische Encyklopädie, Vol. 18, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Pauli, 1788), pp. 580-680.
20. Evan M. Melhado, Jöns Jakob Berzelius: The Emergence of His Chemical System (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1981).
21. J. Erik Jorpes, Jac. Berzelius: His Life and Work, trans. Barbara Steele (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1966)
22. Melhado and Tore Frängsmyr, eds., Enlightenment Science in the Romantic Era: The Chemistry of Berzelius and Its Cultural Setting (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2003).
23. David Gooding and Frank A. J. L. James, eds., Faraday Rediscovered: Essays on the Life and Work of Michael Faraday, 1791-1867 (London: Macmillan, 1985).
24. Heinrich Rose, A Practical Treatise of Chemical Analysis, trans. A. Normandy (London: William Tegg, 1848), p. 579.
25. Thomas Thomson, A System of Chemistry, 5th ed., Vol. 1 (London: Baldwin, Craddock & Joy, 1817), p. 90.
26. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "Experiments to Determine the Definite Proportions in Which the Elements of Organic Nature Are Combined," Annals of Philosophy, 1814, 4:401- 409.
27. Quantitative organic analysis determined the percentage of the elements carbon, hydrogen, and (sometimes) nitrogen in organic substances, information that was used to fix the substance's formula. For more on the relationship between analysis and formula see Ursula Klein, Experiments, Models, Paper Tools: Cultures of Organic Chemistry in the Nineteenth Century (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 2003).
28. Usselman et al., "Restaging Liebig".
29. Jackson, "Visible Work."
30. Liebig published his new apparatus in Justus Liebig, "Ueber einen neuen Apparat zur Analyse organischer Körper, und über die Zusammensetzung einiger organischen Substanzen," Annalen der Physik und Chemie, 1831, 97:1- 47.
31. For the 1823 analyses see Jean-Baptiste Dumas and Pierre-Joseph Pelletier, "Recherches sur la composition élémentaire et quelques propriétés charactéristiques des bases salifiables organiques," Annales de Chimie et de Physique, 1823, 24:163-191.
32. Alan J. Rocke, "Origins and Spread of the 'Giessen Model' in University Science," Ambix, 2003, 50:90 -115.
33. Catherine M. Jackson, "Re-examining the Research School: August Wilhelm Hofmann and the Recreation of a Liebigian Research School in London," History of Science, 2006, 44:281-319.
34. See, e.g., the description of the alchemist's laboratory in William R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2002), p. 35.
35. The phrase "laboratory companion" comes directly from Michael Faraday, Chemical Manipulation; being Instructions to Students in Chemistry, on the Methods of Performing Experiments of Demonstration or of Research, with Accuracy and Success (London: Phillips, 1827), p. ix.
36. Faraday, Chemical Manipulation, "Introduction."
37. The Scottish chemist David Boswell Reid made particularly ingenious use of plate glass in chemical analysis, as described in his Rudiments of Chemistry; with Illustrations of the Chemical Phenomena of Daily Life (Edinburgh: Chambers, 1836), p. 89. The laboratory practice of the British chemist William Hyde Wollaston also involved "the substitution of a few glass tubes and plates of glass for capacious retorts and receivers." In Wollaston's case these innovations were not published, instead resulting in his laboratory becoming "a sealed recess to his most intimate friends." As a result, it seems much more likely that Faraday derived inspiration from Berzelius than from Wollaston. Wollaston's well-known priority dispute with Faraday over electromagnetism, moreover, suggests that the two men may not have been on the best of terms.
38. John Barrow, Sketches of the Royal Society and Royal Society Club (London: Murray, 1849), p. 59.
39. Frank A. J. L. James, The Correspondence of Michael Faraday, Vol. 1: 1811-December 1831, Letters 1-524 (London: Institution of Electrical Engineers, 1991), p. 588.
40. Faraday, whose analysis of the aromatic compound we know as benzene was published in 1825, was surely aware of Berzelius's earlier publications in the field of organic analysis. See Michael Faraday, "On New Compounds of Carbon and Hydrogen, and on Certain Other Products Obtained during the Decomposition of Oil by Heat," Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 1825, 115:440-466.
41. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "Experiments to Determine the Definite Proportions in Which the Elements of Organic Nature Are Combined," Annals of Philosophy, 1814, 4:401- 409.
42. Heinrich Rose, A Manual of Analytical Chemistry, trans. John J. Griffin (London: Tegg, 1831), p. xi.
43. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "Experiments to Determine the Definite Proportions in Which the Elements of Organic Nature Are Combined," Annals of Philosophy, 1814, 4:401- 409.
44. Frederic L. Holmes, Eighteenth-Century Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 1989). The figures appended to Lecture 1 (pp. 21-32) display a range of eighteenth-century chemical apparatus.
45. Brian P. Dolan, "Embodied Skills and Travelling Savants: Experimental Chemistry in Eighteenth-Century Sweden and England," in Travels of Learning: A Geography of Science in Europe, ed. Ana Simões, Ana Carneiro, and Maria Paula Diogo (Kluwer: Dordrecht, 2003), pp. 115-141.
46. Anders Lundgren, "Theory and Practice in Swedish Chemical Textbooks during the Nineteenth Century," in Communicating Chemistry: Textbooks and Their Audiences, 1789-1939, ed. Lundgren and Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent (Canton, Mass.: Science History Publications, 2000), pp. 91-118.
47. John J. Griffin, Chemical Recreations: A Series of amusing and instructive Experiments, which may be performed easily, safely and at little Expense.
48. William Henry, Elements of Experimental Chemistry (London, 1799).
49. Ferdinand P. Danger, L'art du souffleur à la lampe; ou, Moyen facile de faire soi-mème, à très peu de frais, tous les instrumens de physique et de chimie qui sont du ressort de cet art: tels que thermomètres, baromètres, pèse-liqueurs, siphons, tubes de welter, fontaine de hèron, etc., au moyen d'un appareil qui remplace avec avantage la table d'émailleur, et offre les cinq sixièmes au moins de diminution de prix (Paris: Bachelier, 1829).
50. Danger, The Art of Glass-blowing; or, Plain Instructions for making the Chemical and Philosophical Instruments which are formed of Glass; such as barometers, thermometers, hydrometers, hour-glasses, funnels, syphons, tube vessels for chemical experiments, toys for recreative philosophy, & c. (London: Bumpus & Griffin, 1831). Note the significant changes to the title of Danger's manual made by Griffin.
51. Danger, Art of Glass-blowing, p. iii.
52. Brian Gee and William H. Brock, "The Case of John Joseph Griffin: From Artisan-Chemist and Author- Instructor to Business-Leader," Ambix, 1991, 38:29-62, esp. p. 29.
53. Friedrich Körner, Anleitung zur Bearbeitung des Glases an der Lampe, und zur vollständigen Verfertigugn der, durch das Lampenfeuer darstellbaren, physikalischen und chemischen Instrumente und Apparate (Jena: Schmidt, 1831).
54. Heinrich Rockstroh, Die Glasblasekunst im Kleinen oder mittelst der Docht- oder der Strahlflamme, oder Anweisung, wie aus Glas mittelst der Docht- oder der Strahlflamme mancherlei Gegenstände im Kleinen zu gestalten; nebst einer Anweisung, wie Mikroskope, Barometer, Thermometer und Aräometer, Mikrometer und noch manche andere Gegenstände, bei welchen Glas das vornehmliche Material ist, verfertigt oder bewerkstelliget werden; auch einem Anhange von Glaskunststückchen und Glaskünsteleien (Leipzig: Günther, 1833).
55. Karl M. Diesing Die Glasschmelzkunst bie der Lampe von einem praktischen Glaskünstler (Brünn: J. G. Traßler, 1824), which I have not so far been able to examine.
56. Körner, Anleitung zur Bearbeitung des Glases an der Lampe, pp. 2-4 (here and throughout this essay, translations into English are my own unless otherwise indicated).
57. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "Experiments to Determine the Definite Proportions in Which the Elements of Organic Nature Are Combined," Annals of Philosophy, 1814, 4:401- 409.
58. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "Experiments to Determine the Definite Proportions in Which the Elements of Organic Nature Are Combined," Annals of Philosophy, 1814, 4:401- 409.
59. See John Hedley Brooke, "Berzelius, the Dualistic Hypothesis, and the Rise of Organic Chemistry," in Enlightenment Science in the Romantic Era, ed. Melhado and Frängsmyr, Ch. 8.
60. Antoine Lavoisier, "Mémoire sur la combinaison du principe oxygine, avec l'esprit-de-vin, l'huile et différents corps combustibles," Histoire et Mémoires de l'Académie Royal des Sciences, 1794, 98:593- 608.
61. Berzelius, like many of his contemporaries, used the term "atom," as introduced by John Dalton. Toward the middle of the nineteenth century, many chemists adopted "equivalent" as a means of avoiding the growing controversy surrounding the ontological status of atoms.
62. Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier, Oeuvres de Lavoisier, Vol. 1 (Paris: Imprimerie Impériale, 1864), pp. 347-351, described the apparatus I have shown in Figure 1. The illustration appeared as Plate XI.
63. Ursula Klein has drawn attention to the ontological shift that took place in about 1830, when plant materials were reconceptualized as "purified carbon compounds" of fixed composition, a change I have argued was of great significance for the development of organic analysis. See Ursula Klein, "Shifting Ontologies, Changing Classifications: Plant Materials from 1700 to 1830," Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 2005, 36:261-329.
64. Jackson, "Visible Work," pp. 34-35.
65. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, A View of the Progress and Present State of Animal Chemistry, trans. Gustavus Brunnmark (London: J. Skirven, 1813), p. 4.
66. Berzelius, "Essay on the Cause of Chemical Proportions, and on Some Circumstances Relating to Them: Together with a Short and Easy Method of Expressing Them," Ann. Phil., 1813, 2:443- 454
67. Alan J. Rocke, "Berzelius's Animal Chemistry: From Physiology to Organic Chemistry (1805-1814)," in Enlightenment Science in the Romantic Era, ed. Melhado and Frängsmyr, Ch. 5.
68. Joseph-Louis Gay-Lussac and Louis-Jacques Thenard, "Méthode pour déterminer la proportion des principes qui constituent les substances végétales et animals, et application de cette méthode à l'analyse d'un grand nombre de ces substances," in Recherches physico-chimiques, Vol. 2 (Paris: Deterville, 1811), pp. 265-287.
69. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "Experiments to Determine the Definite Proportions in Which the Elements of Organic Nature Are Combined," 5 pts., Ann. Phil., 1814, 4:323-331, 401-409, 1815, 5:93-101, 174-184, 260-275.
70. As late as 1828, Joseph-Louis Gay-Lussac, Cours de chimie (Paris: Pichon & Didiers, 1828), p. 26, maintained: "In the analysis of plants, it is necessary to try to obtain gaseous products rather than solid products, because with gaseous products, one attains a greater degree of precision."
71. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "Essay on the Cause of Chemical Proportions, and on Some Circumstances Relating to Them: Together with a Short and Easy Method of Expressing Them," 5 pts., Ann. Phil., 1813, 2:443- 454, 1814, 3:51- 62, 93-106, 244-255, 353-364, contained the sequence of gravimetric analyses that led to his table of specific weights for forty-seven elements.
72. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "Experiments to Determine the Definite Proportions in Which the Elements of Organic Nature Are Combined," 5 pts., Ann. Phil., 1814, 4:323-331, 401-409, 1815, 5:93-101, 174-184, 260-275.
73. Berthollet to Berzelius, 10 Nov. 1811, in Correspondance entre Berzelius et C. L. Berthollet (1810 -1822), ed. Söderbaum, p. 31.
74. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, Anwendung des Löthrohrs in der Chemie und Mineralogie, trans. Heinrich Rose (Nurnberg: Schrag, 1821), p. 7.
75. James R. Partington, History of Chemistry, Vol. 3 (London: Macmillan, 1962), p. 590
76. Christoph Girtanner, Anfangsgründe der antiphlogistischen Chemie (Berlin: Unger, 1792).
77. Jöns Jacob Berzelius, "An Address to Those Chemists Who Wish to Examine the Laws of Chemical Proportions, and the Theory of Chemistry in General," Ann. Phil., 1815, 5:122-131, on p. 129.
78. Maurice Crosland, The Society of Arcueil: A View of French Science at the Time of Napoleon (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1967), p. 415.
79. Berzelius, "Address to Those Chemists Who Wish to Examine the Laws of Chemical Proportions", p. 129.
80. Jackson, "Visible Work"
81. Usselman et al., "Restaging Liebig."
82. William H. Brock, Justus Liebig: The Chemical Gatekeeper (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1997).
83. Justus Liebig and Joseph-Louis Gay-Lussac, "Analyse du fulminate d'argent," Ann. Chim. Phys., 1824, 25:285-311.
84. Frederic L. Holmes, "The Complementarity of Teaching and Research in Liebig's Laboratory," Osiris, 1989, 5:121-164, esp. pp. 129-130.
85. The earliest paper containing organic analytical results produced by one of Liebig's students in Giessen was Heinrich Buff, "Ueber Indigsäure und Indigharz," Jahrb. Chem. Phys., 1827, 21:38 -59.
86. William H. Brock, "Liebig's Laboratory Accounts," Ambix, 1972, 19:47-58, esp. p. 53.
87. Justus Liebig, "Ueber die bittere Substanz, welche durch Behandlung des Indigs, der Seide und der Aloë mit Saltpetersäure erzeugt wird," Ann. Phys. Chem., 1828, 13:191-208; on p. 191 he referred to the great difficulty he had encountered in obtaining analytical results fit for publication.
88. Friedrich Kodweiss, "Ueber die Zusammensetzung der Harnsäure und über die Producte, welche durch ihre Zersetzung mit Salpetersäure erzeugt warden," Ann. Phys. Chem., 1830, 19:1-25.
89. Carl Oppermann, "Ueber die Zusammensetzung des Terpenthinöls und einiger von demselben entstehenden Producte," Ann. Phys. Chem., 1831, 22:193-207.
90. Oppermann, "Ueber die Zusammensetzung des Terpentinöls und einiger aus demselben entstehende Producte," Magazin für Pharmacie, 1831, 34:155-156.
91. Friedrich Körner, Anleitung zur Bearbeitung des Glases an der Lampe, und zur vollständigen Verfertigugn der, durch das Lampenfeuer darstellbaren, physikalischen und chemischen Instrumente und Apparate (Jena: Schmidt, 1831).
92. Simon Schaffer, "Late Victorian Metrology and Its Instrumentation: A Manufactory of Ohms," in Invisible Connections: Instruments, Institutions, and Science, ed. Robert Bud and Susan E. Cozzens (Bellingham, Wash.: SPIE Optical Engineering, 1992), pp. 23-56; see p. 33 for Arthur Schuster's observation that "the instruments [in the Cavendish Laboratory] suffered more than the students by their being so freely allowed to come unchaperoned into mutual contact."
93. The production of accurately graduated glassware-an essential component of thermometers and barometers as well as instruments for volumetric measurement-challenged the skill of all but the best glassblowers. Liebig insisted on using thermometers supplied by the Parisian instrument maker Collardeau, while later generations of chemists relied on thermometers supplied by glassblowing firms such as Heinrich Geissler of Bonn and Negretti and Zamba in London.
94. Liebig to his wife, 2 Nov. 1828, in Justus von Liebig in eigenen Zeugnissen und solchen seiner Zeitgenossen, ed. Herta v. Dechend (Weinheim: Chemie, 1953), p. 24.
95. Jakob Volhard, Justus Liebig (Leipzig: Barth, 1909), Vol. 1, p. 124.
96. E. Berl, Briefe von Justus Liebig nach neuen Funden (Giessen: Liebig-Museum-Gesellschaft, 1928), p. 48.
97. Although other chemists working in the field of organic analysis at this time, including William Prout, were motivated by the desire to increase the accuracy of atomic weight measurements, recent studies have shown that specific problems of alkaloid analysis led to Liebig's introduction of the Kaliapparat during the autumn of 1830. See Usselman et al., "Restaging Liebig," p. 8.
98. Friedrich Wöhler to Liebig, 26 July 1830, Letter 19; and Liebig to Wöhler, 4 Aug. 1830, Letter 20: Liebig-Wöhler Correspondence. This was the only meeting between Liebig and Berzelius. Regarding Liebig's attempts to analyze the alkaloids see Liebig to Wöhler, 12 Oct. 1830, Letter 30, Liebig-Wöhler Correspondence.
99. Liebig certainly expressed this desire to Wöhler in the spring of 1830. See Liebig to Wöhler, 8 Mar. 1830, Letter 16, Liebig-Wöhler Correspondence.
100. Usselman et al., "Restaging Liebig," pp. 8-12.
101. Berzelius improved the accuracy of hydrogen determination by trapping the water vapor produced on combustion of the sample in a glass tube filled with calcium chloride (shown at CD in Figure 3).
102. Liebig published his new apparatus in Justus Liebig, "Ueber einen neuen Apparat zur Analyse organischer Körper, und über die Zusammensetzung einiger organischen Substanzen," Annalen der Physik und Chemie, 1831, 97:1- 47.
103. Alan J. Rocke, "Origins and Spread of the 'Giessen Model' in University Science," Ambix, 2003, 50:90 -115.
104. Alan J. Rocke, Nationalizing Science: Adolph Wurtz and the Battle for French Chemistry (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001), p. 50.
105. Jakob Volhard, Justus Liebig (Leipzig: Barth, 1909), Vol. 1, p. 124.
106. William H. Brock and Susanne Stark, "Liebig, Gregory, and the British Association, 1837-1842," Ambix, 1990, 37:134 -147, esp. p. 140.
107. Alan J. Rocke, "Origins and Spread of the 'Giessen Model' in University Science," Ambix, 2003, 50:90 -115.
108. Usselman et al., "Restaging Liebig," p. 48.
109. Friedrich Körner, Anleitung zur Bearbeitung des Glases an der Lampe, und zur vollständigen Verfertigugn der, durch das Lampenfeuer darstellbaren, physikalischen und chemischen Instrumente und Apparate (Jena: Schmidt, 1831).
110. Justus Liebig, Anleitung zur Analyse organischer Körper (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1837).
111. Justus Liebig, Instructions for the Chemical Analysis of Organic Bodies, trans. William Gregory.
112. Liebig, Anleitung zur Analyse organischer Körper, 2nd ed., with Adolph Strecker and Wilhelm Hofmann (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1853).
113. John J. Griffin, Descriptive Catalogue of Chemical Apparatus Manufactured and Imported by J. J. Griffin, new ed., corrected to March 1850 (London, 1850), Pt. 1 (catalogue published July 1841), p. 37.
114. Usselman et al., "Restaging Liebig," p. 12.
115. Lafond, "Ueber die Kunst Glas zu blasen, mit Verbesserungen von Danger," Annalen der Pharmacie, 1833, 7:298 -313.
116. Joseph S. Fruton, Contrasts in Scientific Style: Research Groups in the Chemical and Biochemical Sciences (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1990), p. 280.
117. Rodolphe Blanchet and Ernst Sell, "Ueber die Zusammensetzung einiger organischer Substanzen," Ann. Pharm., 1833, 6:259 -308.
118. Jackson, "Visible Work," for elucidation of this reasoning.
119. Jan Golinski, Science as Public Culture: Chemistry and Enlightenment in Britain, 1760-1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1999), is the classic modern study of Davy and the voltaic pile.
120. Anders Lundgren, "Theory and Practice in Swedish Chemical Textbooks during the Nineteenth Century," in Communicating Chemistry: Textbooks and Their Audiences, 1789-1939, ed. Lundgren and Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent (Canton, Mass.: Science History Publications, 2000), pp. 91-118.
121. Francis C. Frary, Laboratory Manual of Glass-blowing (New York: McGraw Hill, 1914).
122. Dimitri I. Djakonow and W. Lermantoff, Die Bearbeitung des Glases auf dem Blasetische: Ein Handbuch für Studirende, welche sich mit wissenschaftlichen Versuchen beschäftigen (Berlin: Friedländer, 1895)
123. Hermann Ebert, Anleitung zum Glasblasen, 3rd ed. (Leipzig: Barth, 1904).
124. See, e.g., the numerous entries in the catalogue issued by the Bonn firm of Charles Gerhardt: Charles Gerhardt, Preis-Verzeichniss über chemische Apparate und Gerätschaften, chemische Präparate und Reagentien, 12th ed. (Bonn: Gerhardt, 1898).
125. Catherine M. Jackson, "Chemistry as the Defining Science: Discipline and Training in Nineteenth-Century Chemical Laboratories," Endeavour, 2011, 35:5- 62.
126. Jackson, "Visible Work," p. 33.
127. Alan J. Rocke, The Quiet Revolution: Hermann Kolbe and the Science of Organic Chemistry (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 1993), is unusual in giving due importance to Berzelius's role in the development of nineteenth-century chemical practice.
128. William H. Brock, "Liebig's Laboratory Accounts," Ambix, 1972, 19:47-58, esp. p. 53.
129. Compare, e.g., the founding of Heinrich Geissler's Bonn firm in 1852 with the increasing focus on chemical glassware of the firm founded in 1766 by Batka of Prague.
130. August W. Hofmann, "Sitzung vom 27. Januar 1879. Vorsitzender: Herr A. W. Hofmann, Präsident," Berichte der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft, 1879, 12:147-148, described Geissler as a "self-made" man.
131. Falk Müller, Gasentladungsforschung im 19. Jahrhundert (Diepholz: GNT-Verlag, 2004).
132. On Faraday, Crookes, and Geissler see William H. Brock, William Crookes (1832-1919) and the Commercialization of Science (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), pp. 260-261.
133. Karl Eichhorn, Heinrich Geissler: Leben und Werk eines Pioniers der Vakuumtechnik (Schriftenreihe Deutsches Röntgen-Museum, 6) (Remscheid- Lennep e.V.: Gesellschaft der Freunde und Förderer des Deutschen Röntgen-Museums, 1984).
134. Catherine M. Jackson, "Chemistry as the Defining Science: Discipline and Training in Nineteenth-Century Chemical Laboratories," Endeavour, 2011, 35:5- 62.