Constitutional Patriotism

Constitutional Patriotism

Volumn , Issue , 2009, Pages 1-177

  Müller, Jan Werner ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 84923955584     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
DOI: None     Document Type: Book

References (181)

1. Herman Finer, quoted in András Sajó , Limiting Government: An Introduction to Constitutionalism (Budapest: CEU Press, 1999), 2.
2. George Kateb, "Is Patriotism a Mistake?", Social Research 67 (Winter 2000): 901-24.
3. Alasdair MacIntyre, Is Patriotism a Virtue? (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas), 15.
4. Martha Nussbaum et al., For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism, ed. Joshua Cohen (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996).
5. Justine Lacroix, "For a European Constitutional Patriotism," Political Studies, 50 (2002): 944-58.
6. Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defence of Pluralism and Equality (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994).
7. Lacroix, "For a European Constitutional Patriotism."
8. "Reis ul-ulema Mustafa Ceric, Oberhaupt der bosnischen Muslime, über den Islam, Europa und Bosnien-Hercegovina," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 4, 2006.
9. Jeremy A. Rabkin puts it, "National pride is controversial in Germany and seems to be discouraged elsewhere in Europe in order to make union with Germany work smoothly" (Rabkin, Law without Nations? Why Constitutional Government Requires Sovereign States [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005], 250).
10. See, for instance, Anatol Lieven, America Right orWrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism (London: HarperCollins, 2004), esp. 48-87.
11. See also Seyla Benhabib, The Rights of Others (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
12. Todd Gitlin, The Intellectuals and the Flag (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 131.
13. Patchen Markell, "Making Affect Safe for Democracy? On 'Constitutional Patriotism,' " Political Theory 28 (2000): 38-53.
14. For the idea of normative dependence, see Rainer Forst, Toleranz im Kouflikt: Geschichte, Gehalt und Gegenwart eines umstrittenen Begriffs (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 2003), 48-52. I am much indebted to discussions with Rainer Forst on this point.
15. Markell, "Making Affect Safe for Democracy?"
16. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).
17. Andrew Oldenquist, "Loyalties," Journal of Philosophy 79 (1982): 173-93.
18. Carl Schmitt, Der Hüter der Verfassung (Tübingen: Mohr, 1931).
19. The following draws heavily on Jan-Werner Müller, Another Country: German Intellectuals, Unification and National Identity (London and New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000).
20. Karl Jaspers, Die Schuldfrage: Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Frage (Zurich: Artemis, 1946), 10-14.
21. Anson Rabinbach, "The German as Pariah: Karl Jaspers' The Question of German Guilt," In the Shadow of Catastrophe: German Intellectuals between Enlightenment and Apocalypse (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 129-65; here 138.
22. Hannah Arendt-Karl Jaspers-Briefwechsel 1926-1969, ed. Lotte Kö hler and Hans Saner (Munich: Piper, 1985), 82 and 93.
23. Jaspers, Die Schuldfrage, 17.
24. Kurt Salamun, Karl Jaspers (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1985), 105.
25. Dieter Grimm, "Das Grundgesetz nach 50 Jahren," Die Verfassung und die Politik: Einsprüche in Störfällen (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2001), 295-324; here 296-98.
26. Dolf Sternberger, "Verfassungspatriotismus," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, May 23, 1979.
27. Claudia Kinkela, Die Rehabilitierung des Bürgerlichen im Werk Dolf Sternbergers (Würzburg: Kö nigshausen & Neumann, 2001), 285-96.
28. Dolf Sternberger, Staatsfreundschaft [Schriften IV] (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1980).
29. Hans Lietzmann, " 'Verfassunspatriotismus' und 'Civil Society': Eine Grundlage für Politik in Deutschland?" in Rüdiger Voigt, ed., Abschied vom Staat-Rückkehr zum Staat? (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1993), 205-27; here 207-10.
30. András Sajó , ed., Militant Democracy (Utrecht: Eleven International, 2004).
31. Dolf Sternberger, "Bö ll, der Staat und die Gnade," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 2, 1972.
32. Karl Loewenstein, "Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights I," American Political Science Review 31 (1937): 417-32.
33. Karl Loewenstein, "Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights II," American Political Science Review 31 (1937): 638-58; here 647.
34. Ulrich K. Preuss, "Political Order and Democracy: Carl Schmitt and His Influence," in Chantal Mouffe, The Challenge of Carl Schmitt (London: Verso, 1999), 155-79.
35. Peter Niesen, "Anti-Extremism, Negative Republicanism, Civic Society: Three Paradigms for Banning Political Parties," in Shlomo Avineri and Zeev Sternhell, eds., Europe's Century of Discontent: The Legacies of Fascism, Nazism and Communism ( Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2003), 249-68.
36. This sense of "caring" might best capture the particular form of attachment Sternberger was driving at.
37. Harry G. Frankfurt, "On caring," in idem, Necessity, Volition, and Love (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 155-80.
38. For this distinction between belonging and achievement, see also Avishai Margalit, "The Moral Psychology of Nationalism," in Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan, eds., The Morality of Nationalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 74-87.
39. Attracta Ingram, "Constitutional Patriotism," Philosophy and Social Criticism 22, no. 6 (1996): 1-18; here 15.
40. On the historians' dispute, see Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988)
41. Richard J. Evans, In Hitler's Shadow: West German Historians and the Attempt to Escape from the Nazi Past (London: I. B. Tauris, 1989).
42. For a subtle critique of such "Kohlbergian triumphs,"
43. Kwame Anthony Appiah, The Ethics of Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), 220.
44. For the following, see in particular Jürgen Habermas, "Können komplexe Gesellschaften eine vernünftige Identität ausbilden?" in idem, Zur Rekonstruktion des Historischen Materialismus (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1976), 92-126.
45. Charles Larmore, The Morals of Modernity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
46. Ciaran Cronin, "Democracy and Collective Identity: In Defence of Constitutional Patriotism," European Journal of Philosophy 11, no. 1 (2003): 1-28; here 9.
47. Pablo de Greiff, "Habermas on Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism," Ratio Juris 15 (2002): 418-38; here 431.
48. Jürgen Habermas, "Grenzen des Neohistorismus," in idem, Die nachholende Revolution (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1990), 149-56; here 152.
49. Habermas, Die nachholende Revolution, 150.
50. Melissa Williams, Voice, Trust, and Memory: Marginalized Groups and the Failings of Liberal Representation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), 177-78.
51. Jürgen Habermas, "Historical Consciousness and Post- Traditional Identity: The Federal Republic's Orientation to the West," in idem, The New Conservatism: Cultural Criticism and the Historians' Debate, ed. and trans. Shierry Weber Nicholsen (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1989), 249-67.
52. For an excellent argument against such "thick social unity,"
53. Jonathan Allen, "Balancing Justice and Social Unity: Political Theory and the Idea of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission," University of Toronto Law Journal 49 (1999): 315-53.
54. Habermas, "Historical Consciousness and Post-Traditional Identity."
55. Habermas, New Conservatism, 233.
56. Roger Scruton, "In Defence of the Nation," in J.C.D. Clark, ed., Ideas and Politics in Modern Britain (London: Macmillan, 1990), 53-86; here 75.
57. Cronin, "Democracy and Collective Identity," 14
58. Markell, "On 'Constitutional Patriotism.' "
59. Avishai Margalit, The Ethics of Memory (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002).
60. As Christian Joppke has put it, "It is no small irony that Germany, the perpetrator, and Israel, the victim, emerged after World War II as the two countries with the most pronounced systems of ethnic priority immigration" ( Joppke, Immigration and the Nation-State: The United States, Germany, and Great Britain [New York: Oxford University Press 1999], 261).
61. Lawrence Douglas, The Memory of Judgment: Making Law and History in the Trials of the Holocaust (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001)
62. Eric Stein, "History against Free Speech: The New German Law against the 'Auschwitz'-and Other-'Lies,' " Michigan Law Review 85 (1986): 277-324.
63. Michael Ignatieff, The Warrior's Honour: Ethnic War and the Modern Conscience (London: Chatto andWindus, 1998), 174.
64. Amy Gutman and Dennis Thompson, Democracy and Disagreement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996).
65. Martti Koskenniemi, "International Law in Europe: Between Renewal and Tradition," European Journal of International Law 16 (2005): 113-24; here 115.
66. See, for instance, Helmut Schelsky, "über das Staatsbewußtsein," Die politische Meinung, 185 (1979): 30-35 and Josef Isensee, "Die Verfassung als Vaterland: Zur Staatsverdrängung der Deutschen," in Armin Mohler, ed., Wirklichkeit als Tabu? (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1986), 11-35.
67. Martin Walser, "über Deutschland reden: Ein Bericht," in idem, Deutsche Sorgen (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1997), 406-27. Toward a Theory of Constitutional Patriotism
68. I don't say much about specific criteria for civil disobedience in this essay, but would point the reader to John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1973), 363- 91, with which I largely agree.
69. Frank I. Michelman, "Morality, Identity and 'Constitutional Patriotism,' " Ratio Juris 14 (2001): 253-71.
70. Michelman, "Morality," 261.
71. James Tully, "The Unfreedom of the Moderns in relation the ideals of constitutional democracy," Modern Law Review 65 (2002): 204-28.
72. George P. Fletcher, "Constitutional Identity," Cardozo Law Review 14 (1993): 737-46.
73. For a somewhat different conception of "constitutional culture,"
74. Peter Häberle, Verfassungslehre als Kulturwissenschaft (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1982).
75. Albert O. Hirschman, "Social Conflicts as Pillars of Democratic Market Society," Political Theory 22 (1994): 203-18.
76. Jürgen Habermas, "Struggles for Recognition in the Democratic Constitutional State," in idem, Multiculturalism, ed. Amy Gutman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), 107-48; here 135.
77. As Habermas put it, "[T]he interpretation of constitutional history as a learning process is predicated on the nontrivial assumption that later generations will start with the same standards as did the founders. . . . All participants must be able to recognize the project as the same throughout history and judge it from the same perspective."
78. Jürgen Habermas. "Constitutional Democracy: A Paradoxical Union of Contradictory Principles?" Political Theory 29, no. 6 (2001): 766-81; here 775.
79. Ciaran Cronin, "On the Possibility of a Democratic Constitutional Founding: Habermas and Michelman in Dialogue," Ratio Juris 19 (2006): 343-69.
80. For an argument that demonstrates the persistence of "ethnic cores" within liberal nationalism
81. Arash Abizadeh, "Liberal nationalist versus postnational social integration: on the nation's ethno-cultural particularity and 'concreteness,' " Nations and Nationalism 10 (2004): 231-50.
82. Pauline Kleingeld, "Kantian Patriotism," Philosophy and Public Affairs 29 (2000): 313-41.
83. Especially as pride generally is unrelated to agency. It does not possess what has been called "action tendencies."
84. Jon Elster, Alchemies of the Mind: Rationality and the Emotions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 283.
85. Or, as Hume put it, "pride and humility are pure emotions in the soul, unattended with any desire, and not immediately exciting us to action" (David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, ed. Ernest C. Mossner [London: Penguin, 1985], 414).
86. Elster, Alchemies of the Mind, 249-50.
87. Cronin, "Democracy and Collective Identity," 19.
88. George P. Fletcher, Loyalty: An Essay on the Morality of Relationships (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
89. Joseph Raz, Value, Respect and Attachment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 16.
90. Frank I. Michelman, "Integrity-Anxiety?" in Michael Ignatieff, ed., American Exceptionalism and Human Rights (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), 241-76.
91. Rabkin, Democracy without Nations?
92. Thomas Nagel, "The Problem of Global Justice," Philosophy and Public Affairs 33 (2005): 113-47.
93. For the following, compare Bernard Yack, "The Myth of the Civic Nation," Critical Review 10 (1996): 193-211.
94. Rogers Brubaker, Ethnicity without Groups (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 5.
95. Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 121.
96. J.H.H.Weiler, "FederalismWithout Constitutionalism: Europe's Sonderweg," in Kalypso Nicolaïdis and Robert Howse, eds., The Federal Vision: Legitimacy and Levels of Governance in the United States and the European Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 54-70; here 64.
97. Dora Kostakopoulou, "Thick, Thin and Thinner Patriotisms: Is This All There Is?" Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 26, no. 1 (2006): 73-106; here 79 and 83.
98. Markell, "Making Affect Safe for Democracy?" Kostakopoulou, "Thick, Thin and Thinner Patriotisms," 74.
99. Rogers M. Smith, "The 'American Creed' and Constitutional Theory," Harvard Law Review 95, no. 7 (1982): 1691-1702.
100. Gans, The Limits of Nationalism.
101. Marcel Gauchet, The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion, trans. Oscar Burge (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997).
102. Marcel Gauchet, La condition historique: Entretiens avec François Azouvi et Sylvain Piron (Paris: Gallimard, 2005), 373.
103. Dieter Grimm, "Integration by Constitution," I-CON 3, no. 2-3 (2005): 193-208.
104. Hans Vorländer, "Integration durch Verfassung? Die symbolische Bedeutung der Verfassung im politischen Integrationsprozess," in idem., ed., Integration durch Verfassung (Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag, 2002), 9-40; here 21.
105. Michael Schudson, The Good Citizen: A History of American Civic Life (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998), 203.
106. J.G.A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition, with a new afterword (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).
107. Vincent, Nationalism, 125-35.
108. George Kateb, "Aestheticism and Morality: Their Cooperation and Hostility," Political Theory 28, no. 1 (2000): 5-37.
109. Vorländer, "Integration durch Verfassung?" 29.
110. Kostakopoulou, "Thick, Thin and Thinner Patriotisms."
111. Grimm, "Integration by Constitution," 196.
112. Benhabib, The Rights of Others.
113. Brubaker, Ethnicity, 116-31.
114. Christian Joppke, Selecting by Origin: Ethnic Migration in the Liberal State (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005).
115. Per Mouritsen, " The Particular universalism of a Nordic civic nation: Common Values, state religion and Islam in Danish political culture," in Tariq Modood et al. eds., Multiculturalism, Muslims and Citizenship: A European Approach (London: Routledge, 2006), 72-93.
116. James Q. Whitman, "The TwoWestern Cultures of Privacy: Dignity versus Liberty," Yale Law Journal 113 (2004): 1151-221. On Memory, Military, and Morality
117. The best-and, particularly, the least Euro-nonsense- overview remains Andrew Moravcsik, The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998).
118. Christian Joerges, The Law in the Process of Constitutionalizing Europe, trans. Iain L. Fraser (Florence: EUWorking Paper Law No. 2002/4), 4.
119. Mattias Kumm, "Beyond Golf Clubs and the Judicialization of Politics: Why Europe has a Constitution Properly So Called," American Journal of Comparative Law 54 (2006): 505-30.
120. Dieter Grimm, "The Constitution in the Process of Denationalization," Constellations 12 (2005): 447-63.
121. Jeffrey K. Olick and Brenda Coughlin, "The Politics of Regret: Analytical Frames," in John C. Torpey, ed., Politics and the Past: On Repairing Historical Injustices (Lanham, Md.: Rowan and Littlefield, 2003), 37-62
122. Roy L. Brooks, When Sorry Isn't Enough: The Controversy over Apologies and Reparations for Human Injustice (New York: NYU Press, 1999)
123. Hermann Lübbe, "Ich entschuldige mich": Das neue politische Bußritual (Berlin: Siedler, 2001)
124. lazar Barkan, The Guilt of Nations: Restitution and Negotiating Historical Injustices (New York: Norton, 2000).
125. Mihran Dabag, "Erinnerung ohne Orte: Warum auch Deutschland den Genozid an den Armeniern anerkennen sollte," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, February 9, 2001
126. Cemözdemir, "Langer Gang am Bosporus: Was gegen eine Armenien-Resolution spricht," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, April 5, 2001.
127. Margalit, The Ethics of Memory.
128. Jean-Marc Ferry, La question de l"é tat européen (Paris: Gallimard, 2000), 177.
129. Friedrich Nietzsche, On the Advantage and Disadvantage of History for Life, trans. Peter Preuss (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1980).
130. Alain Finkielkraut, La défaite de la pensée (Paris: Gallimard, 1987), 143-44.
131. Mark Mazower, Dark Continent: Europe's Twentieth Century (London: Allen Lane, 1998), 141-84, and for the involvement of lawyers and public-law theorists in particular, Christian Joerges and Navraj Singh Ghaleigh, eds., Darker Legacies of Law in Europe: The Shadow of National Socialism and Fascism over Europe and its Legal Traditions (Oxford: Hart, 2003).
132. Edgar Morin, Penser l' Europe (Paris: Gallimard, 1987), 140-47.
133. Richard J. Evans, "Blitzkrieg und Hakenkreuz," Frankfurter Rundschau, September 16, 2000.
134. Michael Jeismann, Auf Wiedersehen Gestern: Die deutsche Vergangenheit und die Politik von morgen (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001), 57-58.
135. John Reed, "Poland's president seeks to lay his country's war guilt to rest: Sixty years after a massacre of hundreds of Jews by their Catholic neighbours, an official apology will be made," Financial Times, July 7, 2001.
136. Yuen Foong Khong, Analogies at War: Korea, Munich, Dien Bien Phu and the Vietnam Decisions of 1965 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992).
137. Lawrence L. Langer, Admitting the Holocaust (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 5.
138. Norman Geras, The Contract of Mutual Indifference: Political Philosophy after the Holocaust (London: Verso, 1998).
139. Susan Neiman, Evil in Modern Thought: An Alternative History of Philosophy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), 258-81.
140. John C. Torpey, "'Making Whole What Has Been Smashed': Reflections on Reparations," Journal of Modern History 73 (2001):333-58.
141. Saul Friedlander, "Introduction," in idem, ed., Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the "Final Solution" (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), 1-21; here 19-20.
142. Élisabeth Lévy, Les Maîtres censeurs: Pour en finir avec la pensée unique (Paris: Jean-Claude Latte`s, 2002), 45.
143. Jacques Barou et al., Mémoire et integration (Paris: Syros, 1993).
144. Charles S. Maier, "A Surfeit of Memory? Reflections on History, Melancholy and Denial," History and Memory 5, no. 2 (1993): 136-52.
145. Tony Judt, Postwar (New York: Penguin, 2005), 831.
146. See in particular Giovanni Capoccia, Defending Democracy: Reactions to Extremism in Interwar Europe (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004)
147. Gregory H. Fox and Georg Nolte, "Intolerant Democracies," Harvard International Law Journal 36 (1995): 1-70.
148. Sven Eiffler, "Die 'wehrhafte Demokratie' in der Rechtsprechung des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte," Kritische Justiz 36 (2003): 218-25.
149. Michael Jeismann, "Die Weihe: Das Stockholmer Holocaust-Forum," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, January 28, 2000.
150. Niesen, "Anti-Extremism, Negative Republicanism, Civic Society."
151. J. David Velleman, "The Genesis of Shame," Philosophy and Public Affairs 30, no. 1 (2001): 27-52.
152. Elster, Alchemies of the Mind, 255.
153. Bernard Williams, Shame and Necessity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), in particular 78-102.
154. James Q. Whitman, "What Is Wrong with Inflicting Shame Sanctions?" Yale Law Journal 107 (1998): 1055-92.
155. Niesen, "Anti-Extremism, Negative Republicanism, Civic Society."
156. Benda, Discours à la nation européenne, 126-27.
157. Bernard-Henri Lévy, "A Passage to Europe: The Continent isn't just on a journey, it is a journey," Time Europe, August 25, 2003.
158. Quoted by Alain Finkielkraut, In the Name of Humanity: Reflections on the Twentieth Century, trans. Judith Friedlander (London: Pimlico, 2001), 98.
159. See, for instance, "Apre`s EU, le déluge?" Economist, July 5, 2003.
160. Kalypso Nicolaïdis, "Our European Demoi-cracy," in Kalypso Nicolaïdis and StephenWeatherill, eds., Whose Europe? National Models and the Constitution of the European Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 137-52.
161. Weiler, "Federalism without Constitutionalism."
162. Compare Paul W. Kahn, Putting Liberalism in Its Place (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005).
163. Ulrich Haltern, "On Finality," in Jürgen Bast and Armin von Bogdandy, eds., European Constitutional Law (Oxford: Hart, 2006), 727-64; here 732.
164. James Sheehan, "What It Means to Be a State: States and Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe," Journal of Modern European History 1, no. 1 (2003): 11-23.
165. Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence (New York: Norton, 2006)
166. Patchen Markell, Bound by Recognition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).
167. Axel Honneth, Kampf um Anerkennung: Zur moralischen Grammatik sozialer Konflikte (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1994).
168. Orhan Pamuk, "Neighbourhoods," Eurozine, October 13, 2006.
169. Giandomenico Majone, Dilemmas of European Integration: The Ambiguities and Pitfalls of Integration by Stealth (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
170. Simone Chambers, "New Constitutionalism: Democracy, Habermas, and Canadian Exceptionalism," Ronald Beiner andWayne Norman, eds., Canadian Political Philosophy: Contemporary Reflections (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2001), 63-77, and, above all, the work of James Tully.
171. Ulrich Beck and Edgar Grande, Das kosmopolitische Europa (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 2004), 161 and 137.
172. Kalypso Nicolaïdis and Justine Lacroix, "Order and Justice beyond the Nation-State: Europe's Competing Paradigms," Rosemary Foot, John Lewis Gaddis and Andrew Hurrell, eds., Order and Justice in International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 125-54.
173. Philip Pettit, A Theory of Freedom: From Psychology to the Politics of Agency (Cambridge: Polity, 2001), 163-74.
174. Kahn, Putting Liberalism in Its Place, 235.
175. Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (New York: Norton, 2003), 166.
176. Benda, Discours à la nation européenne, 20-21.
177. Markell, "Making Affect Safe for Democracy."
178. J.H.H. Weiler, Ein christliches Europa: Erkundungsgänge, trans. Franz Reimer (Salzburg: Anton Pustet, 2004), 20.
179. Pierre Manent, La Raison des Nations: Réflexions sur la démocratie en Europe (Paris: Gallimard, 2006).
180. Frank I. Michelman, Brennan and Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999).
181. Sharon Krause, Liberalism with Honor (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2002), 189.