Explaining politics: Culture, institutions, and political behavior

Explaining Politics: Culture, Institutions, and Political Behavior

Volumn , Issue , 2007, Pages 1-410

  Woshinsky, Oliver H ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN MAINE   (United States)

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EID: 84917359050     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
DOI: 10.4324/9780203933183     Document Type: Book

References (266)

1. Kansas Republican Robert Dole, another unsuccessful presidential candidate, re-tells this story (with a slight variation) in Bob Dole, Great Political Wit: Laughing (Almost) All the Way to the White House (New York: Doubleday, 1998, p. 22).
2. Oliver H. Woshinsky, Culture and Politics: An Introduction to Mass and Elite Political Behavior (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1995), pp. xiii-xv.
3. For an introduction to the election of 2000, see two good collections of essays: Michael Nelson, ed. The Elections of 2000 (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2001)
4. Gerald M. Pomper, ed. The Election of 2000: Reports and Interpretations (New York: Chatham House, 2001).
5. see Campbell, "Why Bush won the Presidential Election of 2004: incumbency, ideology, terrorism, and turnout," Political Science Quarterly 120:2 (2005), pp. 219-241.
6. This equation and its utility for political analysis is given extended treatment by James Chowning Davies, "Where from and where to?" in Jeanne N. Knutson, ed. Handbook of Political Psychology (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1973, pp. 1-27). 335
7. For an engaging account of the social significance of body language in different cultures, see Roger E. Axtell, Gestures: The Do's and Taboos of Body Language around the World (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1991).
8. P.J. O'Rourke, Holidays in Hell (London: Pan Books, 1989, p. 36).
9. See the classic description of Kwakiutl culture in Ruth Benedict, Patterns of Culture (New York: New American Library, 1934, pp. 156-195).
10. A vast literature exists on the connections between politics, culture, and society. For an excellent review of this material, as well as an extended bibliography, see David E. Apter, "Comparative Politics, Old and New," in Robert E. Goodin and Hans-Dieter Klingemann, eds. A New Handbook of Political Science (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 372-397).
11. See poll results online, available at: http://people-press.org/reports/display.php3?ReportID=312 (accessed May 16, 2007).
12. See the website run by Louis D. Johnston and Samuel H. Williamson, "The Annual Real and Nominal GDP for the United States, 1790-Present." Economic History Services, April 1, 2006. Online. Available: http://eh.net/hmit/gdp (accessed May 16, 2007).
13. see Bonnie Honig, Political Theory and the Displacement of Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).
14. See also Thomas J. Bernard, The Consensus-Conflict Debate: Form and Content in Social Theories (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983).
15. For classic refutations of the idea that conflict in human affairs can be eliminated, see Karl Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963)
16. and Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969, esp. pp. 167-172).
17. Jean Baker Miller, Toward A New Psychology of Women (Boston: Beacon Press, 1976, p. 13).
18. Peter Berkowitz, describing the perspective of political theorist, Judith Shklar; see his review of Shklar's last two books in Berkowitz, "Fear and Loathing," The New Republic (July 13, 1998, pp. 34-39; quote on p. 34).
19. see Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, with an introduction and commentary by Gary Wills (Toronto: Bantam Books, 1982, p. 262).
20. The famous writer, Isaac Bashevis Singer, had one of his characters say, "Everyone tries in his own way with all his means to grab as many honors and as much love and prestige as he can." Singer, "The cafeteria," in The Collected Stories of Isaac Bashevis Singer (New York: Farrar, Straus, Giroux, 1991, pp. 287-288).
21. See H. Roy Kaplan, Lottery Winners: How They Won and How Winning Changed Their Lives (New York: Harper & Row, 1978).
22. See April 30, 2006, BBC news report on happiness studies. Online. Available at: http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/happiness_formula/4783836.stm (accessed January 19, 2007).
23. see Madison, Hamilton, and Jay, The Federalist Papers, p. 262.
24. The classic expression of this perspective can be found in the well-known (and controversial) study by Donella H. Meadows et al., The Limits to Growth: A Report for the Club of Rome's Project on the Predicament of Mankind (New York: Universe Books, 1972).
25. The study was updated 30 years later with the same message. See Meadows et al., The Limits to Growth: The 30-Year Update (White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Publishers, 2004).
26. "Homo sum: humani nil a me alienum puto," from Terrence, Heauton Timorumenos (The Self-Tormentor), Act I, Scene 1.
27. Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000).
28. Adolph Hitler, Mein Kampf (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1939 [original copyright, 1925], p. 84 (italics in the original text).
29. See Oliver H. Woshinsky, "Term Limits: Political Boon or Monstrosity?" Christian Science Monitor, November 27, 1992, p. 9.
30. For an excellent introduction to this phenomenon, see Ralph K. White, "Misperception and the Vietnam War," Journal of Social Issues 22:3 (1966), pp. 1-167.
31. This story has been told many times. For one solid account, see Jonathan Sumption, The Albigensian Crusade (London: Faber & Faber, 1978, esp. pp. 88-103).
32. See also Malcolm Lambert, The Cathars (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1998, esp. pp. 102-107).
33. See Matthews, U.S. Senators and Their World (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press,1960, p. 226).
34. See Putnam, Bowling Alone, and Fukuyama, Trust, both cited in Note 2.
35. Alan Moorehead, The White Nile (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1960, p. 49).
36. "Lebanese Civil War," see Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebanese_Civil_War (accessed May 18, 2007).
37. See Thomas E. Mann, Unsafe at Any Margin: Interpreting Congressional Elections (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Press, 1987).
38. see R.J. Rummel, Power Kills: Democracy as a Method of Nonviolence (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997, esp. pp. 129-202).
39. see the writings of Harry Eckstein, particularly his Division and Cohesion in Democracy: A Study of Norway (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966)
40. and (with Ted Robert Gurr) Patterns of Authority: A Structural Basis for Political Inquiry (New York: Wiley, 1975).
41. see Elie Kedourie, Democracy and Arab Political Culture (London: Frank Cass & Co., Ltd., 1994, esp. pp. 25-35 and 83-105).
42. On American-Canadian differences, for example, see Seymour Martin Lipset, Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada (New York: Routledge, 1990).
43. On Swedish-Norwegian differences, see David Klingman, Social Change, Political Change, and Public Policy: Norway and Sweden, 1875-1965 (London: Sage Publications, 1976).
44. See, for example, the portrayal of the USA in Robert A. Dahl, A Preface to Democratic Theory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956, pp. 124-151)
45. and the description of the USA and Great Britain in Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963, pp. 360-367).
46. See Bernard R. Berelson, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, and William N. McPhee, Voting: A Study of Opinion Formation in a Presidential Campaign (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954, esp. the last chapter, "Democratic Practice and Democratic Theory," pp. 305-323).
47. See the discussion on this point in G. Bingham Powell, Jr., Contemporary Democracies: Participation, Stability, and Violence (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982, pp. 175-200).
48. James L. Payne first called my attention to the phenomenon of violence as an integral part of the political process in some countries. He used the provocative term "democracy by violence" to express this idea. See his discussion in Labor and Politics in Peru (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1965, pp. 268-272).
49. See also Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968).
50. He deals most extensively with this idea in Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971).
51. See, e.g., Samuel P. Huntington and Joan Nelson, No Easy Choice: Political Participation in Developing Countries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976);
52. Arend Lijphart, ed., Conflict and Coexistence in Belgium: The Dynamics of a Culturally Divided Society (Berkeley, CA: Institute of International Studies, 1981);
53. Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1977);
54. Gabriel A. Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960);
55. Kenneth D. McRae, Consociational Democracy: Political Accommodation in Segmented Societies (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1974).
56. On the difficulty of creating polyarchies by design, see Dahl, Polyarchy, pp. 208-227
57. and Robert Putnam, with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993, pp. 121-185).
58. See his classic account of the pre-Revolutionary tax-collection system in Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Régime and the French Revolution (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1955, pp. 125-128).
59. See his early report, "Some social requisites of democracy: economic development and political legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53:1 (1959), pp. 69-105.
60. For Freedom House's methodology and results, see their website. Online. Available at: http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=1
61. The information can be found at: http://www.answers.com/topic/listof-countries-by-gdp-ppp-per-capita
62. or at the website containing the CIA's Factbook on nations of the world: https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/index.html 8 Dahl, Polyarchy, p. 64.
63. See the extensive work on this topic by Andrew Oswalt and associates (for example, Rafael di Tella, Robert J. MacCulloch, and Andrew J. Oswalt, "The macroeconomics of happiness," Review of Economics and Statistics 85 (2003), pp. 809-827
64. and recent summaries of happiness studies in Daniel Todd Gilbert, Stumbling on Happiness (New York: A.A. Knopf, 2006)
65. Ed Diener and Robert Biswas-Diener, "Will money increase subjective wellbeing? A literature review and guide to needed research," Social Indicators Research 57 (2002), pp. 119-169.
66. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, edited by J. P. Mayer and Max Lerner (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), originally published in 1835.
67. see Kenneth D. Wald and Allison Calhoun-Brown, Religion and Politics in the United States, 5th edn. (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2007).
68. Lucian W. Pye, China: An Introduction (Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1972, p. 344).
69. Putnam, Making Democracy Work, pp. 121-162.
70. James L. Payne, Patterns of Conflict in Colombia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968, p. 3).
71. So were many other works making the same point. See, among others, John D. Martz, Colombia: A Contemporary Political Survey (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1962)
72. Robert H. Dix, Colombia: The Political Dimensions of Change (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967).
73. Suzanne Massie, Land of the Firebird: The Beauty of Old Russia (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1980, p. 37).
74. This discussion draws on material from the following works: Angus Campbell, Philip E. Converse, Warren E. Miller, and Donald G. Stokes, The American Voter (New York: Wiley, 1960);
75. Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie, Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality (New York: Harper & Row, 1972);
76. Norman H. Nie, Sidney Verba, and John R. Petrocik, The Changing American Voter (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976);
77. David Butler and Donald Stokes, Political Change in Britain (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1974);
78. M. Margaret Conway, Political Participation in the United States, 3rd edn. (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2000);
79. William Crotty, ed., Political Participation and American Democracy (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991);
80. Mark Franklin, Tom Mackic, Tom Valen et al., Electoral Change: Responses to Evolving Social and Attitudinal Structures in Western Countries (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992);
81. Mark N. Franklin, Voter Turnout and the Dynamics of Electoral Competition in Established Democracies since 1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004);
82. Steven J. Rosenstone and John Mark Hansen, Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America (New York: Macmillan, 1993);
83. Raymond E. Wolfinger and Steven J. Rosenstone, Who Votes? (New Haven: CT: Yale University Press, 1980);
84. and Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Henry E. Brady, Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995).
85. For a recent summary of these and other studies of participation, see Russell J. Dalton, Citizen Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, 4th edn. (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2006, pp. 35-61).
86. See John P. Robinson, Philip E. Converse, and Alexander Szalai, "Everyday life in twelve countries," in Alexander Szalai, ed. The Use of Time: Daily Activities of Urban and Suburban Populations in Twelve Countries (The Hague: Mouton, 1972, pp. 113-144).
87. See the evidence presented in Ronald Inglehart and Pippa Norris, Rising Tide: Gender Equality and Cultural Change Around the World (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003, esp. pp. 101-146).
88. See the evidence presented in Mikael Pelz, "The Political Effects of Evangelical Religiosity: A Comparative Approach" (Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, April 15, 2004). Online. Available at: http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p82595_index.html.
89. See also an early presentation of research on this topic, Fredrick C. Harris, "Something within: religion as a mobilizer of African-American political activism," Journal of Politics 56:1 (1994), pp. 42-68.
90. For evidence on age and turnout, see the data in Table 405, in "Voting-age population, percent reporting registered and voting: 1992 to 2004," from the Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2006. Online. Available at: http://72.14.209.104/search?q=cache:trEdSURxL4AJ:www.census.gov/prod/2005pubs/06statab/election.pdf+percent22Table+405.+Voting+Age+Populationpercent22&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=2 (accessed November 2, 2006).
91. see Robert A. Dahl, Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961, p. 227).
92. Daniel J. Elazar developed the notion that three different cultures have shaped American society: the moralistic, the traditionalistic, and the individualistic. Of these, Maine (and New England, in general) has been most strongly influenced by the moralistic traditions of the early Pilgrims and Puritans. See Elazar, American Federalism: A View from the States, 2nd edn. (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell and Company, 1972, esp. pp. 84-126).
93. The ideas presented in the paragraphs that follow and summarized in Figure 7.1 rely heavily on evidence presented in W. Russell Neuman, The Parade of Mass Politics: Knowledge and Opinion in the American Electorate (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986, esp. Ch. 2);
94. Sidney Verba, Norman H. Nie, and Jae-on Kim, Participation and Political Equality: A Seven-Nation Study (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978);
95. and Alan Marsh, Political Action in Europe and the U.S.A. (London: Macmillan, 1990).
96. See the argument in Lester W. Milbrath and Madan L. Goel, Political Participation: How and Why do People Get Involved in Politics? (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1977, pp. 98-102).
97. Frances Fox Piven, Challenging Authority: How Ordinary People Change America (New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006).
98. For Lenin's tirades against "right-wing Marxism" (especially Economists and Mensheviks), see V. I. Lenin, What Is To Be Done? (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970 [1902])
99. For one way to make sense of an election outside the Left-Right framework, see Donald E. Stokes and John J. DiIulio, Jr, "The setting: valence politics in modern elections," in Michael Nelson, ed. The Elections of 1992 (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1993, pp. 1-20).
100. The classic attempt to explain why two parties are natural, even inevitable, in a consensual, middle-of-the-road culture is Anthony Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Harper & Row, 1957, esp. pp. 114-122).
101. see Roger Congleton, "The Median Voter Model," in Charles Kershaw Rowley and Friedrich Schneider, eds. The Encyclopedia of Public Choice (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2004, Vol. 2, pp. 382-387).
102. See data in the New York Times, November 5, 1992, p. B-9.
103. See the data supplied by Laura R. Olson and John C. Green, "Introduction: 'Gapology' and the Presidential Vote," PS: Political Science and Politics 39:3 (2006), p. 444, esp. Table 1.
104. Nolan McCarty, Keith T. Poole, and Howard Rosenthal, Polarized America: The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2006, pp. 106-107).
105. Morris P. Fiorina, with Samuel J. Abrams and Jeremy C. Pope, Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America (New York: Pearson Longman, 2005, p. 103).
106. On working-class voting patterns in Western nations, see Russell J. Dalton, Citizen Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2006, esp. pp. 148-157). Note, in particular, Table 8.1, p. 152.
107. I first encountered this idea in an essay of Seymour Martin Lipset. See his "American intellectuals: Their politics and status," in Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1960, pp. 332-371).
108. see Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier, Suzanna De Boef, and Tse-min Lin, "The dynamics of the partisan gender gap," American Political Science Review 98:3 (2004), pp. 515-528
109. and Karen M. Kaufman, "The Gender Gap," PS: Political Science and Politics 39:3 (2006), pp. 447-453.
110. See also the evidence presented in Laura R. Olson and John C. Green, "The religion gap," PS: Political Science & Politics 39:3 (2006), pp. 455-459.
111. In many cases, they weren't even seen as "white." See the fascinating study by Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995).
112. See the classic study of the suburbanization phenomenon, Herbert J. Gans, The Levittowners: Ways of Life and Politics in a New Suburban Community (New York: Pantheon Books, 1967).
113. See his description in Joel Gaveau, Edge City: Life on the New Frontier (New York: Doubleday, 1991).
114. The classic expression of this statement can be found in Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America, op. cit.
115. See also Samuel P. Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).
116. Cash's is a good book to begin understanding the American South. W.J. Cash, The Mind of the South (New York: A. Knopf, 1941).
117. For another influential view on differences between the South and the rest of the USA, see David Hackett Fischer, Albion's Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
118. See, e.g., Edward G. Carmines and James A. Stimson, Issue Evolution: Race and the Transformation of American Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989).
119. For a detailed look at this process, see three important books by Earl and Merle Black, Politics and Society in the South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987);
120. The Vital South: How Presidents Are Elected (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992);
121. and The Rise of Southern Republicans (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002).
122. see Donald Green, Bradley Palmquist, and Eric Schickler, Partisan Hearts and Minds: Political Parties and the Social Identities of Voters (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002).
123. For a short introduction to this topic, see M. Margaret Conway, Political Participation in the United States, 3rd edn. (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2000);especially the chapter on "The psychology of political participation," pp. 48-75.
124. See also Russell J. Dalton, Citizen Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, 4th edn. (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2006, especially the chapter on "Political participation," pp. 35-61).
125. This finding has been exhaustively documented. Philip E. Converse was one of the first modern political scientists to call attention to the phenomenon in his seminal article, "The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics," in David E. Apter, ed., Ideology and Discontent (New York: Free Press, 1964, pp. 206-261).
126. The well-known social psychologist, Robert B. Cialdini, devotes an entire chapter of his popular introductory text to the topic of consistency. See Cialdini, Influence: How and Why People Agree to Things (New York: William Morrow, 1984, pp. 55-114).
127. See the classic study of this subject (known as cognitive dissonance) by Leon Festinger, Henry W. Riecken, and Stanley Schachter, When Prophecy Fails (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1956).
128. See also Leon Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1957).
129. As Russell J. Dalton, summarizing a large body of research, puts it: "party choices have meaningful policy consequences." See Dalton, Citizen Politics, p. 239.
130. For several excellent discussions of this issue, see the essays in Adam Przeworski, Susan C. Stokes, and Bernard Manin, eds., Democracy, Accountability, and Representation (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
131. The most thorough study of this matter has been that of Jeff Fishel, Presidents and Promises (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press, 1985)
132. Naurin, "The Pledge Paradox: Why Do People Think Parties Break Their Promises?" paper delivered at a workshop of the European Consortium of Political Research, Turin, March, 2002.
133. See the extended discussion of this point in Michael Gallagher, Michael Laver, and Peter Mair, Representative Government in Modern Europe, 4th edn. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2006, pp .422-440).
134. see Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr, The Age of Roosevelt (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1957);
135. Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Anchor Books, 1999);
136. Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970);
137. and John Rawls, A Theory of Justice, rev. edn. (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999).
138. For a good introduction to this subject, see Warren Lerner, A History of Socialism and Communism in Modern Times Theorists, Activists, and Humanists, 2nd edn. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1994).
139. see Russell Kirk, The Conservative Mind: From Burke to Eliot, 7th rev. edn. (Chicago: Regnery Books, 1986)
140. and Milton and Rose Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990).
141. See also Bruce Frohnen, Jeremy Beer, and Jeffrey O. Nelson, eds. American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia (Wilmington, DE: Intercollegiate Studies Institute, 2006).
142. Carl J. Friedrich and Zbigniew K. Brzezinski, Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1956)
143. Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York:Harcourt Brace, 1951).
144. Eric Hoffer, The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements (New York: Harper and Row, 1951).
145. George Orwell: Animal Farm (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1946) and 1984 (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1949).
146. Merle Fainsod, How Russia is Ruled, rev. edn. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963);
147. Michael Burleigh, The Third Reich: A New History (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000);
148. Maurice Meisner, Mao's China and After: A History of the People's Republic, 3rd edn. (New York: Free Press, 1999). Of course, the literature on this subject is immense and could consume the rest of your lifetime.
149. Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic, and Political Change in 43 Societies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997)
150. Inglehart and Christian Welzel, Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy: The Human Development Sequence (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
151. Scammon and Wattenberg, The Real Majority (New York: Coward-McCann, 1970).
152. Morris P. Fiorina, with Samuel J. Abrams and Jeremy C. Pope, Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America (New York: Pearson Longman, 2005).
153. Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson, Off Center: The Republican Revolution and the Erosion of American Democracy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).
154. "Working-class authoritarianism," in Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1960, pp. 97-130).
155. Gary Miller and Norman Schofield, "Activists and partisan realignment in the United States," American Political Science Review 97:2 (2003), pp. 245-260.
156. Miller and Schofield use the term, "populists," to describe this fourth group. The Issues2000 website, at: http://www.issues2000.org/default.htm
157. Raymond E. Wolfinger and Steven J. Rosenstone, Who Votes? (New Haven: CT: Yale University Press, 1980).
158. Mark N. Franklin, Voter Turnout and the Dynamics of Electoral Competition in Established Democracies Since 1945 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
159. David Boaz and David Kirby, "The Libertarian vote," Policy Analysis (2006), pp. 1-28).
160. Richard A. Posner, Breaking the Deadlock: The 2000 Election, the Constitution, and the Courts (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001)
161. Lance deHaven Smith, The Battle for Florida: An Annotated Compendium of Materials from the 2000 Presidential Election (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2005).
162. Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1991), p. 237;
163. Norman J. Ornstein, "Three Disputed Elections: 1800, 1824, 1876," in John C. Fortier, ed., After the People Vote: A Guide to the Electoral College, 3rd edn. (Washington, DC:The AEI Press, 2004, esp. pp. 31-34).
164. James E. Campbell, Cheap Seats: The Democratic Party's Advantage in U. S. House Elections (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1996, pp. 34-43
165. Vernon Bogdanor, The People and the Party System: The Referendum and Electoral Reform in British Politics (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 148.
166. Federico Ferrara, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishakawa, Mixed Electoral Systems: Contamination and Its Consequences (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).
167. Fred W. Riggs, "Presidentialism vs. Parliamentarism: Implications for Representativeness and Legitimacy," International Political Science Review 18:3 (1997), pp. 253-278.
168. José Antonio Cheibub, Presidentialism, Parliamentarism, and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
169. Gallagher, Laver, and Mair, Representative Government in Modern Europe, 4th edn. (New York: McGraw Hill, 2005, pp. 381-421).
170. Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoléon (New York: International Publishers, 1963 [original text, 1852], p. 15).
171. Kermit L. Hall and Kevin T. McGuire, eds. The Judicial Branch (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
172. James Eisenstein, Politics and the Legal Process (New York: Harper and Row, 1973, p. 4).
173. Lee Epstein and Thomas G. Walker, Constitutional Law for a Changing America:Institutional Powers and Constraints, 6th edn. (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2007).
174. Tim Koopmans, Courts and Political Institutions: A Comparative View (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003);
175. Alec Stone-Sweet, Governing with Judges: Constitutional Politics in Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000);
176. Charles Epp, The Rights Revolution:Lawyers, Activists, and Supreme Courts in Comparative Perspective (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1998);
177. Herbert Jacob, Erhard Blankenburg, Herbert M. Kritzer, and Doris Marie Provine, Courts, Law, and Politics in Comparative Perspective (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996);
178. C. Neal Tate and Torbjorn Vallinder, eds., The Global Expansion of Judicial Power (New York: New York University Press, 1995).
179. Oscar G. Chase, Law, Culture, and Ritual: Disputing Systems in Cross-Cultural Context (New York: New York University Press, 2005).
180. Tom R. Tyler, Why People Obey the Law, rev. ed. (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2006).
181. John T. Noonan, Jr., Narrowing the Nation's Power: The Supreme Court Sides with the States (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2003).
182. Robert A. Dahl, "Decision-making in a democracy: The Supreme Court as a National policy-maker," Journal of Public Law 6:2 (1957), p. 285.
183. Keith E. Whittington, Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy: The Presidency, The Supreme Court, and Constitutional Leadership in U. S. History (Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2007).
184. Jianying Zha, "Letter from Beijing: Enemy of the State," The New Yorker, April 23, 2007, pp. 46-57.
185. T. B. Friedman, "The politicization of the judiciary," Judicature 82: 1 (1998), pp. 6-7.
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