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Following World War 11, the academic establishment of American political science fostered a liberal-reformist credo that emphasized unified partisan government and presidential leadership in the tradition of Roosevelt and the New Deal. See James L. Sundquist, Dynamics of the Party System: Alignmentand Realignment of Political Parties in the United States (Washington, D.C. 1973), especially chaps. 10-12.
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For a recent explication of this view, which emphasizes policy gridlock or stalemate under divided partisan government, see, (Winter).
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23
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in (New Haven), challenges the stalemate thesis by identifying 267 important enactments showing considerably less clustering under unified partisan governments than the stalemate thesis would predict.
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David R. Mayhew, in Divided We Govern: Party Control, Lawmaking, and Investigations, 1946-1990 (New Haven, 1991), challenges the stalemate thesis by identifying 267 important enactments showing considerably less clustering under unified partisan governments than the stalemate thesis would predict.
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Mayhew, D.R.1
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24
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Congressional scholar, in (Washington, D.C.), shares Mayhew's concern that system production should be the test of policymaking, not whether the president got what he wanted.
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Congressional scholar Charles O. Jones, in The Presidency in a Separated System (Washington, D.C. 1994), shares Mayhew's concern that system production should be the test of policymaking, not whether the president got what he wanted.
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In 1961 the Supreme Court in Monroe v. Pape broadened the interpretation of section 1983 of Title 42 of the U.S. Code, enacted in 1871 to make federal remedies available to anyone deprived of a constitutional or statutory right by a person acting “under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage, of any State.” The Court in Monroe enabled plaintiffs to seek damages in a federal court as a first resort, rather than as a backstop available only after state-level remedies had been exhausted. See, :.
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In 1961 the Supreme Court in Monroe v. Pape broadened the interpretation of section 1983 of Title 42 of the U.S. Code, enacted in 1871 to make federal remedies available to anyone deprived of a constitutional or statutory right by a person acting “under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage, of any State.” The Court in Monroe enabled plaintiffs to seek damages in a federal court as a first resort, rather than as a backstop available only after state-level remedies had been exhausted. See Martha Derthick, “Crossing the Thresholds: Federalism in the 1960s,” Journal of Policy History 8:1 (1996): 64-80.
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Chayes, A.1
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Criticism of judicial activism, developed by liberals in the Progressive and New Deal eras to protest the conservative activism of the Lochner court, was voiced by conservatives in the wake of the Warren Court. See, (New Haven)
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Criticism of judicial activism, developed by liberals in the Progressive and New Deal eras to protest the conservative activism of the Lochner court, was voiced by conservatives in the wake of the Warren Court. See Alexander M. Bickel, The Least Dangerous Branch (New Haven, 1962)
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Presumptions for Preferences: The Small Business Administration's Decisions on Groups Entided to Affirmative Action
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Women, excluded from the original, race-oriented set-aside program in 1977, much as they had been excluded from Tide VI in 1964, again pursued a parallel, catch-up strategy. In 1979 President Carter issued Executive Order 12138 to include women-owned businesses in federal assistance programs. The Women's Business Ownership Act of 1988 authorized the federal promotion of women business enterprises (WBEs), which received x0024;1.75 billion in federal contracts that year. See, :.
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Women, excluded from the original, race-oriented set-aside program in 1977, much as they had been excluded from Tide VI in 1964, again pursued a parallel, catch-up strategy. In 1979 President Carter issued Executive Order 12138 to include women-owned businesses in federal assistance programs. The Women's Business Ownership Act of 1988 authorized the federal promotion of women business enterprises (WBEs), which received x0024;1.75 billion in federal contracts that year. See George R. LaNoue and John C. Sullivan, “Presumptions for Preferences: The Small Business Administration's Decisions on Groups Entided to Affirmative Action,” Journal of Policy History 6: 4 (1994): 439-67.
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In 1989, when Republican-appointed conservatives achieved a narrow majority on the Supreme Court, the Richmond MBE set-aside was held unconstitutional in
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41
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In, the Supreme Court overturned Fullilove, applying strict judicial scrutiny to racial classifications by government, as in Croson (and Broun).
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Wilson1
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In a few celebrated instances (school desegregation guidelines for Mayor Daley's Chicago, school dress codes and hair-length codes, school-busing requirements for racial balance), OCR regulations were repudiated even by Democratic-controlled Congresses. In others (banning boys' choirs and father-daughter school dinners), public ridicule forced bureaucratic retreat. See, for example, (New York)
-
In a few celebrated instances (school desegregation guidelines for Mayor Daley's Chicago, school dress codes and hair-length codes, school-busing requirements for racial balance), OCR regulations were repudiated even by Democratic-controlled Congresses. In others (banning boys' choirs and father-daughter school dinners), public ridicule forced bureaucratic retreat. See, for example, Joseph A. Califano, Governing America (New York, 1981), 219-26.
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