Making care count: A century of gender, race, and paid care work

Making Care Count: A Century of Gender, Race, and Paid Care Work

Volumn , Issue , 2011, Pages 1-185

  Duffy, Mignon ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS   (United States)

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References (487)

1. For more discussion of this, see Mignon Duffy, "Reproducing Labor Inequalities: Challenges for Feminists Conceptualizing Care at the Intersections of Gender, Race, and Class," Gender and Society 19 (February 2005): 66-82
2. and Evelyn Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 18 (Autumn 1992): 1-43.
3. For examples of this perspective, see Janet Chafetz, "The Gender Division of Labor and the Reproduction of Female Disadvantage," Journal of Family Issues 9, no. 1 (1988): 108-131
4. and Heidi Hartmann, "Capitalism, Patriarchy, and Job Segregation by Sex," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 1, no. 3, pt. 2 (1976): 137-169.
5. Arlie Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989).
6. Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work," 3.
7. Arlie Hochschild, The Commercialization of Intimate Life: Notes from Home and Work (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 214.
8. Deborah Stone, "Caring by the Book," in Care Work: Gender, Labor, and the Welfare State, ed. Madonna Harrington Meyer (New York: Routledge, 2000), 89.
9. Caitlin Flanagan, "How Serfdom Saved the Women's Movement: Dispatches from the Nanny Wars," Atlantic Monthly, March 2004, 109-130
10. Mona Harrington, Care and Equality: Inventing a New Family Politics (New York: Knopf, 1999), 21.
11. For additional discussion of the importance of historical sociology in understanding inequalities, see Teresa Amott and Julie Matthaei, Race, Gender, and Work: A Multi-cultural Economic History of Women in the United States (Boston: South End Press, 1996), 5
12. and Alice Kessler-Harris, A Woman's Wage: Historical Meanings and Social Consequences (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1990), 488.
13. Steven Ruggles, Matthew Sobek, Trent Alexander, Catherine A. Fitch, Ronald Goeken, Patricia Kelly Hall, Miriam King, and Chad Ronnander, Integrated Public Use Microdata Series: Version 4.0 [Machine-readable database]. Minneapolis: Minnesota Population Center [producer and distributor], 2009. For more details, see www.ipums.org.
14. Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work," 115.
15. See also Barbara Laslett and Johanna Brenner, "Gender and Social Reproduction: Historical Perspectives," American Sociological Review 15 (1989): 381-404.
16. Kessler-Harris, A Woman's Wage, 488.
17. Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work," 41.
18. Concurring opinion in Jacobellis v. Ohio (1964).
19. Francesca Cancian and Stacey Oliker, Caring and Gender (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Pine Forge Press, 2000), 2.
20. The label "nurturant care" is not used by all scholars in this field. While this group of scholars may use the language of "care" more generally, I use the "nurturant care" label to distinguish this particular understanding of relational care from other definitions of care work. I borrow the term "nurturance" from Paula England, Comparable Worth: Theories and Evidence (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1992).
21. For a more detailed discussion of the theoretical and practical limitations of using a nurturance definition of care, see Mignon Duffy, "Reproducing Labor Inequalities: Challenges for Feminists Conceptualizing Care at the Intersections of Gender, Race, and Class," Gender and Society 19 (February 2005): 66-82.
22. For detailed documentation on this bifurcation of activities, see Jeanne Boydston, Home and Work: Housework, Wages, and the Ideology of Labor in the Early Republic (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
23. Friedrich Engels, The Origins of the Family, Private Property, and the State (New York: International Publishers, 1972 [1884]).
24. See Mariarosa Dalla Costa, The Power of Women and the Subversion of the Community (Bristol, U.K.: Falling Wall Press, 1972)
25. Karen V. Hansen and Ilene J. Philipson, Women, Class, and the Feminist Imagination: A Socialist-Feminist Reader (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990)
26. Heidi Hartmann, "Capitalism, Patriarchy, and Job Segregation by Sex," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 1, no. 3, pt. 2 (1976): 137-169
27. Wally Secombe, "The Housewife and Her Labour under Capitalism," New Left Review 83 (1974): 3-24
28. Barbara Laslett and Johanna Brenner, "Gender and Social Reproduction: Historical Perspectives," American Sociological Review 15 (1989): 381-404.
29. See Cancian and Oliker, Caring and Gender, for a nice discussion of the naturalization of women's caring labor.
30. Arlene Kaplan Daniels, "Invisible Work," Social Problems 35, no. 5 (1987): 408.
31. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 18 (Autumn 1992): 115.
32. See also Laslett and Brenner, "Gender and Social Reproduction."
33. See Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women's Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1982), for the origins of this strain of analysis in psychology.
34. Sara Ruddick, Maternal Thinking: Toward a Politics of Peace (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002 [1995]), further developed an idea of "maternal thinking" unique to those engaged in the practice of mothering.
35. Nel Noddings, Suzanne Gordon, and Patricia Benner, eds., Caregiving: Readings in Knowledge, Practice, Ethics, and Politics (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), also discuss the practice of care and its impact on those who do it.
36. See Joan Tronto, Moral Boundaries: A Political Argument for an Ethic of Caring (New York: Routledge, 1993)
37. Diemut Grace Bubeck, "Justice and the Labor of Care," in The Subject of Care: Feminist Perspectives on Dependency, ed. Eva Feder Kittay and Ellen K. Feder (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002), 160-185
38. Deimut Elisabet Bubeck, Care, Gender, and Justice (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995)
39. Eva Feder Kittay, Love's Labor: Essays on Women, Equality, and Dependency (New York: Routledge, 1999)
40. Nel Noddings, Starting at Home: Caring and Social Policy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002)
41. and Noddings et al., Caregiving.
42. See Nancy Folbre, The Invisible Heart: Economics and Family Values (New York: New Press, 2001)
43. and Nancy Folbre and Julie A. Nelson, "For Love or Money-Or Both?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 14, no. 4 (2000): 123-140.
44. See essays in Nancy J. Hirschmann and Ulrike Liebert, eds., Women and Welfare: Theory and Practice in the United States and Europe (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2001)
45. Linda Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990)
46. and Theda Skocpol, Social Policy in the United States: Future Policy in Historical Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
47. Also see June Axinn and Herman Levin, Social Welfare: A History of the American Response to Need (New York: Longman, 1992), for a history of the distrust of dependency in U.S. social welfare.
48. Joan Tronto, "Who Cares? Public and Private Caring and the Rethinking of Citizenship," in Women and Welfare: Theory and Practice in the United States and Europe, ed. Nancy J. Hirschmann and Ulrike Liebert (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2001), 71.
49. See Martha Albertson Fineman, "Dependencies," in Women and Welfare: Theory and Practice in the United States and Europe, ed. Nancy J. Hirschmann and Ulrike Liebert (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2001), 23-37
50. and Tronto, Moral Boundaries. Other authors have shown that the very concepts of need and dependency have changed over time and are historically contingent ideas rather than universal categories.
51. See Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the US Welfare State," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19 (Winter 1994): 309-336
52. and Viviana A. Rotman Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (New York: Basic Books, 1985).
53. Joan Tronto and Berenice Fisher, "Toward a Feminist Theory of Caring," in Circles of Care: Work and Identity in Women's Lives, ed. Emily K. Abel and Margaret K. Nelson (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 35-62.
54. Kari Waerness, "The Rationality of Caring," in Caregiving: Readings in Knowledge, Practice, Ethics, and Politics, ed. Suzanne Gordon, Patricia Benner, and Nel Noddings (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), 235. Tronto also acknowledges the importance of these differences in Tronto, "Who Cares?"
55. See Fineman, "Dependencies," 28.
56. For more on this argument see Fineman, "Dependencies"
57. Eva Feder Kittay, "From Welfare to a Public Ethic of Care," in Women and Welfare: Theory and Practice in the United States and Europe, ed. Nancy J. Hirschmann and Ulrike Liebert (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2001), 38-64
58. Bubeck, "Justice and the Labor of Care"
59. and Tronto, "Who Cares?"
60. Cancian and Oliker, Caring and Gender, 2.
61. See Timothy Diamond, Making Gray Gold: Narratives of Nursing Home Care (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995)
62. and Deborah Stone, "Caring by the Book," in Care Work: Gender, Labor, and the Welfare State, ed. Madonna Harrington Meyer (New York: Routledge, 2000), 89-111.
63. Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003 [1983]), 7.
64. See Amy Wharton, "The Sociology of Emotional Labor," Annual Review of Sociology 35 (2009), 147-165, for a discussion of the links between care work scholarship and the concept of emotional labor.
65. Dorothy Roberts, "Spiritual and Menial Housework," Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 9, no. 51 (1997): 52.
66. Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work," 32.
67. For a discussion of racialized notions of care and motherhood in the formation of the U.S. welfare state, see Linda Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990)
68. especially Barbara J. Nelson, "The Origins of the Two-Channel Welfare State: Workmen's Compensation and Mothers' Aid."
69. Also see Sherry Wexler, "Work/Family Policy Stratification: The Examples of Family Support and Family Leave," Qualitative Sociology 20, no. 2 (1997): 311-322.
70. Paula England, Michelle Budig, and Nancy Folbre, "Wages of Virtue: The Relative Pay of Care Work," Social Problems 49, no. 4 (2002): 455-473. Although I used the criteria England and her colleagues developed, I made my own decisions about which occupations met the criteria. Because I drew on data from multiple years, I used a number of different sets of occupational codes. For each year, I chose occupations from the occupational list that I judged met the criteria. Where I had questions, I consulted the Dictionary of Occupational Titles for descriptions of job responsibilities of particular groups of workers. I thank Paula England for being willing to answer my questions as I went through the decision-making process.
71. Laslett and Brenner, "Gender and Social Reproduction,"
72. and Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work." I relied heavily on Nakano Glenn's categorization in her article when making coding decisions. I thank Evelyn Nakano Glenn for responding to my queries as I went through that decision-making process.
73. Barbara Ryan, Love, Wages, Slavery: The Literature of Servitude in the United States (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006), 17.
74. Marilyn Richardson, Maria W. Stewart: America's First Black Woman Political Writer (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 47.
75. These statistics appear in Daniel E. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants: Domestic Service in the United States from 1800 to 1920 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981).
76. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants, 11.
77. Several authors have described in detail the daily labor of domestic servants. In particular, see David M. Katzman, Seven Days a Week: Women and Domestic Service in Industrializing America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981).
78. For descriptions of this work in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Faye E. Dudden, Serving Women: Household Service in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1983)
79. and Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants.
80. For a description of a slightly later period in rural areas, see Karen V. Hansen, Taking Back the Day: The Historical Recovery of Women's Household Work Experience (M.A. thesis, University of California at Santa Barbara, 1979).
81. See Dudden, Serving Women, for a description of the less rigid boundaries that characterized hiring help in the early nineteenth century.
82. See Hansen, Taking Back the Day, for a description of servants working alongside the women and children of the house in early twentieth-century rural areas.
83. Dudden, Serving Women.
84. See Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family, from Slavery to the Present (New York: Vintage Books, 1985), for an excellent analysis of the labor of Black women from slavery through the twentieth century.
85. For a discussion of the changes in family ideology, see Dudden, Serving Women
86. and Jeanne Boydston, Home and Work: Housework, Wages, and the Ideology of Labor in the Early Republic (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
87. For a discussion of these practices in the context of a shift from hired girls to domestic servants, see Dudden, Serving Women.
88. Sutherland, in Americans and Their Servants, also talks about the symbolic gestures meant to reinforce class boundaries. In particular he identifies uniforms, architecture (e.g., the use of the back door), separate eating spaces, and the use of separate china as means to minimize contact between family and servants.
89. See Hansen, Taking Back the Day
90. Dudden, Serving Women
91. and Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants.
92. For more discussion on why the hired-girl model persisted longer in rural areas, see Genevieve Leslie, "Domestic Service in Canada, 1880-1920," in Women at Work, Ontario, 1850-1930, ed. Janice Acton, Penny Goldsmith, and Bonnie Shepard (Toronto: Canadian Women's Educational Press, 1974), 71-126. Leslie points to the greater need for help, the more difficult work, the lower wages, and the increased likelihood that the hired girl would be a friend or neighbor.
93. This number is almost certainly an underestimation. Many who took temporary domestic work as hired girls probably did not report the occupation of domestic service. Furthermore, this number includes only the labor force, and therefore excludes anyone under sixteen. In rural areas where the hired-girl model persisted, many hired girls were quite young women. For more on this point, see Katzman, Seven Days a Week.
94. Several scholars have noted the transitional nature of domestic service during this time. In particular see Dudden, Serving Women
95. and Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants.
96. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants.
97. The decline in absolute numbers of domestic servants in 1920 is the first in a hundred years of U.S. Census data collection, and is followed by another period of increasing numbers. This decline has been partially attributed to fluctuations in data collection, in particular to differences in enumerator instructions dealing with housewives in 1920. Katzman, however, has argued that the decline may also reflect a real temporary downturn. See Katzman, Seven Days a Week, 48, for more information.
98. Katzman, in Seven Days a Week, discusses these shifts in the supply of domestic servants.
99. For more information on changing immigration laws in this time period, see Elliott Robert Barkan, And Still They Come: Immigrants and American Society, 1920 to the 1990s (Wheeling, W. Va.: H. Davidson, 1996).
100. See Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants
101. Leslie, "Domestic Service in Canada, 1880-1920"
102. Ruth Schwartz Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York: Basic Books, 1993)
103. and Phyllis M. Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt: Housewives and Domestic Servants in the United States, 1920-1945 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990).
104. Cowan, More Work for Mother.
105. See Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants
106. and Leslie, "Domestic Service in Canada, 1880-1920."
107. See Stephanie Coontz, The Way We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap (New York: Basic Books, 1992)
108. and Cowan, More Work for Mother.
109. For a history of the social construction of childhood, see Viviana A. Rotman Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (New York: Basic Books, 1985)
110. and Philippe Ariès, Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life (New York: Knopf, 1962).
111. Cowan, in More Work for Mother, has argued that while technological and ideological changes for women in this era decreased the household labor force, the net effect was actually an increase in the amount of unpaid reproductive labor expected from women.
112. Hansen, in Taking Back the Day, makes the argument that in the early twentieth century, the size of the household labor force was significantly reduced, increasing the burden on individual women. She cites a study by Vanek that shows that the average full-time housewife in 1924 spent fifty-two hours a week doing household work, compared to fifty-five hours in 1965.
113. For fascinating oral histories of Black women domestic workers who participated in the "great migration" of Blacks from the rural South to the urban North in the early twentieth century, see Elizabeth Clark-Lewis, Living In, Living Out: African American Domestics and the Great Migration (New York: Kodansha, 1996).
114. See Judith Rollins, Between Women: Domestics and Their Employers (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1985).
115. Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, in Doméstica: Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring in the Shadows of Affluence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), uses the term "occupational ghetto" to describe the severe constraints on mobility for Black female domestics during the 1950s.
116. On regional variations, see Evelyn Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 18 (Autumn 1992): 1-43
117. and Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Issei, Nisei, Warbride: Three Generations of Japanese-American Women in Domestic Service (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986).
118. See Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt
119. Ryan, Love, Wages, Slavery
120. and Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants.
121. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants.
122. Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt.
123. For descriptions of the conditions of domestic workers at midcentury, see Rollins, Between Women
124. Mary Romero, Maid in the U.S.A. (New York: Routledge, 1992)
125. and Dorothy Roberts, "Spiritual and Menial Housework," Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 9 (1997): 51-80.
126. See Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica.
127. While it is certain that these numbers do not fully capture the extent of domestic service, they are good estimates of the trend direction and overall magnitude. The U.S. Census Bureau has improved its data collection over time, implementing efforts to include immigrants as well as informal economic arrangements, so any undercount of these groups should not be greater in later than in earlier years. See Karen Woodrow-Lafield, "Undocumented Residents in the United States in 1990: Issues of Uncertainty in Quantification," International Migration Review 32, no. 1 (1998): 145-173.
128. Teresa Amott and Julie Matthaei, Race, Gender, and Work: A Multicultural Economic History of Women in the United States (Boston: South End Press, 1996), gives detailed accounts of the movement of various racial-ethnic groups of women in and out of different occupations.
129. This term appears in Lewis A. Coser, "Servants: The Obsolescence of an Occupational Role," Social Forces 52 (1973): 31-40.
130. See Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica, on cooking
131. on the transformation of health care from domestic labor to hospital care, see Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982)
132. and Susan Reverby, Ordered to Care: The Dilemma of American Nursing, 1850-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). Chapters 3 and 4 in this volume describe the development of these care industries.
133. For more information on this migration, see Barkan, And Still They Come.
134. This term appears in Arlie Russell Hochschild, "Importing Motherhood: The Global Nanny Chain," American Prospect 11, no. 4 (2000): 32-36.
135. For more on the global migration of care workers, see Rhacel S. Parreñas, Servants of Globalization: Women, Migration, and Domestic Work (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001)
136. and Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica. In some cases the chain gets extended even further: the U.S. domestic sends money home, which allows her own family to hire care for her children, which requires the caretaker to provide alternate care for her own children.
137. Hondagneu-Sotelo, in Doméstica, finds that most live-in nanny/housekeepers have been in the United States for fewer than five years. Although new immigrants with no housing may initially find a live-in position attractive, the conditions of live-in work prompt most of them to move into live-out work or daywork as soon as they can.
138. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica.
139. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica, contains a section entitled "The Growth of Domestic Work."
140. Ruth Milkman's "The Macrosociology of Paid Domestic Labor," Work and Occupations 25, no. 4 (1998): 483-510, starts with the assumption that the occupation is on the rise.
141. For other examples, see Caitlin Flanagan, "How Serfdom Saved the Women's Movement: Dispatches from the Nanny Wars," Atlantic Monthly, March 2004, 109-130
142. and Hochschild, "Importing Motherhood."
143. Milkman, "The Macrosociology of Paid Domestic Labor."
144. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants, 61.
145. The scenario Sutherland describes is very similar to that in the twentieth century, when "generally women who took domestic jobs in this period had no other choices; they were socially peripheral and politically powerless and took housework jobs as a last resort when other employment failed" (Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt, 67).
146. This particular vulnerability in domestic service has been widely documented. Coser, in "Servants," identifies the diffuse nature of the work and its individualistic structure as part of what makes the domestic servant role incompatible with egalitarian ideologies. For descriptions of these constraints in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Lucy Maynard Salmon, Domestic Service (New York: Macmillan, 1897)
147. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants
148. Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt
149. Katzman, Seven Days a Week
150. and Dudden, Serving Women.
151. For descriptions of contemporary situations, see Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica
152. Mary Romero, Maid in the U.S.A.
153. Hochschild, "Importing Motherhood"
154. and Rollins, Between Women. These authors all describe similar challenges associated with the amount of work, the difficulty of enforcing boundaries, and the unique isolation of the job.
155. Katzman, Seven Days a Week, 111.
156. Hochschild, "Importing Motherhood," 33.
157. Salmon, Domestic Service, 145.
158. Also on this point see historian Clark-Lewis, Living In, Living Out, who refers to the "soul-destroying hollowness of live-in domestic work" and reports that most Black women in her study had tried to escape live-in positions as soon as they were able.
159. These sample calculations appear in Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica.
160. Also see Rollins, Between Women
161. and Romero, Maid in the U.S.A., on expanding hours for domestic workers.
162. Rollins, Between Women.
163. On this point see Rollins, Between Women. Describing heterosexual couples, Rollins explains that even when the wife is employed outside the home, generally the employer-employee relationship is between her and the domestic.
164. Numerous scholars have described this isolation as a major source of distress for domestics over the course of the century. See Salmon, Domestic Service
165. Katzman, Seven Days a Week
166. Rollins, Between Women
167. Romero, Maid in the U.S.A
168. and Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica.
169. Significantly, there is counterevidence that especially among nannies there may be more vehicles for connection than once thought. On this point see Amada Armenta, "Creating Community: Latina Nannies in a West Los Angeles Park," Qualitative Sociology 32, no. 3 (September 2009): 279-292.
170. For a description of some organizing efforts by domestic workers, see Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, "Survival Strategies among African American Women Workers: A Continuing Process," in Women, Work, and Protest: A Century of U.S. Women's Labor History, ed. Ruth Milkman (Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985), 139-155
171. Peggie R. Smith, "Organizing the Unorganizable: Private Paid Household Workers and Approaches to Employee Representation," North Carolina Law Review 79 (2000): 46-109
172. and Romero, Maid in the U.S.A.
173. Also see Domestic Workers United, who have had some success at the local level in pushing for a domestic workers' bill of rights in New York (www.domesticworkersunited.org).
174. See Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica, for a discussion of this in the contemporary context.
175. For detailed descriptions of the relationship between domestics and employing women in the latter half of the twentieth century, see Cameron Macdonald, "Manufacturing Motherhood: The Shadow Work of Nannies and Au Pairs," Qualitative Sociology 21, no. 1 (1998): 25-53
176. Rollins, Between Women
177. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica.
178. Katzman, in Seven Days a Week, describes the uniqueness of the intensely personal relationship between employer and employee.
179. See Salmon, Domestic Service, 131, for a list of the " advantages" of domestic work given by her survey respondents in 1890, which included health factors, better pay, and a place to live. However, by far the most respondents noted their primary reason for entering domestic service was that "it was most available."
180. Rollins, Between Women.
181. Romero, Maid in the U.S.A., 12.
182. Hondagneu-Sotelo, in Doméstica, finds similar discussions in her sample of some of the advantages of domestic service relative to other occupations open to Hispanic women.
183. Salmon, Domestic Service, 131.
184. Katzman observes the irony of a caste system that confined Black women and immigrant women to these jobs, which often paid more than other unskilled or semi-skilled positions, and concludes: "This factor more than any other underscores the degree to which domestic service must be examined primarily within the social, not the economic structure." Katzman, Seven Days a Week, 273.
185. Similarly, Sutherland, in Americans and Their Servants, finds that wages were not a frequent complaint of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century servants; their complaint was rather that no amount of wages could make up for the loss of dignity and lack of control over one's life experienced by domestic workers.
186. W.E.B. Du Bois, "The Philadelphia Negro," in The Social Theory of W.E.B. Du Bois, ed. Phil Zuckerman (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Pine Forge Press 2004 [1889]), 113-115.
187. Salmon, Domestic Service, 140.
188. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica
189. Rollins, Between Women
190. and Romero, Maid in the U.S.A., all document a range of experiences vis-à-vis wages among the domestic workers in their studies.
191. Rollins, Between Women, 72-73.
192. Hondagneu-Sotelo describes the variation in the earnings of nannies and housekeepers in Los Angeles in the mid 1990s. For live-in nannies/housekeepers, weekly earnings ranged from $100 a week to $450 a week; for live-out positions, the average wage was $5.90 an hour. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica, 35-38.
193. Romero, Maid in the U.S.A., 13.
194. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica
195. Rollins, Between Women
196. and Romero, Maid in the U.S.A.
197. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica, 217.
198. Arlene Kaplan Daniels, in "Invisible Work," Social Problems 34, no. 5 (1987), notes that recognition of an activity as work gives it a "moral force and dignity-something of importance in a society" (408).
199. See Roberts, "Spiritual and Menial Housework"
200. also Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
201. Rollins, Between Women, 78.
202. Daniels, in "Invisible Work," discusses this dynamic.
203. Roberts, "Spiritual and Menial Housework."
204. This division of labor is also described by Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work"
205. and Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt.
206. Cowan, in More Work for Mother, says this is expectation increased the burden on women, despite technological advances.
207. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants, 11.
208. Palmer, in Domesticity and Dirt, outlines the process from 1920 to 1945, exploring how the division of housework involved the assignment of meanings of whiteness and nonwhiteness, as well as of class. She argues that women learned appropriate social identities through assignment of tasks and the cultural significance of those tasks.
209. Also on this point see Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work"
210. and Roberts, "Spiritual and Menial Housework."
211. Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt.
212. Palmer, in Domesticity and Dirt, argues that this identification of menial housework with undesirable and unfeminine qualities was so intense that in later decades when domestic servants became less available and more housewives were forced to do the menial as well as the spiritual work, it felt untenable and left many feeling conflicted.
213. It is her assertion that these conflicts were a large source of the unrest identified by Betty Friedan in The Feminine Mystique (New York: Laurel, 1963).
214. Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex (New York: Vintage Press, 1959).
215. Palmer, Domesticity and Dirt.
216. Nakano Glenn, in "From Servitude to Service Work," has described the regional variation in which groups dominated domestic service.
217. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica.
218. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica
219. Rollins, Between Women
220. Hochschild, "Importing Motherhood."
221. Flanagan, "How Serfdom Saved the Women's Movement," 5.
222. For a discussion of the transformation of health care from home to hospital, see Susan M. Reverby, Ordered to Care: The Dilemma of American Nursing, 1850-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987)
223. Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982)
224. and Karen Buhler-Wilkerson, No Place Like Home: A History of Nursing and Home Care in the United States (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001). Unless otherwise cited, the discussion in the text that follows draws on Reverby for descriptions of changes in nursing care and on Starr for the role of physicians.
225. The discussion of the professionalization of medicine in the text that follows draws heavily on Starr's detailed discussion in The Social Transformation of American Medicine.
226. Ehrenreich and English have argued that the professionalization of medicine amounted to a take-over of healing expertise by men (doctors) from women (mid-wives and traditional healers). See Barbara Ehrenreich and Deidre English, For Her Own Good: 150 Years of Experts' Advice to Women (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1979).
227. For a description of the characteristics of a profession as developed in the healthcare field, see Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine
228. and Barbara Melosh, The Physician's Hand: Work Culture and Conflict in American Nursing (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982).
229. For a more general treatment of the characteristics of a profession, see Andrew Abbott, The System of Professions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).
230. Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine.
231. See Reverby, Ordered to Care
232. and Melosh, The Physician's Hand.
233. See Reverby, Ordered to Care
234. Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine
235. and Buhler-Wilkerson, No Place Like Home.
236. Reverby, in Ordered to Care, reports the use of the term "short course nurse."
237. Buhler-Wilkerson, in No Place Like Home, talks about the various iterations of care for the ill in the home.
238. Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine.
239. Kathleen Gow, in How Nurses' Emotions Affect Patient Care: Self-Studies by Nurses (New York: Springer, 1982), makes the argument that emphasis on feminine traits was part of an explicit professionalization strategy to differentiate nurses from doctors.
240. For a description of the day-to-day working conditions of nurses during this period, see Reverby, Ordered to Care
241. and Melosh, The Physician's Hand.
242. Reverby, Ordered to Care.
243. See Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), for a detailed account of the experiences of Black nurses during this time.
244. Dorothy Roberts discusses this continuity of roles in "Spiritual and Menial Housework," Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 9 (1997): 51-80
245. as does Evelyn Nakano Glenn in "From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 18 (Autumn 1992): 1-43.
246. Melosh, The Physician's Hand, 195, 196.
247. Suzanne Gordon, Nursing against the Odds: How Health Care Cost Cutting, Media Stereotypes, and Medical Hubris Undermine Nurses and Patient Care (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005).
248. Reverby, Ordered to Care, 195.
249. See Viviana A. Rotman Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (New York: Basic Books, 1985), 3.
250. See Martin Carnoy and Henry M. Levin, Schooling and Work in the Democratic State (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985).
251. Jo Anne Preston, "Domestic Ideology, School Reformers, and Female Teachers: Schoolteaching Becomes Women's Work in Nineteenth Century New England," New England Quarterly 66, no. 4 (1993): 532.
252. Among others who describe the transformation of teaching to women's work are Carnoy and Levin, Schooling and Work; 531-551
253. and Kate Rousmaniere, City Teachers: Teaching and School Reform in Historical Perspective (New York: Teachers College Press, 1997).
254. See Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child.
255. See Carnoy and Levin, Schooling and Work.
256. Priscilla Ferguson Clement, "The City and the Child, 1860-1885," in American Childhood: A Research Guide and Historical Handbook, ed. Joseph M. Hawes and N. Ray Hiner (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985), 186-235.
257. The link between Mann and the feminization of teaching is discussed by Carnoy and Levin in Schooling and Work
258. Preston in "Domestic Ideology,"
259. and Rousmaniere in City Teachers.
260. See Carnoy and Levin, Schooling and Work.
261. Rousmaniere, City Teachers, 35.
262. John L. Rury, "Who Became Teachers? The Social Characteristics of Teachers in American History," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 9-49.
263. Preston, "Domestic Ideology," 532.
264. Zelizer, Pricing the Priceless Child, 6. This section draws heavily on Zelizer's analysis.
265. Clement, "The City and the Child."
266. Rury, "Who Became Teachers?" 25.
267. Carnoy and Levin, Schooling and Work.
268. Rury, in "Who Became Teachers?" argues that the increased length of the school term made teaching less attractive to men, who often combined teaching with other professional work. He describes this as part of the economic push for feminization of the occupation.
269. See Carnoy and Levin, Schooling and Work
270. Rousmaniere, City Teachers. Carnoy and Levin point out that the movement toward "scientific management" in schools also led to tracking and specialized curricula, which were inextricably linked to racial segregation.
271. Rury, "Who Became Teachers?" 27.
272. For descriptions of early teacher organizing, see Rousmaniere, City Teachers.
273. James W. Fraser, in "Agents of Democracy: Urban Elementary-School Teachers and the Conditions of Teaching," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 118-156, has argued that the centralization of schools, while decreasing teachers' autonomy, actually increased their ability to organize by moving them from patronage-based situations into workplace settings.
274. Rousmaniere, City Teachers
275. and Fraser, "Agents of Democracy."
276. Rousmaniere, City Teachers, 28.
277. See Carnoy and Levin, Schooling and Work
278. and Rousmaniere, City Teachers.
279. For a discussion of the working conditions for teachers in the early twentieth century, see Preston, "Domestic Ideology"
280. and Rousmaniere, City Teachers.
281. Rousmaniere, in City Teachers, talks about the segregation of schools, Black women's role as teachers, and the role of some immigrant women as teachers.
282. Jacqueline Jones, in Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family, from Slavery to the Present (New York: Vintage Books, 1985), discusses the particular hardships and activism of Black teachers.
283. See Barbara Finkelstein, "Casting Networks of Good Influence: The Reconstruction of Childhood in the United States, 1790-1870," in American Childhood: A Research Guide and Historical Handbook, ed. Joseph M. Hawes and N. Ray Hiner (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985), 58-111.
284. This point is discussed by Clement in "The City and the Child." Intellectual exposure was thought to be damaging to young children, so kindergarten had to be framed in a particular way.
285. Barbara Beatty, "Child Gardening: The Teaching of Young Children in American Schools," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 65.
286. See Regina Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls: Unmarried Mothers and the Professionalization of Social Work, 1890-1945 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).
287. See Irene Philipson, On the Shoulders of Women: The Feminization of Psychotherapy (New York: Guilford Press, 1993).
288. The charity organization movement is described by June Axinn and Herman Levin in Social Welfare: A History of the American Response to Need (New York: Longman, 1992)
289. and by Kunzel in Fallen Women, Problem Girls. Kunzel uses the term "benevolence."
290. See Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls, for a description of the coordinating work of the COS.
291. An extensive body of scholarship describes the development of social welfare policy in the United States and these competing frames. See, for example, Axinn and Levin, Social Welfare
292. and Walter I. Trattner, From Poor Law to Welfare State: A History of Social Welfare in America (New York: Free Press, 1974).
293. Axinn and Levin, Social Welfare, 103.
294. The process of the professionalization of social work is described by Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls.
295. Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls.
296. Teresa Amott and Julie Matthaei, Race, Gender, and Work: A Multicultural Economic History of Women in the United States (Boston: South End Press, 1996), 163.
297. On Black women's clubs, see also Angela Davis, Women, Race, and Class (New York: Random House, 1983).
298. On early Black female social reformers, see Iris Carlton-LeNay, "African American Social Work Pioneers' Response to Need," Social Work 44, no. 4 (1999): 311-321.
299. Clement, "The City and the Child."
300. The approaches to child welfare are described by Hamilton Cravens in "Child-Saving in the Age of Professionalism, 1915-1930," in American Childhood: A Research Guide and Historical Handbook, ed. Joseph M. Hawes and N. Ray Hiner (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985), 377-415.
301. Cravens, in "Child-Saving in the Age of Professionalism," describes the development of child-guidance clinics.
302. Philipson, in On the Shoulders of Women, also identifies child-guidance clinics as one of the earliest forms of modern psychotherapy.
303. Dorothea Dix's work and her role in mental health reform are described in many introductory social welfare textbooks, including Howard Jacob Karger and David Stoesz, American Social Welfare Policy: A Pluralist Approach (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 2009).
304. Philipson, in On the Shoulders of Women, points out that mental health care before World War II consisted of institutional treatment for the seriously psychotic and psychoanalysis for the wealthy neurotic.
305. See Cravens, "Child-Saving in the Age of Professionalism"
306. and Philipson, On the Shoulders of Women.
307. Cited in Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls, 167.
308. See Ruth Schwartz Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York: Basic Books, 1999).
309. Luis L. M. Aguiar and Andrew Herod, eds., The Dirty Work of Neoliberalism: Cleaners in the Global Economy (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2006), 3.
310. Ilene J. Philipson, On the Shoulders of Women: The Feminization of Psychotherapy (New York: Guilford Press, 1993), 67.
311. See Harry Braverman, Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974).
312. For a summary of this argument, see Ronnie J. Steinberg, "Social Construction of Skill: Gender, Power, and Comparable Worth," Work and Occupations 17, no. 4 (1990): 449-482.
313. See Paula England, Comparable Worth: Theories and Evidence (New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1992)
314. and Joan Acker, Doing Comparable Worth: Gender, Class, and Pay Equity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990).
315. Jo Anne Preston, "Domestic Ideology, School Reformers, and Female Teachers: Schoolteaching Becomes Women's Work in Nineteenth Century New England," New England Quarterly 66, no. 4 (1993): 531-551
316. Margery W. Davies, Woman's Place Is at the Typewriter: Office Work and Office Workers, 1870-1930 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984)
317. and Samuel Cohn, The Process of Occupational Sex-Typing: The Feminization of Clerical Labor (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1985).
318. See U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Medicare: Long-Term Care. Retrieved January 18, 2010, from http://www.medicare.gov/LongTermCare/ Static/Home.asp.
319. Philipson, On the Shoulders of Women, 6.
320. Elizabeth Arias, "United States Life Tables, 2004," National Vital Statistics Report 56, no. 9 (2007).
321. Suzanne Gordon, Nursing against the Odds: How Health Care Cost Cutting, Media Stereotypes, and Medical Hubris Undermine Nurses and Patient Care (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005).
322. Richard Nixon first used the term "health maintenance organization" and introduced federal endorsement, certification, and assistance to such organizations in the 1970s. See Healthcare Crisis: Who's at Risk? Healthcare Timeline, PBS, produced by Issues TV (2000).
323. Retrieved January 18, 2010, from http://www.pbs.org/healthcarecrisis/ history.htm.
324. Barbara Melosh, The Physician's Hand: Work Culture and Conflict in American Nursing (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982), 198
325. and Ester C. Apesoa-Varano and Charles S. Varano, "Nurses and Labor Activism in the United States: The Role of Class, Gender, and Ideology," Social Justice 31, no. 3 (2004): 77-104.
326. Melosh, in The Physician's Hand, argues that the pressure of unions played a critical role in the emergence of the primary nursing care model.
327. Melosh, in The Physician's Hand, describes this model.
328. See also Suzanne Gordon, Life Support: Three Nurses on the Front Lines (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2007)
329. Dana Beth Weinberg, Code Green: Money-Driven Hospitals and the Dismantling of Nursing (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2003)
330. and Gordon, Nursing against the Odds.
331. Gordon, in Nursing against the Odds
332. and Weinberg, in Code Green, talk about this trend toward cost cutting, although they both focus on its impact on nursing.
333. On the rise of evidence-based medicine, see Stefan Timmermans and Marc Berg, The Gold Standard: The Challenge of Evidence-Based Medicine and Standardization in Health Care (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2003).
334. See Michael J. Carter and Susan Boslego Carter, "Women's Recent Progress in the Professions, or Women Get a Ticket to Ride after the Gravy Train Has Left the Station," Feminist Studies 7, no. 3 (1981): 477-504.
335. Barbara F. Reskin and Patricia A. Roos, Job Queues, Gender Queues: Explaining Women's Inroads into Male Occupations (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990).
336. Jerry Jacobs and Ann Boulis, The Changing Face of Medicine: Women Doctors and the Evolution of Health Care in America (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2008).
337. Gordon, Nursing against the Odds
338. and Weinberg, Code Green.
339. Barry T. Hirsch and David A. Macpherson, "Union Membership and Coverage Database from the Current Population Survey: Note," Industrial and Labor Relations Review 56, no. 2 (January 2003): 349-354. Updated data retrieved from www.unionstats.com, July 2009.
340. Philip Dine, State of the Unions: How Labor Can Strengthen the Middle Class, Improve our Economy, and Regain Political Influence (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2008), 101.
341. Gordon, Nursing against the Odds.
342. Weinberg, Code Green, 49.
343. This list of some of the tasks that used to be performed by nurses comes from Gordon, Nursing against the Odds.
344. Gordon, in Nursing against the Odds
345. and Weinberg, in Code Green, both describe how restructuring and cost cutting at Beth Israel and elsewhere have impacted nursing practice.
346. Timothy Diamond titles a chapter "If It Is Not Charted It Didn't Happen" in Making Gray Gold: Narratives of Nursing Home Care (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992)
347. Deborah Stone, in "Caring by the Book," in Care Work: Gender, Labor, and the Welfare State, ed. Madonna Harrington Meyer (New York: Routledge, 2000), 89-111, describes a similar dynamic for home-care aides.
348. Several scholars have documented the importance to the workers they interviewed of relationships as well as of the emotional and relational aspects of the job. See Stone, "Caring by the Book"
349. Diamond, Making Gray Gold
350. and Gordon, Nursing against the Odds.
351. Linda C. Andrist, "The History of the Relationship between Feminism and Nursing," in A History of Nursing Ideas, ed. Linda C. Andrist, Patrice K. Nicholas, and Karen A. Wolf (Sudbury, Mass.: Jones and Bartlett, 2006), 19.
352. Diamond, Making Gray Gold, 18.
353. Lisa Dodson and Rebekah M. Zincavage, "'It's Like a Family': Caring Labor, Exploitation, and Race in Nursing Homes," Gender and Society 21, no. 6 (2007): 912
354. Stone, in "Caring by the Book," has described a very similar process for home-care aides, who end up doing things for their clients on their own time that are not part of their official duties.
355. Robert Moroney, in Caring and Competent Caregivers (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998), has pointed out that despite the popular perception that these institutions emerged in response to a decline in family responsibility and care, research data suggest that family members in earlier eras did not have to make institutionalization decisions, as fewer people survived to old age and most who were born with a severe disability died very young.
356. Karen Buhler-Wilkerson makes this point in No Place Like Home: A History of Nursing and Home Care in the United States (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), an excellent history of home care.
357. Eileen Boris and Jennifer Klein describe the development of these two different models in "Organizing Home Care: Low-Waged Workers in the Welfare State," Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (2006): 81-108.
358. Buhler-Wilkerson, in No Place Like Home, also discusses the different models of home care.
359. Nona Y. Glazer, "Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Women's Professional Organizations in Nursing and Class, Racial, and Ethnic Inequalities," Gender and Society 5, no. 3 (1991): 351-372.
360. See Susan M. Reverby, Ordered to Care: The Dilemma of American Nursing, 1850-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987)
361. Boris and Klein, "Organizing Home Care"
362. and Glazer, "Between a Rock and a Hard Place."
363. See Nancy Guberman, Éric Gagnon, Denyse Côté, Claude Gilbert, Nicole Thivièrge, and Marielle Tremblay, "How the Trivialization of the Demands of High-Tech Care in the Home Is Turning Family Members into Para-Medical Personnel," Journal of Family Issues 26, no. 2 (2005): 247-272.
364. One of the authors' main arguments is that shifting some of this high-tech labor (injections, IVs, et cetera) to family members trivializes the knowledge and skills involved, and so is part of the degrading of professional workers. Cameron Macdonald is investigating this phenomenon in the United States in an as yet unpublished project. Gordon, in Nursing against the Odds, also mentions this trend toward trivialization as part of the deskilling of nursing.
365. Stone, "Caring by the Book."
366. Boris and Klein, "Organizing Home Care."
367. Long Island Care at Home, Ltd., v. Coke, 127 S. Ct. 2339 (2007).
368. See Peggie Smith, "Protecting Home Care Workers under the Fair Labor Standards Act." Direct Care Alliance Policy Brief No. 2 (2009). Retrieved January 18, 2010, from http://blog.directcarealliance.org/wp-content/uploads/ 2009/06/6709-dca-policybrief-2final.pdf.
369. Charles E. Strickland and Andrew M. Ambrose, "The Baby Boom, Prosperity, and the Changing Worlds of Children, 1945-1963," in American Childhood: A Research Guide and Historical Handbook, ed. Joseph M. Hawes and N. Ray Hiner (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1985), 533.
370. See Strickland and Ambrose, "The Baby Boom"
371. and John L. Rury, "Who Became Teachers? The Social Characteristics of Teachers in American History," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 9-48.
372. Strickland and Ambrose, "The Baby Boom."
373. Rury, "Who Became Teachers?"
374. Even at the height of the idealization of motherhood, women were still thought to need plenty of advice from experts like Dr. Benjamin Spock and other (mostly male) psychologists. On this point see Strickland and Ambrose, "The Baby Boom."
375. Strickland and Ambrose, "The Baby Boom," 538.
376. Bronfenbrenner is cited in ibid., 540. See Urie Bronfenbrenner, "Reality and Research in the Ecology of Human Development," American Philosophical Society Proceedings 119, no. 6 (December 1975): 439-469.
377. Kate Rousmaniere, City Teachers: Teaching and School Reform in Historical Perspective (New York: Teachers College Press, 1997).
378. William R. Johnson, "Teachers and Teacher Training in the Twentieth Century," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 240.
379. Susan Carter, "Incentives and Rewards to Teaching," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 57.
380. Rury, "Who Became Teachers?"
381. Wayne J. Urban, "Teacher Activism," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 190-209.
382. Rury, "Who Became Teachers?"
383. Urban, "Teacher Activism."
384. Rury, "Who Became Teachers?"
385. Urban, "Teacher Activism."
386. Rousmaniere, City Teachers, 28.
387. The subtitle of this section borrows from Nel Noddings, "Caring and Competence," in The Education of Teachers, ed. Gary A. Griffin (Chicago: National Society for the Study of Education, 1999), 205-220.
388. Doug Selwyn, "Highly Quantified Teachers: NCLB and Teacher Education," Journal of Teacher Education 58 (2007): 131.
389. Carolyn Bunting, "Teaching to Survive NCLB," Education Digest 72, no. 5 (2007): 12-15
390. Monty Neill, "Preparing Teachers to Beat the Agonies of No Child Left Behind," Education Digest 71, no. 8 (2006): 8-12
391. and June Million, "Nurturing Teachers in the Famine of NCLB," Education Digest 70, no. 9 (2005): 16-18.
392. Hirsch and Macpherson, "Union Membership and Coverage Database." Updated data available at http://www.unionstats.com.
393. According to Julia E. Koppich, in "A Tale of Two Approaches-The AFT, the NEA, and NCLB," Peabody Journal of Education 80, no. 2 (2005): 137-155, in 2005, 90 percent of public school teachers paid dues to either the NEA or the AFT.
394. Koppich, "A Tale of Two Approaches."
395. Barbara Beatty, "Child Gardening: The Teaching of Young Children in American Schools," in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Donald Warren (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 65-92.
396. Lynet Uttal, Making Care Work: Employed Mothers in the New Childcare Market (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2002).
397. Edward Zigler, "By What Goals Should Head Start Be Assessed?" Children's Services: Social Policy, Research, and Practice 1, no. 1 (1998): 5-17.
398. Uttal, Making Care Work.
399. Mary C. Tuominen, We Are Not Babysitters: Family Child Care Providers Redefine Work and Care (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2003), 61.
400. See also Cameron Macdonald and David A. Merrill, "'It Shouldn't Have to Be a Trade': Recognition and Redistribution in Care Work Advocacy," Hypatia 17, no. 2 (2002): 78, for a discussion of a similar dynamic among child-care center workers.
401. Tuominen, We Are Not Babysitters.
402. Uttal, Making Care Work, 51.
403. For other examples of studies that show parents and child-care workers speaking explicitly about having and wanting relationships between providers and children, see Margaret K. Nelson, Negotiated Care: The Experience of Family Day Care Providers (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990)
404. Rosanna Hertz, "A Typology of Approaches to Child Care: The Centerpiece of Organizing Family Life for Dual-Earner Couples," Journal of Family Issues 18, no. 4 (1997): 355-385
405. and Julia Wrigley, Other People's Children: An Intimate Account of the Dilemmas Facing Middle-Class Parents and the Women They Hire (New York: Basic Books, 1995).
406. Uttal, Making Care Work.
407. Tuominen, in We Are Not Babysitters, also found that cultural stereotypes often identified women of color as more emotional and loving-and less skilled-than White women.
408. Lynet Uttal and Mary Tuominen, "Tenuous Relationships: Exploitation, Emotion, and Racial Ethnic Significance in Paid Child Care Work," Gender and Society 13, no. 6 (1999): 755-777.
409. It is not clear whether these notions are motivational in the choice of child-care provider or are "interpretive acts" that serve to justify choices after the fact. Cameron Macdonald, in "Manufacturing Motherhood: The Shadow Work of Nannies and Au Pairs," Qualitative Sociology 21 (1998): 25-53, discusses how nannies and mothers who employ them engage in these kinds of interpretive acts to preserve the ideology of intensive motherhood.
410. Wrigley, Other People's Children, 20.
411. While Wrigley does not use the labels "spiritual" and "menial," her discussion parallels this distinction made by Dorothy Roberts in "Spiritual and Menial Housework," Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 9, no. 51 (1997).
412. Macdonald, in "Manufacturing Motherhood," also distinguishes between spiritual and menial child care and reports a similar dynamic.
413. See Nelson, Negotiated Care, for discussion of this division of labor.
414. Macdonald, "Manufacturing Motherhood"
415. Nelson, Negotiated Care.
416. For further discussion about how transferring the labor of motherhood is perceived as problematic, see Rosanna Hertz and Faith Ferguson, "Childcare Choice and Constraints in the United States: Social Class, Race, and the Influence of Family Views," Journal of Comparative Family Studies 27, no. 2 (1996): 249-280
417. Mary Tuominen, "Gender, Class, and Motherhood: The Legacy of Federal Child Care Policy," AFFILIA 7, no. 4 (1992): 8-25
418. and Lynet Uttal, "Racial Safety and Cultural Maintenance: The Child Care Concerns of Employed Mothers of Color," Ethnic Studies Review 19, no. 1 (1996): 43-59.
419. Annette Lareau, Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).
420. See Sherry Wexler, "Work/Family Policy Stratification: The Examples of Family Support and Family Leave," Qualitative Sociology 20, no. 2 (1997): 311-322.
421. Uttal, "Racial Safety and Cultural Maintenance," 51.
422. Macdonald and Merrill, "It Shouldn't Have to Be a Trade," 78.
423. Tuominen, We Are Not Babysitters.
424. Regina Kunzel, Fallen Women, Problem Girls: Unmarried Mothers and the Profes-sionalization of Social Work, 1890-1945 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).
425. See Philipson, On the Shoulders of Women. The discussion that follows draws heavily on Philipson's argument about the feminization of psychology.
426. On the process of medicalization in mental health and the move toward increased drug treatment, see, for example, Allan Horwitz and Jerome Wakefield, The Loss of Sadness: How Psychiatry Transformed Normal Sorrow into Depressive Disorder (London: Oxford University Press, 2007)
427. David Herzberg, Happy Pills in America: From Milltown to Prozac (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009)
428. and Christopher Lane, Shyness: How Normal Behavior Became a Sickness (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007).
429. Philipson, On the Shoulders of Women.
430. Iris Carlton-LeNay, "African American Social Work Pioneers' Response to Need" Social Work 44, no. 4 (1999): 315.
431. Preston, "Domestic Ideology."
432. Philipson, On the Shoulders of Women.
433. Reskin and Roos, Job Queues, Gender Queues.
434. Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, in Doméstica: Immigrant Workers Cleaning and Caring in the Shadows of Affluence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), reports that the roles of nannies and housekeepers often overlap, as mentioned in chapter 2.
435. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 18 (Autumn 1992): 1-43.
436. U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census (2000), "Classified Index of Occupations." Retrieved January 18, 2010, from http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/ioindex/view.html.
437. Barbara Ehrenreich, Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2001), 90.
438. On this point, see Niklas Krause, Teresa Scherzer, and Reiner Rugulies, "Physical Workload, Work Intensification, and Prevalence of Pain in Low-Wage Workers: Results from a Participatory Research Project with Hotel Room Cleaners in Las Vegas," American Journal of Industrial Medicine 48, no. 5 (2005): 326-337.
439. Peter Milburn and Rod Barrett, in "Lumbosacral Loads in Bedmaking," Applied Ergonomics 30, no. 3 (1999): 263-373, document the heavy and risky work involved in repetitive bed making, especially in light of the hospitality industry's shift toward heavier and larger beds.
440. Timothy Diamond, in Making Gray Gold: Narratives of Nursing Home Care (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), also describes the work of nursing assistants who do some of the cleaning in nursing homes as physically backbreaking.
441. Ehrenreich, Nickel and Dimed, 70. The data available in the American Community Survey cannot be broken down to separately identify workers employed by house-cleaning services.
442. Mary Romero, Maid in the U.S.A. (New York: Routledge, 1992).
443. See also Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica
444. and Judith Rollins, Between Women: Domestics and Their Employers (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1985).
445. Hondagneu-Sotelo, Doméstica, 47.
446. The ways in which independent housecleaners sometimes organize cooperative structures to help find jobs has also been explored in Leslie Salzinger, "A Maid by Any Other Name: The Transformation of Dirty Work by Central American Immigrants," in Ethnography Unbound: Power and Resistance in the Modern Metropolis, ed. Michael Buroway (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 139-160.
447. Ehrenreich, in Nickel and Dimed, has argued that the procedures used by the maid service she worked for in Maine did not achieve true cleanliness, but rather a surface-level shine that could be produced quickly.
448. Jennifer Bickham-Mendez, in "Of Mops and Maids: Contradictions and Continuities in Bureaucratized Domestic Work," Social Problems 45, no. 1 (1998): 114-135, has also documented the routinization of housecleaning work in corporate franchise operations.
449. Bickham-Mendez, "Of Mops and Maids."
450. For more discussion of the characteristics of service work, see Cameron Macdonald and Carmen Sirianni, eds., Working in the Service Society (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996)
451. and Marek Korczynski and Cameron Macdonald, eds., Service Work: Critical Perspectives (New York: Routledge, 2009).
452. Bickham-Mendez documents this in "Of Mops and Maids."
453. Ehrenreich, in Nickel and Dimed
454. and Bickham-Mendez, in "Of Mops and Maids," both point this out, and my informal search of some of the major Web sites confirms it. Every Web site I visited either shows a picture of a maid on her hands and knees scrubbing a floor, advertises that specific service, or both.
455. See Cynthia Cranford, "Networks of Exploitation: Immigrant Labor and the Restructuring of the Los Angeles Janitorial Industry," Social Problems 52, no. 3 (2005): 379-397
456. and Roger Waldinger, Chris Erickson, Ruth Milkman, Daniel B. J. Mitchell, Abel Valenzuela, Kent Wong, and Maurice Zeitlin, "Helots No More: A Case Study of the Justice for Janitors Campaign in Los Angeles," in Organizing to Win: New Research on Union Strategies, ed. Kate Bronfenbrenner, Sheldon Friedman, Richard W. Hurd, Rudolph A. Oswald, and Ronald L. Seeber (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), 102-119.
457. Cranford, "Networks of Exploitation," 390.
458. Both Cranford in "Networks of Exploitation,"
459. and Waldinger et al. in "Helots No More" argue that Latinos did not push African Americans out of these jobs, but rather were used by companies as cheaper and more controllable replacements as African Americans left an occupation with deteriorating working conditions.
460. Cynthia Cranford, "It's Time to Leave Machismo Behind! Challenging Gender Inequality in an Immigrant Union," Gender and Society 21, no. 3 (2007): 409-438.
461. Cranford, "Networks of Exploitation,"
462. and Waldinger et al., "Helots No More."
463. Preston Rudy, "'Justice for Janitors' Not 'Compensation for Custodians': The Political Context and Organizing in San Jose and Sacramento," in Rebuilding Labor: Organizing and Organizers in the New Union Movement, ed. Milkman and Voss (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2004), 133-149.
464. Nona Y. Glazer, "Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Women's Professional Organizations in Nursing and Class, Racial, and Ethnic Inequalities," Gender and Society 5, no. 3 (1991): 351-372.
465. Pat Armstrong, Hugh Armstrong, and Krista Scott-Dixon, Critical to Care: The Invisible Women in Health Services (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), 96; while this is a study of the Canadian health-care system, there are important parallels to dynamics within the U.S. system. The title of this subsection is drawn from the title of this book.
466. Nakano Glenn, in "From Servitude to Service Work," has made a similar argument. She shows that the construction of certain jobs as primarily manual ignores the relational content of the labor of workers on the lower rungs of the hospital hierarchy.
467. Robert Moroney makes this point in Caring and Competent Caregivers (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998).
468. Mona Harrington, Care and Equality: Inventing a New Family Politics (New York: Knopf, 1999), 21.
469. Evelyn Nakano Glenn, "From Servitude to Service Work: Historical Continuities in the Racial Division of Paid Reproductive Labor," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 18 (Autumn 1992): 1-43
470. and Dorothy Roberts, "Spiritual and Menial Housework," Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 9, no. 51 (1997): 51-80.
471. Roberts, "Spiritual and Menial Housework"
472. and Daniel E. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants: Domestic Service in the United States from 1800 to 1920 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981).
473. Susan Reverby, Ordered to Care: The Dilemma of American Nursing, 1850-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 195.
474. Timothy Diamond, Making Gray Gold: Narratives of Nursing Home Care (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995).
475. Suzanne Gordon, Nursing against the Odds: How Health Care Cost Cutting, Media Stereotypes, and Medical Hubris Undermine Nurses and Patient Care (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005), 221. Emphasis added.
476. Cameron Macdonald and David Merrill, "'It Shouldn't Have to Be a Trade': Recognition and Redistribution in Care Work Advocacy," Hypatia 17, no. 2 (2002): 77.
477. Valerie Adams and Julie Nelson, "The Economics of Nursing: Articulating Care," Feminist Economics 15, no. 4 (2009): 3.
478. For more details see Sheldon Danziger and Peter Gottschalk, America Unequal (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1995).
479. For a discussion of the potential confluences between a labor movement and calls for a care movement, see Mignon Duffy, "'We are the Union': Care Work, Unions, and Social Movements," Humanity and Society 34, no. 2 (2010): 125-140.
480. Nancy Folbre describes these models in "Demanding Quality: Worker/Consumer Coalitions and 'High-Road' Strategies in the Care Sector," Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (March 2006): 11-31.
481. For more general discussion of high-road strategies, see Stephen Herzenberg, John Alic, and Howard Wial, New Rules for a New Economy: Employment and Opportunity in Postindustrial America (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998)
482. and Eileen Appelbaum, Manufacturing Advantage: Why High Performance Work Systems Pay Off (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2000).
483. Peggie Smith, "Protecting Home Care Workers under the Fair Labor Standards Act," Direct Care Alliance Policy Brief No. 2 (June 2009, www.directcarealliance.org), provides an excellent discussion of home-care workers' exclusion from a number of basic legal protective frameworks.
484. Harley Shaiken, "Unions, the Economy, and Employee Free Choice," Economic Policy Institute Briefing Paper No. 181 (February 2007, www.epi.org), describes the ways in which workers' right to organize has been curtailed in recent decades and makes a strong argument for strengthening legal protection of that right.
485. Kari Waerness, "The Rationality of Caring," in Caregiving: Readings in Knowledge, Practice, Ethics, and Politics, ed. Suzanne Gordon, Patricia Benner, and Nel Noddings (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), 231-256.
486. Randy Albelda, Mignon Duffy, and Nancy Folbre, Counting on Care Work: Human Infrastructure in Massachusetts (September 2009, www.countingcare.org). This section draws on our argument in this report.
487. F. Scott Fitzgerald, The Crack-Up (New York: New Directions, 1945[1931]), 69.