Closed minds?: Politics and ideology in American universities

Closed Minds?: Politics and Ideology in American Universities

Volumn , Issue , 2008, Pages 1-278

  Smith, Bruce L R ^a   Mayer, Jeremy D ^a   Fritschler, A Lee ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 84895694497     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
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References (338)

1. A well-known indictment of this kind is Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991).
2. Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963).
3. Herbert Storing, Essays on the Scientific Study of Politics (University of Chicago Press, 1962).
4. His critique drew a critical commentary from John H. Schaar and Shelden S. Wolin, "Essays on the Scientific Study of Politics: A Critique," American Political Science Review, Vol. 57 (March 1963): 125-50.
5. Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind: How Higher Education Has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987).
6. The story is told in Gerald Graff, Beyond the Culture Wars: How Teaching the Conflicts Can Revitalize American Education (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992), chap. 2.
7. James D. Hunter, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1991).
8. James D. Hunter, "The Enduring Culture War," in Is There a Cultural War? A Dialogue on Values and American Public Life, edited by James D. Hunter and Alan Wolfe (Brookings, 2006).
9. The discussion of traditionalists and orthodoxy is in Hunter, Culture Wars, p. 44.
10. Hunter and Wolfe, eds., Is There a Cultural War? p. 15.
11. Graff, Beyond the Culture Wars, p. 7.
12. Mark Lilla, "Only Disconnect⋯," in Our Country, Our Culture: The Politics of Political Correctness, edited by Edith Kurzweil and William Phillips (Boston: Partisan Review Press, 1994), p. 131.
13. Lilla did not, however, take his own advice, rejoining the fray with an eloquent new book, The Stillborn God: Religion, Politics, and the Modern World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007).
14. Thomas Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Thomas Bender and Carl E. Schorske (Princeton University Press, 1998), p. 40.
15. See, among others, John Searle, "Is There a Crisis in American Higher Education?" in Our Country, Our Culture, edited by Kurzweil and Phillips, pp. 227-43
16. C. Vann Woodward, "Political Fallacies in the Academy," in Our Country, Our Culture, edited by Kurzweil and Phillips, pp. 292-98
17. Louis Menand, "The Limits of Academic Freedom," in The Future of Academic Freedom, edited by Louis Menand (University of Chicago Press, 1996), chap. 1
18. Louis Menand, "Marketing Postmodernism," in The Condition of American Liberal Education: Pragmatism and a Changing Tradition, edited by Robert O'Neill (New York: The College Board, 1995), pp. 140-44.
19. Woodward, "Political Fallacies in the Academy," p. 297.
20. Andrew Delbanco, "The Politics of Separatism," in Our Country, Our Culture, edited by Kurzweil and Phillips, pp. 34-41.
21. Gertrude Himmelfarb, "Comment: The Other Culture War," in Is There a Cultural War? edited by Hunter and Wolfe, p. 7.
22. Alan Wolfe, One Nation, After All (New York: Viking, 1998).
23. Morris P. Fiorina, Samuel J. Abrams, and Jeremy C. Pope, Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America (New York: Longman, 2005).
24. The major recent studies have included Daniel Klein and Charlotta Stern, "Political Diversity in Six Disciplines," Academic Questions, Vol. 18 (2004-05): 40-52
25. Daniel Klein and Charlotta Stein, "Professors and Their Politics: The Policy Views of Social Scientists," Critical Review, Vol. 17, no. 3-4 (2005): 257-303
26. Stanley Rothman, S. Robert Lichter, and Neil Nevitte," Politics and Professional Advancement among College Faculty," The Forum, Vol. 3, no. 1 (2005): art. 2
27. Gary A. Tobin and Aryeh Weinberg, A Profile of American College Faculty: Political Beliefs and Behavior (San Francisco: Institute for Jewish and Community Research, 2006).
28. Neil Gross and Solon Simmons have characterized these studies as "second-wave" studies, with Paul Lazarsfeld, Everett Ladd, Seymour Martin Lipset, and other pioneers of empirical research on faculty political attitudes being the "first wave" of efforts to study systematically faculty political attitudes. Gross and Simmons criticize the second-wave studies as being tendentious and fault-seeking, that is, as efforts to identify liberal bias. See Neil Gross and Solon Simmons, "The Social and Political Views of American Professors," Working Paper (Harvard University and George Mason University, September 24, 2007).
29. Rothman, Lichter, and Nevitte, "Politics and Professional Advancement among College Faculty."
30. ACTA student survey. The survey was conducted by the Roper Center of the University of Connecticut and published in 2005. It is available on the ACTA website, www.goacta.org.
31. Gross and Simmons, "The Social and Political Views of American Professors," p. 12.
32. Cited in "Survey of Higher Education," The Economist, September 10-16, 2005, p. 8.
33. For the full survey, go to the Economist website (www.economist.com).
34. Matthew Woessner and April Kelly-Woessner, "Left Pipeline: Why Conservatives Don't Get Doctorates," paper prepared for the conference Reforming the Politically Correct University, American Enterprise Institute, Washington, November 14, 2007.
35. David A. Hollinger, Science, Jews, and Secular Culture: Studies in Mid-Twentieth-Century American Intellectual History (Princeton University Press, 1996).
36. Daniel Kevles, "The Physics, Mathematics, and Chemistry Communities: A Comparative Study," in The Organization of Knowledge in Modern America, 1860-1920, edited by Alexandra Oleson and John Voss (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979).
37. For the social sciences, see Ira Katznelson, Political Science: The State of the Discipline (New York: W. W. Norton, 2003).
38. See also Robert V. Bruce, The Launching of Modern American Science, 1846 to 1876 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987).
39. James Piereson, "The Left University: How It Was Born, How It Grew, How to Overcome It," Weekly Standard, September 27, 2005,
40. presents a lucid account of this phase in the development of American universities. On the founding fathers generally, see Gordon S. Wood, Revolutionary Characters: What Made the Founders Different (New York: Penguin Press, 2006).
41. Jefferson's conception of what a university should be in America is eloquently suggested in his letter to Joseph Priestley in 1800. The letter is reproduced in Richard Hofstadter, ed., American Higher Education: A Documentary History, Vol. 1 (University of Chicago Press, 1961), p. 175.
42. See Gary Wills, Inventing America: Jefferson's Declaration of Independence (New York: Vintage Books, 1979),
43. on how a "national identity" was forged during Jefferson's presidency, even though the nation's early leaders did not agree wholly on political premises or on how higher learning should serve the nation. On the general opposition of other founding fathers to Jefferson's and Rush's idea of a federal university, see A. Lee Fritschler, Paul Weissberg, and Philip Magness, Changing Relationships with Governments in Europe and the U.S: Balancing Quality Concerns with the Desire for Intellectual Independence in the University (Hauppauge, N.Y.: NOVA Science Publishers, forthcoming), chap. 4.1.
44. On Jefferson's ideas on education and citizenship, see Benjamin R. Barber, "Education and Democracy: Summary and Comment," in Thomas Jefferson and the Education of a Citizen, edited by James Gilreath (Washington: U.S. Library of Congress, 1999), pp. 134-52.
45. Fritschler, Weissberg, and Magness, Changing Relationships with Governments.
46. Henry Wheaton, "Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward," in Reports of Cases Argued and Adjudged in the Supreme Court of the United States. February Term 1819 (R. Donaldson, 1819).
47. For a full analysis of the Dartmouth College case, see Daniel Walker Howe, What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848, Oxford History of the United States (Oxford University Press, 2007), especially pp. 457-59.
48. See the letter of William G. Durden, president of Dickinson College, in the Weekly Standard, October 6, 2005,
49. in reaction to James Piereson's article, "The Left University." Dr. Durden regarded Piereson as having neglected the "republican" and more American vision of higher education of Dr. Rush, citing Proceedings of the American Revolutionary College Conference on the Liberal Arts and Education for Citizenship in the Twenty-First Century (Carlisle, Pa.: Dickinson College, March 1998), for an explication of Rush's views.
50. Piereson, "The Left University." For an engrossing and learned account of the whole history of pre-Civil War higher education, see Daniel Walker Howe, What Hath God Wrought, ch. 12, "Reason and Revelation." On pp. 460-61, table 4 lists the more than 100 colleges founded in the United States before 1848.
51. Laurence R. Veysey, The Emergence of the American University (University of Chicago Press, 1965).
52. See also Richard C. Atkinson and William A. Blanpied, "Research Universities: Core of the U.S. Science and Technology System," Technology in Society 30 (2008): 30-48.
53. Earle D. Ross, Democracy's Colleges: The Land Grant Movement in Its Formative Stage (Iowa State College Press, 1942)
54. Allan Nevins, The State Universities and Democracy (University of Illinois Press, 1962)
55. Edward D. Eddy Jr., Colleges for Our Land and Time: The Land Grant Movement in the Formative Stage (New York: Harper and Row, 1956).
56. Atkinson and Blanpied, "Research Universities: Core of the U.S. Science and Technology System," p. 33.
57. Burton J. Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York: W. W. Norton, 1976) p. 297. See also the sources cited in Bledstein's note 16 on p. 297.
58. Nathan Leites, Operational Code of the Politboro (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1951).
59. See Richard Hofstadter and W. P. Metzger, The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States (Indianapolis: John Wiley, 1955).
60. Also see Louis Menand, ed., The Future of Academic Freedom (University of Chicago Press, 1996).
61. Upton Sinclair, The Goose-Step: A Study of American Education (Kissinger Publishing, 2004).
62. Our page numbers in the quotations are from the original 1922 edition. A commentary is Abraham Bladaman, "Upton Sinclair's Criticism of Higher Education in America: A Study of the Goose Step, Its Sources, Critical History," PhD dissertation, New York University School of Education, 1963.
63. Sinclair, Goose-Step, p. 347.
64. Ross, 1914, quoted in Sinclair, Goose-Step, p. 402.
65. Sinclair, Goose-Step, p. 87.
66. See Sinclair Goose-Step, pp. 15-17.
67. Stanley O. Ikenberry, Beyond Academic Departments: The Story of Institutes and Centers (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1972).
68. See David A. Hollinger, "The Disciplines and the Identity Debates, 1970-1990," in American Academic Culture in Transformation: Fifty Years, Four Disciplines, edited by Thomas Bender and Carl E. Schorske (Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 363-71.
69. Veysey, Emergence of the American University, p. 411.
70. see the sources cited in Veysey's note 49. 29. "The Typical Undergraduate," Harvard Graduates Magazine, Vol. 17 (1909): 647.
71. Veysey, Emergence of the American University, p. 279 and the work cited in the footnote.
72. Raymond E. Callahan, Education and the Cult of Efficiency: A Study of the Social Forces That Have Shaped the Administration of the Public Schools (University of Chicago Press, 1962).
73. Lionel Trilling, The Liberal Imagination (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1946, 1950), p. 2.
74. Thorsten Veblen, The Higher Learning in America: A Memorandum on the Conduct of Universities by Business Men (New York: B. W. Huebsch, 1918).
75. A. Hunter Dupree, Science in the Federal Government: A History of Policies and Activities to 1940 (Harvard University Press, 1980).
76. Irwin Stewart, Organizing Scientific Research for War (Boston: Little Brown, 1948).
77. Bruce L. R. Smith, American Science Policy since World War II (Brookings, 1990).
78. See "The Brains Business: A Survey of Higher Education," The Economist, September 10, 2005.
79. An excellent overall study is Roger G. Noll, Challenges to Research Universities (Brookings, 1998).
80. Richard Freeland, Academia's Golden Age: Universities in Massachusetts, 1945-70 (Oxford University Press, 1992).
81. See also Roger Geiger, Research and Relevant Knowledge: American Research Universities since World War II (Oxford University Press, 1993),
82. and Hugh Davis Graham and Nancy Diamond, The Rise of the American Research University (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
83. Thomas Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University, 1945-1995," in American Academic Culture in Transformation: Fifty Years, Four Disciplines, edited by Thomas Bender and Carl E. Schorske (Princeton University Press, 1998) p. 17,
84. and David Damrosch, We Scholars: Changing the Culture of the University (Harvard University Press, 1995), p. 51.
85. Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University," p. 18, note 6.
86. The Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced Foreign Scholars, between 1933 and 1943, helped to find 269 academic positions in the United States for foreign scholars fleeing from totalitarianism. See also Mark Lilla, "Only Disconnect⋯," in Our Country, Our Culture, edited by Edith Kurzweil and William Phillips (Boston: Partisan Review Press, 1994), pp. 126-31,
87. and Marjorie Lamberti, "The Reception of Refugee Scholars from Nazi Germany in America: Philanthropy and Social Change in Higher Education," Jewish Social Studies, Vol. 12, no. 3 (Spring-Summer 2006): 157-92.
88. From 1946 to 1958, foundation support for social science amounted to more than $85 million, nearly half of which went to three institutions (Harvard, Columbia, and Berkeley). Between 1959 and 1964, the three biggest foundations awarded some $100 million in grants to political science alone at the same three universities. See Bender and Schorske, eds., American Academic Culture in Transformation, pp. 23-24
89. Geiger, Recent and Relevant Knowledge, pp. 105-06
90. Albert Somit and Joseph Tanenhaus, The Development of American Political Science (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1967), pp. 168-69.
91. President's Scientific Research Board, Science and Public Policy: Administration for Research [the Steelman report], 3 vols. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1947), Vol. 1, p. 26.
92. See also Vannevar Bush, Science: The Endless Frontier (Arlington, Va.: National Science Foundation, 1960 [1945]), p. 12.
93. For the debate over the National Science Foundation, see Daniel Kevles, "The National Science Foundation and the Debate over Postwar Research Policy, 1942-1945," Isis, Vol. 68, no. 1 (1977): 6,
94. and Don K. Price, Government and Science (New York University Press, 1954).
95. See Bruce L. R. Smith, American Science Policy since World War II (Brookings, 1990).
96. Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University," p. 17.
97. Richard Freeland, quoted in Bender and Schorske, eds., American Academic Culture in Transformation, p. 22.
98. Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Walter Thielens, The Academic Mind: Social Scientists in a Time of Crisis (Manchester, N.H.: Ayer Publishing, 1977).
99. See James B. Conant, On Understanding Science (Oxford University Press, 1947).
100. For an excellent critique of Conant's work, see David A. Hollinger, Science, Jews, and Secular Culture: A Mid-Twentieth Century Intellectual History (Princeton University Press, 1998), especially chap. 8.
101. Christopher Jencks and David Riessman, The Academic Revolution (Edison, N.J.: Transaction Publications, 2001, originally published in 1968).
102. See Edward Shils, The Calling of Sociology and Other Essays on the Pursuit of Learning (University of Chicago Press, 1980),
103. and Edward Shils, The Constitution of Society (University of Chicago Press, 1982). Also see note 2 of chapter 3 for further sources on the individual disciplines.
104. Hollinger, Science, Jews, and Secular Culture, chaps. 1-3.
105. Jerome Karabel, The Chosen: The Hidden History of Admission and Exclusion at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006).
106. Quoted in Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University," p. 21.
107. David Potter, People of Plenty: Economic Abundance and the American Character (University of Chicago Press, 1954),
108. and John Kenneth Galbraith, The Affluent Society (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1958).
109. See Daniel Bell, The Social Sciences since the Second World War (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1982),
110. and the commentary on this work by Charles E. Lindblom, "Political Science in the 1940s and 1950s," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Bender and Schorske, pp. 243-70.
111. Bender and Schorske, eds., American Academic Culture in Transformation, p. 23.
112. Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (University of Chicago Press, 1962). There have been nineteen editions of this book, and it has spawned a massive secondary literature.
113. Rogers M. Smith, "Still Blowing in the Wind: The American Quest for a Democratic, Scientific Political Science," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Bender and Schorske, pp. 271-305.
114. See Robert E. Calvert, ed., To Restore American Democracy: Political Education and the Modern University (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006), especially the essays by Galston, Barber, Gitlin, Sandel, Walzer, and Calvert.
115. Quoted in Bender and Schorske, eds., American Academic Culture in Transformation, p. 30.
116. The full discussion is in David Easton, "Political Science in the United States and Europe," in Divided Knowledge: Across Disciplines, Across Cultures, edited by David Easton and Corinne S. Schelling (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1991).
117. David M. Ricci, The Tragedy of Political Science (Yale University Press, 1984), characterizes political science as a discipline in flight from itself.
118. Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University," p. 22.
119. Edward S. Flash Jr., Economic Advice and Presidential Leadership: The Council of Economic Advisors (Columbia University Press, 1965).
120. See William J. Barber, "Reconfigurations in American Academic Economics: A General Practitioner's Perspective," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Bender and Schorske, pp. 105-22.
121. Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and American University," p. 23, note 19.
122. Shils, The Calling of Sociology and Other Essays.
123. Quoted in Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University," p. 23, note 20,
124. citing Terence Halliday, "Sociology's Fragile Professionalism," in Sociology and Its Publics: The Forms and Fates of Disciplinary Organization, edited by Terence Halliday and Morris Janowitz (University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 6.
125. Bender calls attention to an interesting comparison between the professionalism of Parsons and the more civic professionalism of Morris Janowitz in this work, as discussed in Halliday and Janowitz, eds., Sociology and Its Publics, pp. 3-12.
126. Robert K. Merton, "A Note on Science and Democracy," Journal of Legal and Political Sociology, Vol. 1, no. 1-2 (1942): 116
127. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure: Toward the Codification of Theory and Research (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1968), pp. 604-15
128. Robert K. Merton in The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, edited by Norman Storer (University of Chicago Press, 1973), pp. 267-78
129. Robert K. Merton, "The Sociology of Science: An Episodic Memoir," in The Sociology of Science in Europe, edited by Robert K. Merton and Jerry Gaston (Southern Illinois University Press, 1977), pp. 48-50.
130. For a discussion of how Merton's formulation changed from its initial emphasis on science's relation to democracy to a more "scientific" theory of the sociology of science, see Hollinger, Science, Jews, and Secular Culture, chap. 5. For a discussion of the flare-up between scientists and the observers belonging to the post-Mertonian "constructionist" science of science school in the mid-1990s, see Evelyn Fox Keller, "Science and Its Critics," in The Future of Academic Freedom, edited by Louis Menand (University of Chicago Press, 1996). Keller is critical of her scientific colleagues for what she regards as their hostility to feminist studies of science and society and theorizes as to why scientists suddenly took exception to science of science studies (the reason being, she argues, that scientists had grown fearful that such studies would jeopardize funding for science).
131. Seymour Martin Lipset, presidential address to the American Sociological Association, April 2, 1993, published as "The State of Sociology," Sociological Forum, Vol. 9, no. 2 (June 1994): 2
132. and also Seymour Martin Lipset, "The Academic Mind at the Top: The Political Behavior of Faculty Elites," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 46, no. 2 (Summer 1982): 143-68.
133. Alvin W. Gouldner, The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology (New York: Basic Books, 1970).
134. Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965).
135. Arthur Schlesinger Jr., The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1949).
136. Alan Brinkley, "The Problem of American Conservatism," American Historical Review, Vol. 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 409-29.
137. Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955).
138. Everett C. Ladd and Seymour Martin Lipset, The Divided Academy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975).
139. Lionel Trilling, The Liberal Imagination: Essays on Literature and Society (New York: Viking Press, 1950).
140. Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians (New York: Cape Publishing, 1969).
141. Julie A. Reuben, The Making of the Modern University (University of Chicago Press, 1996).
142. See M. H. Abrams, "The Transformation of English Studies: 1930-1995," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Bender and Schorske.
143. Denis Donoghue, The Old Moderns (New York: Knopf, 1994).
144. See the enlightening essay by Paul A. Cantor of the University of Virginia, "When Is Diversity Not Diversity: A Brief History of the English Department," Paper prepared for the American Enterprise Conference, Washington, D.C., November 14, 2007.
145. See Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University."
146. Also see Linda K. Kerber, "Diversity and the Transformation of American Studies," American Quarterly, Vol. 41 (March 1989): 415-31
147. Michael Geyer, "Multiculturalism and the Politics of General Education," Critical Inquiry, Vol. 19, no. 3 (1993): 507-08
148. David Bromwich, Politics by Other Means (Yale University Press, 1992).
149. See Connor Cruise O'Brien, "Enlightenment under Threat," in History and the Idea of Progress, edited by Peter Burke and others (New York: John Wiley, 1997)
150. Peter Burke, "Of Critical Theory and Its Theorists; Cultural Studies and Beyond: Fragments of Empire; Fantasy, and Reality in History; and History and the Idea of Progress," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, Vol. 33, no. 4 (Fall 1997): 428-30.
151. See E. J. Dionne, "The State of the Union: Why the Culture War Is the Wrong Wa r," Atlantic Monthly, January-February 2006, pp. 130-35.
152. Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University," p. 41.
153. Also see Ira Katznelson, "From the Streets to the Lecture Hall: The 1960s," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Bender and Schorske
154. William Galston, "Political Theory in the 1980s: Perplexity amidst Diversity," in Political Science: The State of the Discipline, edited by Ada Finifter (Washington: American Political Science Association, 1983).
155. See David A. Hollinger, "The Disciplines and the Identity Debate, 1870-1995," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Bender and Schorske, pp. 353-71.
156. On the Berkeley incidents and the role of activist Mario Savio, see Donald A. Downs, Restoring Free Speech and Liberty on Campus (Cambridge University Press, 2005), chaps. 1-4.
157. Students for a Democratic Society, "The Port Huron Statement," New York, 1962.
158. Bruce L. R. Smith, "The Politics of Protest: How Effective Is Violence?" Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Vol. 29 (March 1968): 115-33.
159. See Cox Commission Report, Crisis at Columbia (Columbia University Press, 1968), also published by Vintage Press in 1969.
160. For an institutional history of Columbia, see Robert S. McCaughey, Stand, Columbia: A History of Columbia University (Columbia University Press, 2003), which provides a careful account of the 1968 crisis and its aftermath.
161. David Horowitz, The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America. (Washington: Regnery, 2006).
162. Bender, "Politics, Intellect, and the American University," p. 40.
163. Bruce L. R. Smith and Joseph J. Karlesky, The State of Academic Science: The Universities in the Nation's Research (New York: Change Magazine Press, 1977).
164. Quoted in Colleen J. Shogan, "Anti-intellectualism in the Modern Presidency: A Republican Populism," Perspectives on Politics, Vol. 5, no. 2 (June 2007): 298.
165. See Hollinger, Science, Jews, and Secular Culture, chap. 7, with reference to the University of Michigan
166. Craig Kaplan and Ellen Schrecker, eds., Regulating the Intellectuals: Perspectives on Academic Freedom in the 1980s (New York: Praeger, 1983), chap. 2,
167. and, more broadly, Ellen Schrecker, The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents (New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2002). The biggest single instance of faculty dismissals occurred at City University of New York in the late 1940s. Most of the professors dismissed were natural scientists whose professional conduct in the classroom was not questioned but who had previously had or still had affiliations with communist or communist-front organizations.
168. Association of American Universities, "The Rights and Responsibilities of Universities and Their Faculties," March 24, 1953.
169. See Ellen Schrecker, The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford Books of St. Martin's Press, 1994).
170. Derek C. Bok, Beyond the Ivory Tower: Social Responsibilities of the Modern University (Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 21.
171. American Anthropological Association, Annual Report (Washington, 1972), p. 39.
172. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1971),
173. and Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974).
174. See Ricci, The Tragedy of Political Science, pp. 320-23.
175. Ladd and Lipset, The Divided Academy.
176. Dinesh D'Souza, Illiberal Education: The Politics of Race and Sex on Campus (New York: Free Press, 1991), p. 2.
177. Patrick Coyle and Ron Robinson, The Conservative Guide to Campus Activism (Herndon, Va.: Young Americas Foundation, 2005), p. 5.
178. James Glazov, "Purging Conservatives from College Faculties," Front-pagemagazine.com, May 23, 2005.
179. David Horowitz, Indoctrination U: The Left's War against Academic Freedom (Milwaukee: Encounter Books, 2007)
180. Ben Shapiro, Brainwashed: How Universities Indoctrinate America's Youth (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2004)
181. Roger Kimball, Tenured Radicals, Revised: How Politics Has Corrupted Our Higher Education (New York: HarperCollins, 1990)
182. Jim Nelson Black, Freefall of the American University: How Our Colleges Are Corrupting the Minds and Morals of the Next Generation (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2004).
183. Stanley Rothman, S. Robert Lichter, and Neil Nevitte, "Politics and Professorial Advancement among College Faculty," The Forum, Vol. 3, no. 1 (2005): art. 2.
184. Committee on Maximizing the Potential of Women in Academic Science and Engineering of the National Academies, Beyond Bias and Barriers: Fulfilling the Potential of Women in Academic Science and Engineering (Washington, D.C.: National Academies Press, 2007)
185. Christina Hoff Somers, "Why Can't a Woman Be More Like a Man? Women Earn Most of America's PhDs but Lag Physical Sciences; Beware of Plans to Fix the 'Problem,'" The American (March-April 2008), available online at www.american.com/archive/2008/march-april-magazine-contents/why-can2019t-a- woman-be-more-like-a-man (March 31, 2008).
186. Derek Bok, Universities in the Marketplace: The Commercialization of Higher Education (Princeton University Press, 2004)
187. Shelia Gallagher and Larry L. Leslie, Academic Capitalism: Politics, Policies, and the Entrepreneurial University (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999).
188. The Carnegie studies are a series of studies done for Carnegie by Everett Ladd and Seymour Lipset, starting with Divided Academy, which contained data for 1969. See Everett C. Ladd Jr. and Seymour Martin Lipset, Divided Academy: Professors and Politics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975).
189. Studies for the other years-for 1997, for example-were by other authors, but they were all under the Carnegie auspices and are referred to as such hereafter. Except where we mention the Rothman-Lichter recantation and confession of computational error of 2007, all references are to Rothman, Lichter, and Nevitte, "Politics and Professorial Advancement among College Faculty."
190. Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter, "The Vanishing Conservative: Is There a Glass Ceiling?" paper presented at the conference Reforming the Politically Correct University, American Enterprise Institute, Washington, November 14, 2007, p. 7. We use their revised figure in tables 5-2 and 5-3.
191. Ladd and Lipset, Divided Academy, p. 73.
192. Klein and Western found a higher percentage of Democrats than Republicans using voter registration rolls of faculty in six counties adjacent to Stanford and University of California, Berkeley. See Daniel Klein and Andrew Western, "Voter Registration of Berkeley and Stanford Faculty," Academic Questions, Vol. 18, no. 1 (Winter 2005): 53-65.
193. Klein and Stern reported varying ratios of Democrats to Republicans in different disciplines, ranging from 3:1 in economics to as high as 18:1 in sociology. See Daniel Klein and Charlotta Stern, "Political Diversity in Six Disciplines," Academic Questions, Vol. 18, no. 1 (Winter 2005): 40-52.
194. Gross and Simmons found that their faculty respondents in the 2000 presidential election voted Republican, 23.5 percent; Democratic, 68.6 percent; and other, 9.9 percent. They concluded, "It is worth noting that while the percentage of professors voting Republican has declined by about 12 percentage points since 1984, the percentage voting Republican in 2004, according to our data, was actually higher than the percentage voting Republican in 1992 and 1996 - a fact that calls into question claims that the professoriate is growing more Democratic by the year." Neil Gross and Solon Simmons, "The Social and Political Views of American Professors," Working Paper (Harvard University and George Mason University, September 24, 2007), pp. 38-39.
195. Gross and Simmons, "The Social and Political Views of American Professors," p. 69.
196. R. Eugene Rice, "Religious Diversity and the Making of Meaning: Implications for the Classroom," Diversity and Democracy, Vol. 11, no. 1 (Winter 2008): 1-3. Rice also notes that the Higher Education Research Institute of UCLA study found that students have a "strong interest and involvement in spirituality and religion, but that faculty and institutions do little to foster student interest in questions of meaning and purpose."
197. Rothman, Lichter, and Nevitte, "Politics and Professional Advancement among College Faculty."
198. Theodore J. Lowi, The End of the Republican Era (University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), chap. 1, struggles with a definition of "public philosophy" and tries to distinguish old liberalism from new liberalism and old conservatism from new conservatism.
199. The core values of this social (or cultural) liberalism are summed up in the formulation of Michael Berube, What's Liberal about the Liberal Arts? Classroom Politics and "Bias" in Higher Education (New York: W. W. Norton, 2006), pp. 23-24: "I never speak ill of Christianity, Judaism, Islam, or any organized religion so there is no sense in which a religious student should feel that he or she has to argue twice in my classroom. But on race and sexuality, invariably, my syllabus, my comments, and my very character cannot help but cue students that some forms of social conservatism will indeed have to make their case twice in order to be heard."
200. See also Andrew Delbanco, "The Politics of Separatism," in Our Country, Our Culture: The Politics of Political Correctness, edited by Edith Kurzweil and William Phillips (Boston: Partisan Review Press, 1994), p. 40.
201. Empirical evidence of a shift toward a more conservative politics is found in Cass R. Sunstein, David Schkade, Lisa M. Ellman, and Andres Sawicki, Are Judges Political? An Empirical Analysis of the Federal Judiciary (Brookings, 2006).
202. See John W. Kingdon, Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies, 2d ed. (Boston: Pearson Education, 1997).
203. See, for example, Gary Nelson and Michael Berube, eds., Higher Education under Fire (New York: Rutledge, 1995).
204. Bruce L. R. Smith and David Korn, "Is There a Crisis of Accountability in America's Research Universities?" Minerva, Vol. 38, no. 2 (2000): 129-45.
205. See C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite (Oxford University Press, 1957), as an example of the old left. Mill's power elite, amazingly few in number, were said to dominate American society and all aspects of government from the Pentagon to the Department of Agriculture. The moneyed interests of the Northeast were the chief culprits, according to Mills.
206. Noam Chomsky, Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy (New York: Metropolitan Book/Henry Holt, 2006), is a contemporary version of an American power elite thesis.
207. Mathew A. Crenson, The Un-Politics of Air Pollution: A Study of Non-Decisionmaking in the Cities (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971), illustrates a new left approach of a generation ago. Crenson argues that concerns about air quality could not be seriously addressed for a long time because economic interests benefiting from pollution structured the political agenda so as to block serious attempts to control pollution.
208. ACTA has taken up the challenge of pushing such measures at the state level and on its website reports progress in six or seven states toward securing passage of intellectual diversity bills. See ACTA's website www.goacta.org [March 31, 2008] for further information.
209. The reasons why Arthur Lovejoy and John Dewey originally did not include Lehrfreiheit in the American ideas of academic freedom were practical. The German notion of Lehrfreiheit presumed a uniform system of universities, which gave students the right to attend any university in the country and to take their final exam at the end of four years at a university of their choosing. For a succinct account of the American ideal of academic freedom, see Robert Post, "The Structure of Academic Freedom," in Academic Freedom after September 11, edited by Beshara Doumani (New York: Zone Books, 2006), pp. 61-106.
210. Horowitz sometimes goes over the top in his critiques, especially on matters having to do with Israel and Middle East policy. For example, he has accused liberals of aiding the Iraq insurgency: "Progressive America-most of progressive America-has not wanted us to win the [Iraq] war but has done everything it could to help the enemy and encourage his war against us." See David Horowitz, "Why Progressives Love Water-Boarding," Frontpagemagazine.com, November 20, 2007.
211. See Amy Newhall, "The Unraveling of the Devil's Bargain: The History of Politics and Language Acquisition,"
212. and Joel Beinin, "The New McCarthyism: Policing Thought about the Middle East," in Academic Freedom after September 11, edited by Doumani.
213. For a commentary, see Sara Hebel, "Higher Education Groups Issue Statement on Academic Rights and Intellectual Diversity on Campuses," Chronicle of Higher Education, July 1, 2005,
214. and "Détente with David Horowitz," Insidehighered.com, June 23, 2005. According to David Ward, president of the ACE, the idea was to embrace part, but not all, of Horowitz's message: "What was happening was that individuals who were critics of higher education were making, to my mind, perfectly reasonable statements that universities should be places of intellectual pluralism, civility, and fairness⋯. I might quibble about details, but I found myself saying, 'They have a point.'" Apropos of student complaints about being discriminated against because of their political views, Ward added, "Some of our institutions don't have procedures in place [for student grievances], and they should."
215. William F. Buckley Jr., God and Man at Yale (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1951).
216. According to Daniel Klein and Charlotta Stern, economics is more ideologically diverse but at the same time more methodologically unified than other social science disciplines. Sociology, in contrast, is methodologically disunited but ideologically united. See Daniel B. Klein and Charlotta Stern, "Professors and Their Politics: The Policy Views of Social Scientists," Critical Review, Vol. 17, no. 3-4 (2005): 257-303.
217. See William J. Barber, "Reconfigurations in American Academic Economics: A General Practitioner's Perspective," in American Academic Culture in Transformation: Fifty Years, Four Disciplines, edited by Thomas Bender and Carl E. Schorske (Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 105-22.
218. In addition to Buckley's better-known roles in the media, he also played a pivotal role in creating the first major conservative organization devoted to organizing campus activities and focusing attention on the cause of freedom. Buckley served as first president of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute, a large membership organization founded in 1953 that provides scholarships to undergraduates and sponsors events on campus. See Lee Edwards, Educating for Liberty: The First Half-Century of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute (Chicago: Henry Regenery, 2005).
219. Robert E. Calvert, ed., To Restore American Democracy: Political Education and the Modern University (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006).
220. Jon Wiener, Historians in Trouble: Plagiarism, Fraud, and Politics in the Ivory Tower (New York: New Press, 2005).
221. Doumani, ed., Academic Freedom after September 11, p. 13.
222. Doumani's analysis reflects his perspective of what is happening in Middle East studies. He sees "right-wing pro-Israel" forces as threatening free expression in the classroom. Right-wing and anti-Islam (the two terms are apparently interchangeable) forces comprise a far-reaching conspiracy or at least an organized campaign. He sees Harvard president Laurence Summers's criticism of proposals to divest investments in firms doing business with Israel as having a chilling effect on academic discourse. He notes conspiratorially that Summers's criticism "coincided with the appointment of a professor of Israeli studies at Harvard." Doumani, ed., Academic Freedom after September 11, chap. 1.
223. Ellen Schrecker, "Worse than McCarthy," Chronicle of Higher Education: Collo-quay, Vol. 52, no. 3 (February 20, 2006): 8. Schrecker is careful to add that she regards the danger as "potential."
224. Neil Gross found that one-third of professors now compared to about one-fifth in the previous survey felt such threats. See "Political Views on Academic Freedom," Insidehighered.com, August 15, 2007.
225. Morris P. Fiorina, Samuel J. Abrams, and Jeremy C. Pope, eds., Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America (Harvard University Press, 2005).
226. See Timothy C. Shiell, Campus Hate Speech on Trial (University Press of Kansas, 1998)
227. Jon B. Gould, Speak No Evil: The Triumph of Hate Speech Regulation (University of Chicago Press, 2005)
228. Donald A. Downs, Restoring Free Speech and Liberty on Campus (Cambridge University Press; Oakland, Calif.: Independent Institute, 2005)
229. and Cass R. Sunstein, "Academic Freedom and the Law: Liberalism, Speech Codes, and Related Problems," in The Future of Academic Freedom, edited by Louis Menand (University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 93-118.
230. See Gould, Speak No Evil.
231. See, for example, Sunstein, "Academic Freedom and the Law." Another approach relies on a different legal strategy analogous to the working environment standards operative in the corporate world to supplant Sunstein's "narrow code" argument.
232. Alan C. Kors and Harvey A. Silverglade, The Shadow University: The Betrayal of Liberty on America's Campuses (New York: Free Press, 1998).
233. For a brief history of ACTA, see its newsletter, Inside Academy, Vol. 10, no. 3 (Spring 2005): 1-4, 9.
234. Jerry L. Martin and Anne D. Neal, Defending Civilization: How Our Universities Are Failing America and What Can Be Done about It (Washington: American Council of Trustees and Alumni, 2002).
235. See Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays (Harvard University Press, 1996).
236. The June 23, 2005, ACE statement on academic rights and responsibilities signed by the nearly thirty higher educational associations was on the delegates' minds. It was viewed as an important step and commented on favorably by a number of the speakers and participants. The ACE statement had endorsed "intellectual pluralism and academic freedom [as] central principles of American higher education⋯. Colleges and universities should welcome intellectual pluralism and the free exchange of ideas." ACTA considered the ACE statement as a victory for its principles, and trustees were urged to work with their presidents and provosts to get the ACE statement incorporated into university policies. A subsequent ACTA report found, however, that the universities themselves had done little or nothing to adopt the principles agreed to by their Washington associations. See ACTA, Intellectual Diversity: Time for Action (Washington, D.C., 2005). For a forceful statement of ACTA's views, see also Anne D. Neal's testimony before the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, House of Representatives, Select Committee on Academic Freedom in Higher Education, January 10, 2006, official transcript, hearings held at Temple University in Philadelphia.
237. Neil Gross and Solon Simmons, "Americans' Views of Political Bias in the Academy and Academic Freedom," Working Paper (Harvard University and George Mason University, May 22, 2006), pp. 12, 23.
238. See Michael Berube, What's Liberal about the Liberal Arts? Classroom Politics and "Bias" in Higher Education (New York: W. W. Norton, 2006), chap. 6 for a useful exposition.
239. On the notion of whether certain philosophies undermine rationalist thought and objective scholarship, see the illuminating essay by Richard Rorty, "Does Academic Freedom Have Philosophical Presuppositions?" in The Future of Academic Freedom, edited by Louis Menand (University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 21-42.
240. Cass R. Sunstein, Davide Schkade, Lisa M. Ellman, and Andres Sawicki, Are Judges Political? An Empirical Analysis of the Federal Judiciary (Brookings, 2006), point to this kind of effect among judges. Three-judge circuit court panels made up of all Democrats or all Republicans accentuate their liberal or conservative leanings. On mixed-party panels, Republican judges voted 38 percent liberal, compared to Democrats, who voted 51 percent liberal, but on all-Republican panels, they voted 31 percent liberal, whereas all-Democrat panels voted 66 percent liberal. The inference might be that if a department is made up of all liberals, they will move to the extreme left and vice versa.
241. Horowitz himself has diagnosed his own problem in such terms. His main problem, he commented, is with conservatives. "The liberals know they are in a war⋯; it's our side that doesn't recognize the problem." Quoted in Valerie Richardson, "Academic Manifesto Takes Root," Washington Times, July 3, 2006.
242. For a useful short history of government funding for Middle East studies and language programs, see Amy Newhall, "The Unraveling of the Devil's Bargain: The History and Politics of Language Acquisition," in Academic Freedom after September 11, edited by Beshara Doumani (New York: Zone Books, 2006), pp. 203-36.
243. The feud in Middle East studies began in the 1950s when older scholars who worked under the framework of "Near East studies" were challenged by a newer breed who attacked what they deemed an excessively philological approach. The newer breed of scholars favored more attention to the political, social, and economic realities of the Middle East. Programs of Middle East languages and culture gradually supplanted the Near East departments at most elite universities, spurred by government funding for language study after the National Defense Education Act of 1958 and Title VI of the Higher Education Act of 1965. A bitter personal feud between Columbia's Edward Said and Princeton's Bernard Lewis erupted in 1982, which reflected some of the central differences between the older generation of Near Eastern linguistic scholars and the newer generation of scholars (and exacerbated by Said's championing of postcolonial theory). Lewis saw Said's criticism of Orientalism as a personal attack. The personal animus between the two hardened after a confrontation at a conference in 1986. What started as a personal feud became in time a battle between warring ideological camps in the field of Middle East studies. Martin S. Kramer, Ivory Towers on Sand: The Future of Middle East Studies in America (Washington: Institute for Near East Policy, 2001), assailed the main practitioners of Middle East studies in the universities and heated up the ideological feud.
244. The events of September 11, 2001, did not precipitate, but did exacerbate, the complex, bitter ideological-methodological disputes within Middle Eastern studies. The scholarly dispute became intermingled with pro-Israel and anti-Israel politics. For an account of the history of this dispute, written from the point of view of someone who sees Zionist influences at work, see Joel Beinin, "The New McCarthyism: Policing Thought about the Middle East," in Academic Freedom after September 11, edited by Doumani, pp. 237-66.
245. John Voll analyzes how "advocacy" has affected the field over many years but can be coped with in a thoughtful essay, "Advocacy and Explanation: The Problems of Explaining Adversaries," in Advocacy in the Classroom, edited by Patricia Meyer Spacks (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996), pp. 171-83.
246. Quoted in Beinin, "The New McCarthyism," p. 253.
247. See Amy Newhall, "The Unraveling of the Devil's Bargain," in Academic Freedom after September 11, edited by Doumani, pp. 220-21.
248. Timothy Starks, "The Universities Resist Efforts to Require Intellectual Diversity," New York Sun, April 15, 2003,
249. cited in Beinin, "The New McCarthyism," p. 266.
250. Final Report of the Select Committee on Academic Freedom in Higher Education Pursuant to House Resolution 177 (Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, House of Representatives, Harrisburg, Pa., November 21, 2006).
251. See http://dangerousprofessors.net/ [April 3, 2008]. Horowitz suggests that Curry persuaded two Republicans to embrace his (Curry's) view of HR 177.
252. See Spacks, ed., Advocacy in the Classroom.
253. Louis Menand, "Culture and Advocacy," in Advocacy in the Classroom: Problems and Possibilities, edited by Patricia Meyer Spacks (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996), p. 122.
254. Jeremy D. Mayer and Heather M. Schmidt, "Gendered Political Socialization in Four Contexts: Political Interest and Values among Junior High School Students in China, Japan, Mexico, and the United States," Social Science Journal, Vol. 41, no. 3 (2004): 393-407.
255. Geert Hofstede and Gert Jan Hofstede, Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2005), pp. 6-9, 21-22, 208-12.
256. Gordon Hewett and Mack Mariani, an article forthcoming in PS: Political Science, in 2008. An article giving some of the study's findings is available at http://spotlight.encarta.msn.com/Features/encnet-Departments-eLearning-default- arti-cle-ProfessorPolitics.html?GT1=27001 [April 18, 2008].
257. See Todd Gitlin, "The Values of Media, the Values of Citizenship, and the Values of Higher Education," in To Restore American Democracy: Political Education and the Modern University, edited by Robert E. Calvert (Lanhan, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006), pp. 79-94.
258. John Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (Cambridge University Press, 1992).
259. April Kelly-Woessner and Matthew Woessner, "My Professor Is a Partisan Hack: How Perceptions of a Professor's Political Views Affect Student Course Evaluations," PS: Political Science & Politics, Vol. 39, no. 3 (2006): 495-501, at p. 498.
260. Molly S. Andolina and Jeremy D. Mayer, "Demographic Shifts and Racial Attitudes: How Tolerant Are Whites in the Most Diverse Generation?" Social Science Journal, Vol. 40, no. 1 (2003): 19-31.
261. See Final Report of the Select Committee on Academic Freedom in Higher Education Pursuant to House Resolution 177 (House of Representatives, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg, Pa., November 21, 2006), pp. 11-12.
262. Cass R. Sunstein, "Public Spaces and MyUniversity.com," in To Restore American Democracy, edited by Calvert, pp. 95-116.
263. Washington Post, December 21, 2006.
264. R. Eugene Rice, "Religious Diversity and the Making of Meaning: Implications for the Classroom," Democracy and Diversity, Vol. 1, no. 1 (Winter 2008): 1.
265. American Council of Trustees and Alumni (ACTA), "Analysis and Commentary: Executive Summary" (Center for Survey Research and Analysis, University of Connecticut, 2005), p. 2.
266. Neil Gross and Solon Simmons, "The Social and Political Views of American Professors," Working Paper (Harvard University and George Mason University, September 24, 2007), p. 29. They find that community colleges have 37.1 percent liberal professors; bachelor of arts-granting, nonliberal arts colleges, 38.8 percent; liberal arts colleges, 61 percent; non-elite PhD-granting universities, 44.3 percent; and elite PhD-granting universities, 56.6 percent. The figures, respectively, for conservative faculty members at these categories of schools are 19.0, 12.7, 3.9, 3.8, and 10.2 percent.
267. Woessner and Woessner, "My Professor Is a Partisan Hack," pp. 10-11.
268. Stuart Taylor and K. C. Johnson, "Guilty in the Duke Case," Washington Post, September 11, 2007, p. A21,
269. and Stuart Taylor and K. C. Johnson, Until Proven Innocent: Political Correctness and the Shameful Injustices of the Duke Lacrosse Rape Case (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin's Press, 2007).
270. Neil Gross and Solon Simmons, "Americans' Attitudes toward Academic Freedom and Liberal 'Bias' in Higher Education," Working Paper (Harvard University and George Mason University, May 22, 2006).
271. Gross and Simmons, "Americans' Attitudes toward Academic Freedom," p. 12.
272. Frederick Randolph, American Colleges and Universities (Georgia University Press, 1962), pp. 159-60.
273. William A. Galston, "Between Resignation and Utopia: Political Education in the Modern American University," in To Restore American Democracy, edited by Calvert, p. 37.
274. Robert E. Calvert, "Utopias Gone Wrong: The Antipolitical Culture of the Modern University and How to Change It," in To Restore American Democracy, edited by Calvert, p. 250.
275. Gross and Simmons, "Americans' Attitudes toward Academic Freedom," p. 15
276. Walter Russell Mead, "God's Country," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 85, no. 5 (September-October 2006): 24-43.
277. Gross and Simmons, "Americans' Attitudes toward Academic Freedom," p. 12.
278. Gary A. Tobin and Aryeh K. Weinberg, A Profile of American College Faculty, Vol. 1: Political Beliefs and Behavior (San Francisco: Institute for Jewish and Community Research, 2006), p. 2.
279. Andrew Delbanco, for example, points to "vestiges of male chauvinism in university life, especially in certain scientific fields that have been slow to recruit and promote qualified women." See his review essay, "Higher Education Scandals," New York Review of Books, March 29, 2007, p. 45.
280. Sarah E. Turner and William G. Bowen, "The Flight from the Arts and Sciences: Trends in Degrees Conferred," Science, October 26, 1990, pp. 517-21.
281. Jerome Karabel, The Chosen: The Hidden History of Admission and Exclusion at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005).
282. There had been an issue in the 1950s over Harvard's alleged collaboration with the investigation by the Un-American Activities Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives dealing with the issue of communists in higher education. In particular, McGeorge Bundy as dean of the College of Arts and Sciences was criticized for his role in the firing of Sigmund Diamond, who had been a communist in the late 1930s. See David A. Hollinger, Science, Jews, and the Secular Culture: Studies in Mid-Twentieth-Century American Intellectual History (Princeton University Press, 1998), chap. 7,
283. and Sigmund Diamond, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945-55 (Oxford University Press, 1992), chaps. 2-5. Robert Bellah, sociologist, also left Harvard for Berkeley because of pressures he experienced and his displeasure at Harvard's response to McCarthyism.
284. Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology (New York: Free Press, 1960).
285. John B. Williams, Race Discrimination in Public Higher Education: Interpreting Federal Civil Rights Enforcement, 1964-1996 (New York: Praeger, 1997).
286. John R. Thelin, A History of American Higher Education (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), p. 305.
287. On the current status of women, see Judith Glazer-Raymond, Shattering the Myths: Women in Academe (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001),
288. and Lynn H. Collins, Joan C. Chrisler, and Kathryn Quina, eds., Career Strategies for Women in Aca-demia: Arming Athena (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1998).
289. Joanne Moody, Faculty Diversity: Problems and Solutions (New York: Routledge, 2004).
290. Gross and Simmons found sharp disagreements among faculty on questions of affirmative action. See Neil Gross and Solon Simmons, "The Social and Political Views of American Professors," Working Paper (Harvard University and George Mason University, September 24, 2007).
291. Matthew Woessner and April Kelly-Woessner, "Left Pipeline: Why Conservatives Don't Get Doctorates," paper prepared for the conference Reforming the Politically Correct University, American Enterprise Institute, Washington, November 14, 2007.
292. For an example, consider the "opportunity hire" programs at the University of Southern Maine (http://www.usm.maine.edu/eeo/diversity/lac.html [April 18, 2008])
293. and Trinity College (http://www.trincoll.edu/prog/facman/doc0018.html [April 18, 2008]).
294. The same or similar terms are also used to describe spousal hires and some senior hires made in an accelerated and opportunistic fashion. They are rarely used to hire a white male junior faculty member, however. The legality of such programs has been challenged and, to the extent that they focus exclusively on race, are illegal in the public university system in states that have banned racial preferences, such as California, Texas, and Florida. See Roger Clegg, "Faculty Hiring Preferences and the Law," Chronicle of Higher Education, May 19, 2006.
295. See Derek Bok, Beyond the Ivory Tower: Social Responsibilities of the Modern University (Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 21.
296. "Comparative Politics Section," Newsletter of the American Political Science Association, Vol. 18, no. 1 (Winter 2007).
297. David Horowitz, The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America (Washington: Regnery, 2006).
298. Jennifer Howard, "DePaul U. Turns Norman Finkelstein Down for Tenure," Chronicle of Higher Education, April 5, 2007.
299. "Comparative Politics Section," p. 13.
300. Dan Olson, Joining the Club: A History of Jews at Yale (Yale University Press, 2000).
301. See Michael Walzer, "Moral Education and Democratic Citizenship," in To Restore American Democracy: Political Education and the Modern University, edited by Robert E. Calvert (Lanhan, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006)
302. see also the essay by William Galston, "Between Resignation and Utopia: Political Education and the Modern University," in that volume, especially pp. 40-42
303. for practical suggestions on how to improve civic education in the contemporary university. Calvert in his concluding chapter, "Utopias Gone Wrong: The Anti-Political Culture of the Modern University and How to Change," calls for issues to be taught,
304. Galston, "Between Resignation and Utopia," calls for internships,
305. and Steven Holmes, "Plato's Dogs: Reflections on the University after 9/11," calls for a return to a language requirement.
306. Consult their chapters in To Restore American Democracy, edited by Calvert.
307. Galston, "Between Resignation and Utopia," pp. 40-42.
308. Quoted in To Restore American Democracy, edited by Calvert, p. 2, and see the accompanying discussion by Calvert. Holmes, "Plato's Dogs," gives a critique of participation alone without wider intellectual engagement as inadequate and as a holdover from 1960s radicalism. Calvert, however, in his concluding chapter, "Utopias Gone Wrong," considers civic republicanism as requiring citizen involvement and disavows Holmes's equating of participation with 1960s radicalism.
309. "Comparative Politics Section."
310. See Rogers M. Smith, "Still Blowing in the Wind: The American Quest for a Democratic, Scientific Political Science," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Thomas Bender and Carl E. Schorske, pp. 271-308 (Princeton University Press, 1997)
311. Ira Katznelson, "From the Street to the Lecture: The Sixties," in American Academic Culture in Transformation, edited by Bender and Schorske, pp. 331-52.
312. Stanley Rothman, S. Robert Lichter, and Neil Nevitte, "Politics and Professional Advancement among College Faculty," The Forum, Vol. 3, no. 1 (2005): art. 2.
313. Rothman, Lichter, and Nevitte, "Politics and Professional Advancement," p. 13.
314. Howard Kurtz, "College Faculties a Most Liberal Lot, Study Finds," Washington Post, March 29, 2005, p. C1.
315. Jamie Glazov, "Purging Conservatives from College Faculties," Front-PageMagazine.com, May 23, 2005.
316. Everette C. Ladd Jr. and Seymour Martin Lipset, The Divided Academy: Professors and Politics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975), p. 141.
317. Jeremy D. Mayer, Running on Race: Racial Politics in Presidential Campaigns (New York: Random House, 2002).
318. Paul Lazarsfeld and Walter Thielens, The Academic Mind (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1958), p. 188.
319. Michael Berube, What's Liberal about the Liberal Arts? Classroom Politics and "Bias" in Higher Education (New York: W. W. Norton, 2006), pp. 284-85.
320. Stephen Holmes, "Plato's Dogs: Reflections on the University after 9/11," in To Restore American Democracy, edited by Calvert, pp. 200-01. Berube and Holmes, both admirable scholars who have written interesting works, reflect a trace of "we" against "they" in their analyses, finding it almost inconceivable that any fair-minded individual could hold conservative views.
321. Walter Benn Michaels, The Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality (New York: Metropolitan, 2006).
322. For a useful commentary, see Delbanco, "Higher Education Scandals."
323. In 2004 in a series of lectures at the University of Virginia, William Bowen came out in favor of "a thumb on the scale," that is, class-based affirmative action to help poor and working-class students gain admission to college. See William G. Bowen, Marian A. Kurzweil, and Eugene M. Tobin, in collaboration with Suzanne C. Pichler, Equity and Excellence in American Higher Education (University of Virginia Press, 2005).
324. See Anthony T. Kronman, "Colleges Ignore Life's Biggest Questions, and We All Pay the Price," Boston Globe, September 16, 2007,
325. and Anthony T. Kronman, Education's End: Why Our Colleges and Universities Have Given up on the Meaning of Life (Yale University Press, 2007), especially chapter 3.
326. Benjamin Rush, "To the Citizens of Pennsylvania," Pennsylvania Pocket, February 17, 1785,
327. quoted in A. Lee Fritschler, "Welcoming Remarks," in Proceedings of the American Revolutionary College Conference on the Liberal Arts and Education for Citizenship in the Twenty-First Century (Carlisle, Pa.: Dickinson College, March 1998), p. 69.
328. For a discussion of the formation and then the breakdown of the postwar consensus of science policy, see Bruce L. R. Smith, American Science Policy since World War II (Brookings, 1990).
329. Quoted in Theodore J. Lowi, The Politics of Disorder (New York: Basic Books, 1971), p. 127.
330. Thomas L. Haskell, "Justifying the Rights of Academic Freedom in the Age of 'Power/Knowledge,'" in The Future of Academic Freedom, edited by Louis Menand (University of Chicago Press, 1996), p. 43.
331. Hannah Rosen, God's Harvard: A Christian College on a Mission to Save America (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 2007).
332. See Russell K. Nieli, The Decline and Revival of Liberal Learning at Duke, Series on Higher Education Policy (Raleigh, N.C.: John William Pope Center for Higher Education Policy, March 2007), available on the center's website, www.popecenter.org [April 8, 2008].
333. See Cass R. Sunstein, "Public Spaces and MyUniversity.com," in To Restore American Democracy: Political Education and the Modern University, edited by Robert E. Calvert (Lanhan, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006)
334. Cass R. Sunstein, Republic.com (Princeton University Press, 2002).
335. William A. Galston, "Between Resignation and Utopia: Political Education in the Modern American University," in To Restore American Democracy, edited by Calvert, p. 37.
336. On American attitudes toward government, see Garry Wills, A Necessary Evil: A History of American Distrust of Government (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1999).
337. See Sunstein, "Public Spaces and MyUniversity.com," pp. 111-14.
338. Mark Bauerlein, "How Academe Shortchanges Conservative Thinking," Chronicle of Higher Education, Vol. 55, no. 17 (December 2006): B6.