'Intelligently Directed Welfare Work'?: Labour Management Strategies in Local Context: Port Pirie, 1915-29

Labour History

Volumn , Issue 76, 1999, Pages 125-148

  Eklund, Erik ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; AUSTRALIA; CHILD; CHILD CARE; COMMUNITY CARE; ECONOMICS; ETHNOLOGY; HISTORY; HUMAN; LEGAL ASPECT; PHYSIOLOGY; PRESCHOOL CHILD; PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECT; PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP; RECREATION; SOCIAL BEHAVIOR; SOCIAL CHANGE; SOCIAL PROBLEM; SOCIAL WELFARE;

CHILD; CHILD CARE; CHILD, PRESCHOOL; COMMUNITY HEALTH SERVICES; COMMUNITY NETWORKS; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; PUBLIC-PRIVATE SECTOR PARTNERSHIPS; RECREATION; SOCIAL CHANGE; SOCIAL PROBLEMS; SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY; SOCIAL WELFARE; SOUTH AUSTRALIA;

EID: 84866790974     PISSN: 00236942     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.3828/27516632     Document Type: Article

References (112)

1. D. Deacon, Taylorism in the Home: The Medical Profession, the Infant Welfare Movement and the Deskilling of Women', Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, vol. 21, no. 2,1985, pp. 161-173 and K. Reigger, The Disenchantment of the Home: Modernising the Australian Family, 1880-1940, Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1985, p. 3. For insights into this diverse ideological current see T. Rowse, Australia Liberalism and National Character, Kibble Books, Malmsbury (Victoria), 1978, pp. 61-77.
2. These figures are from the 1911 Commonwealth Census as listed in the Commonwealth Yearbook, 1916, no. 9, pp. 114-116.
3. For examples of the focus on strikes and demonstrations in particular see J. Iremonger, J. Merritt and G. Osborne (eds), Strikes: Studies in Twentieth Century Australian Social History, Angus & Robertson/Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, Sydney, 1973. For more recent work by labour historians on localities and their political and social makeup which is especially strong in terms of considering local class relations see G. Patmore, 'Labour-Community Coalitions and State Enterprise: retrenchment at the Lithgow small arms factory', Journal of Industrial Relations, vol. 39, no. 2,1997, pp. 218-243 and B. Bowden, '"Some mysterious terror"': the Relationship between Capital and Labour in Ipswich, 1861-1897', Labour History, no. 72,1997, pp. 77-100. For an overview of the Australian work on localities, and a review of theoretical issues, see L. Taksa, 'Community and Locality: a conceptual overview', Paper presented to the Labour and Locality Conference, State Library of New South Wales, Sydney, 14 June 1997.
4. For Wright's outline of welfarism see C. Wright, The Management ofLabour: a History ofAustralian Employers, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1995, pp. 20-24,33-34. The author of this article is currently undertaking a comparative project that considers Mount Morgan, Queenstown (Tasmania), Port Kembla and Port Pirie.
5. See L. Taksa, 'Scientific Management: Technique or Cultural Ideology?', Journal of Industrial Relations, vol. 34,1992, pp. 356-395 and L. Taksa, '"All a Matter of Tuning: Managerial Innovation and Workplace Culture in the New South Wales Railways prior to 1921', Australian Historical Studies, vol. 29, no. 110,1998, pp. 1-26. On the other hand scholars such as Patmore, Nelson, Wright and Jacoby differentiate between scientific management and welfarism. See G. Patmore, Australian Labour History, Longman Cheshire, Melbourne, 1991, pp. 133-134;
6. G. Patmore, 'Scientific Management and Bureaucracy: The NSW Railways prior to 1932', Labour & Industry, vol. 1, no. 2, June 1988, especially, pp. 307-309; D. Nelson, Managers and Workers: Origins of the Twentieth-Century Factory System in the United States, 1880-1920, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1995, pp. 99-118 and Wright, The Management of Labour, pp. 20-24 and S.M. Jacoby, Modern Manors: Welfare Capitalism since the New Deal, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1997, pp. 11-34. See also a recent thematic edition of International Labor and Working Class History (no. 53, Spring 1998), on 'Patronage, Paternalism and Company Welfarism'.
7. See C.R. Littler, The Development ofthe Labour Process in Capitalist Societies, Heinemann, London, 1982, p. 3.
8. See, for example, Gunther Peck, 'Divided Loyalties: Immigrant paradoxes and the Evolution of Industrial Paternalism in North America', International Labor and Working Class History, no. 53, Spring 1998, p. 50. Peck argues that a narrow definition of industrial paternalism has led to scholars 'neglecting [its] important ideological features.'
9. See D. Brody, Workers in Industrial America: Essays on the Twentieth-Century Struggle, Oxford University Press, New York, 1980, pp. 48-81;
10. Jacoby, Modern Manors, pp. 11-34.
11. See G. Patmore, Australian Labour History, pp. 133-134;
12. M. McCallum, 'Corporate welfarism in Canada, 1919-1939', Canadian Historical Review, vol. 71, no. 1,1990, pp. 46-50;
13. H. Jones, 'Employers' welfare schemes and industrial relations in inter-war Britain', Business History Review, vol. 25,1983, pp. 61-75;
14. Brody, Workers in Industrial America, pp. 48-81. For an outline of welfarism in the base-metals smelting and refining industry see E. Eklund, 'Managers, Workers and Industrial Welfare: management strategies at ER&S and the Sulphide Corporation, 1895-1929', Australian Economic History Review, vol. 37, no. 2,1997, pp. 137-157. For a detailed outline of one Australian company's industrial welfarism see A. Alexander, The Zinc Works: Producing Zinc at Risdon, 1916-1991, Artemis, Hobart, 1991. For one contemporary outline of 'welfare work' see Advisory Council of Science and Industry, Welfare Work, Bulletin No. 15, Government Printer, Melbourne, 1919.
15. D.W. Meining, On the Margins ofthe Good Earth: The South Australian Wheat Frontier, 1869-1884, South Australian Government Printer, Netley, 1988, pp. 60-61 and R.J.R. Donley, The Rise ofPort Pirie, published by the author, Port Pirie, 1975, pp. 15-16.
16. The narrow gauge line was completed to Cockburn, near the New South Wales border, in June 1887, and the Silverton Tramway Company completed the link to Broken Hill in January 1888. See Donley, The Rise of Port Pirie, pp. 35-36 and Nancy Robinson, The Reluctant Harbour: The Romance of Pirie, Nadjuri Australia, Jamestown (South Australia), 1976, pp. 204-207.
17. Donley, The Rise ofPort Pirie, pp. 41-47.
18. C.B. Johnstone, 'A History of the Origins, Formations and Development of the BHAS Ltd at Port Pirie, South Australia', PhD thesis, University of Melbourne, 1983, p. 214.
19. Noel Butlin Archives, Canberra, Australian National University (hereafter NBAC/ANU), Waterside Workers' Federation Branch Correspondence, T62/12/4/2, Letter from L.J. O'Malley (Port Pirie branch secretary) to General Secretary, J. Morris, 25 January 1921, Despite the affiliation the branch was still commonly known as the AWA.
20. For the campaign against the ASA see Port Pirie Recorder, 13 January and 17 March 1917. For the coverage of the AWU at Port Pirie see NBAC/ANU, Australian Workers' Union (AWU) Adelaide and South Australia Branch, E154/58, State Secretary's Report for the year Ended 31 May 1917, p. 6, Annual Reports and Balance Sheets, and Jim Moss, The Sound ofTrumpets: History ofthe Labour Movement in South Australia, Wakefield Press, Gondawilla (South Australia), 1985, p. 258. For the AWU's move in to metalliferous mining and smelting see M. Hearn and H. Knowles, One Big Union: a history of the Australian Workers' Union, 1886-1994, Cambridge University Press, Melbourne, 1996, pp. 125-128.
21. Port Pirie Recorder, 9 and 10 August 1917.
22. NBAC/ANU, Amalgamated Engineering Union, E200/7, Minutes of the Port Pirie Branch of the ASE, 2 July 1915-26 November 1923. By 1922 the first Labor Mayor, J.C. Fitzgerald, was elected to Port Pirie Council. The Council proved to be one area of labour domination in the 1920s, but the restricted powers of the Council, and its concern to ensure the continued operation of BHAS at all costs, meant that it was in no way critical of the company. See Official Souvenir of Port Pirie Diamond Jubilee, 1876-1936, published by the Port Pirie Town Council, 1936 and Port Pirie Mayoral Reports, 1908-1925, Mortlock Library.
23. Donley, The Rise ofPort Pirie, pp. 49-53 and NBAC/ANU. Amalgamated Engineering Union, Minutes of the Federated Society of Iron Shipbuilders and Boilermakers, 28 August 1918-16 May 1928.
24. See, for example, George Dale, The Industrial History ofBroken Hill, Melbourne, 1918, pp. 130-139, pp. 194-200.
25. W.S. Robinson,///Remember Rightly: the Memoirs of W.S. Robinson, (edited by Geoffrey Blainey), Melbourne, Cheshire, 1967, p. 88.
26. Colin Fraser, 'Port Pirie Zinc Smeltery Report' no. 2, p. 4,4 February 1916, Sir Colin Fraser Papers, Broken Hill Associated Smelters Proprietary Limited Collection (hereafter Colin Fraser Papers), 1/18/6/2, University of Melbourne Archives (hereafter UMA).
27. Barrier Daily Truth, 31 August 1926, editorial.
28. Johnstone, 'A History of the Origins', pp. 320-321.
29. W.S. Robinson to Colin Fraser, 20 January 1917, 'Welfare', Colin Fraser Papers, 1/19/4/2/2, UMA. See also R.C. Edwards, Contested Terrain: the Transformation ofthe Workplace in the Twentieth-Century, Basic Books, London, 1979, p. 93 who argues that these kinds of programs expanded during periods of industrial unrest.
30. For the most relevant of the Whitley reports see The Report on Joint Standing Industrial Councils by the Sub-Committee on relations between employers and employed', British Parliamentary Papers, 1917-18, Cd 8606, XVIII, pp. 415-21. On the influence of the Whitley Reports in Britain see H.A. Clegg, A History ofBritish Trade Unions since 1889, vol. 2. Oxford University Press, London, 1964, pp. 204-207 and J. Child, British Management Thought: a Critical Analysis, Allen & Unwin, London, 1969, pp. 44-46. On the increasing popularity of the 'co-operative' style committee structure in the USA and in Britain see L.G. Gerber, 'Corporations in Comparative perspective: the impact of the first world war on American and British industrial relations', Business History Review, vol. 62, Spring, 1988, pp. 93-110. The best summary of Canadian developments is M.E. McCallum, 'Corporate Welfarism in Canada, 1919-1939', Canadian Historical Review, vol. LXXI, no. 1,1990, pp. 46-57.
31. 'Port Pirie Smelters, 1920' by CDW [?], 22 May 1920, p. 21, Colin Fraser Papers, 1/22/3/1, UMA.
32. For the Sickness and Accident Fund see Minutes and Financial reports, Co-operative Council No. 1, Colin Fraser Papers, 4/5/6, UMA. For an outline of the welfare schemes and new facilities introduced between 1917 and 1920 see 'Port Pirie Smelters, 1920' by CDW [?], 22 May 1920, Colin Fraser Papers, 1/22/3/1, UMA. For the flow-on effects of these initiatives at other smelters see Eklund, 'Managers, Workers and Industrial Welfarism', pp. 150-151. The Mount Morgan company began their welfarist program in earnest in 1932. It included an annual employees' picnic, and new recreation facilities in 'Welfare Park', and was administered by a Works Committee consisting of elected and appointed members from staff and the general workforce. See 'Works Committee - Correspondence', April 1934-November 1940, Mount Morgan Ltd Records, M14/1449.3, Capricornia Collection, Central Queensland University. At the Mount Lyell company in Queenstown a company-sponsored Co-operative Butcher and Bakery had operated since 1920, and later, a Sickness and Accident Fund was established along Port Pirie lines in 1937. The program also included, among other things, company housing, club rooms and a dental clinic. See 'General Industrial Letterbook June 1933 to May 1945', Records of the Mt Lyell Mining and Railway Company, NS1711/92, State Archives of Tasmania. One striking feature of all of these work places was that management welfarism went hand in hand with AWU dominance.
33. See 'Port Pirie Smelters, 1920' by CDW [?J, 22 May 1920, Colin Fraser Papers, 1/2 2/3/1, UMA.
34. The following comments are based on a survey of the Australian Worker from 1917 to 1928. See especially 'How the Worker is Robbed', 10 May 1917, p. 2, 'Dangers of Taylor System', 9 August 1917, p. 11;
35. 'Labor vs Scientific Management', 14 March 1918, p. 20;
36. 'Scientific Management Condemned', 27 February 1919, p. 15;
37. 'Profit Sharing', 24 June 1920, p. 17;
38. 'Henry Ford's Five-day Week', 8 December 1926, p. 17.
39. The Boss becomes Very Considerate', 1 May 1919, p. 3. This is the only reference to Whitleyism or welfarism throughout this period. 'H.E.B.' is undoubtedly a reference to the paper's editor, Henry Ernest Boote.
40. In 1920 the state secretary of the AWU, Frank Lundie, argued that the AWU stood for 'political action, arbitration and conferences for settling disputes.' See NBAC/ANU, AWU, Adelaide and South Australian Branch, E154/58, Secretary's Report for the Year Ending 30 May 1920, p. 8, Annual Reports and Balance Sheets 1895-1957
41. Port Pirie Recorder, 9 August 1917.
42. Johnstone, 'A History of the Origins', p. 324.
43. Port Pirie Recorder, 28 June 1917, editorial.
44. The Recorder, 6 January 1923.
45. Port Pirie Recorder, 22 January 1921.
46. W. Robinette, AWU Handbill in 'Port Pirie, 1922-1926', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA. I have not included any details on the issue of lead poisoning since they have been covered in R. Gillespie's excellent article, 'Accounting for lead poisoning: the medical politics of occupational health', Social History, vol. 15, no. 3,1990, pp. 303-332. For Robinette's opposition see also Gillespie, 'Accounting for lead poisoning', pp. 313-314 and pp. 320-323.
47. 'Welfare - Dental Clinic', 'Port Pirie, 1926-1928', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
48. Gerald Mussen to Manager, BHAS, Melbourne, 16 May 1924, 'Welfare', '1922-1925', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
49. W.A. Woodward to Secretary, BHAS Melbourne Office, 22 May 1925, 'Welfare - misc Dental File', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
50. For Robinette's views see Port Pirie Recorder, 18 and 19 March 1926. For Tapp's reply see Port Pirie Recorder, 22 March 1926.
51. See 'Brief Notes of an adjourned meeting of Employees, AWA Hall, Florence Street, 22 February 1922' in 'Welfare - Miscellaneous Dental Clinic', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
52. R.A. Burgoyne to W.A. Woodward, 13 February 1923, 'Labour - Accidents etc, BHAS Accident 1923, Comp'. cases etc' file, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
53. W.A. Woodward to Secretary, BHAS, Melbourne, 30 September, 1925, 'Labour - Accidents etc, BHAS Accident 1923, Comp. cases etc' file, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
54. Australian Worker, 29 May 1919, p. 7.
55. Gerald Mussen, 'Industrial Co-operation, No. 2', Port Pirie Advertiser, 24 November 1917.
56. W.S. Robinson to Colin Fraser, 13 March 1916 in BHAS Group 5 Records, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, UMIA.
57. Gilbert Rigg, 'Report for the Acting General Manager on the Organisation of Port Pirie Staff, 11 April 1919, Staff Miscellaneous, located at 275/4, numbered 275/-, Colin Fraser Papers, 1/19/4/2, UMA.
58. For more on the international dimensions to welfarism in the Australian base-metals industry see Eklund, 'Managers, Workers and Industrial Welfarism', pp. 137-157.
59. Johnstone, 'A History of the Origins', p. 328.
60. Letter from S.E. Fraser (Acting General Manager) to Colin Fraser, 19 February 1918 in Labour 'Welfare etc' file, BHAS Group 5 Records, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, UMA.
61. Colin Fraser, Port Pirie Zinc Smeltery Report No. 2,4 February 1916, Colin Fraser Papers, 1/18/6/2, UMA.
62. See for example Letter from H. St. J. Somerset to Colin Fraser, 15 September 1919, 'Strikes etc' file, BHAS Group 5 Records, 1916-1922, UMA. Somerset suggests that there was a deliberate 'go slow' policy among some workers, and so the numbers of tradesmen employed was reduced by 50 in an effort to encourage better efficiency from the remaining workers.
63. General Superintendent's Report, Year ended 27 June 1928, part 1, p. 97 in Port Pirie - General Superintendent's Reports, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
64. Letter from S.E. Fraser (Acting General Manager) to Colin Fraser, 19 February 1918 in Labour 'Labour/Welfare' file, BHAS Group 5 Records, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, UMA.
65. Town Gardener's Annual Report, 1922-1923 in Port Pirie Mayoral Report, 1922-1923, p. 17, Mortlock Library.
66. 'Picturesque Port Pirie', The Critic, 1 April 1899. The title of this article suggests a healthy dose of irony.
67. The Recorder, 2 January 1923, editorial.
68. For the number of convictions for public drunkenness see Port Pirie Mayoral Report, 1909-1910, p. 7, Mortlock Library.
69. See 'Welfare - attendance bonus' file, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
70. For Rigg's criticisms of the camp see G. Rigg to G. Mussen, 3 April 1919 in 'Welfare - Holiday Camp Re Sanitorium' file, Port Pirie Strikes etc 1916-1922, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA. In 1926 the site and the buildings on it were sold to the Port Pirie Council. For the sale of the camp to the Council see General Superintendent's Report, Year ended 27 June 1928, part 1, pp. 6-7 in Port Pirie - General Superintendent's Reports, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
71. Another senior BHAS figure, Herbert Gepp-a metallurgical engineer who had worked for the Zinc Corporation, and Amalgamated Zinc, and in 1916 became General Manager of Electrolytic Zinc in Risdon-had been involved in a similar scheme at Broken Hill in 1912 and 1913 using the vehicle of a 'Progress Association' to organise tree planting and the construction of a children's playground. Johnstone, 'A History of the Origins', pp. 313-314.
72. Port Pirie Advertiser, 24 February 1917.
73. Port Pirie Advertiser, 24 March 1917.
74. Port Pirie Advertiser, 2 June 1917.
75. Statement showing expenditure on Soldiers' Memorial Park and Playground period ended 25 June 1919, 'Labour Welfare - Children's Playground', 'Port Pirie, 1915-1919, Labour/Welfare', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
76. Port Pirie Advertiser, 2 June 1917.
77. W.S Robinson to Colin Fraser, 27 January 1919 in Colin Fraser Papers, 1/2 'Advertising', UMA.
78. M.E. Goode, Port Pirie Mayoral Report, 1918-1919, p. 8, Mortlock Library.
79. For the ideological and cultural implications of US welfarist architecture, as embodied in recreation clubs and sporting facilities, see W. Littman, 'Designing Obedience: The Architecture and Landscape of Welfare Capitalism, 1880-1930', International Labor and Working Class History, no. 53, Spring, 1998, pp. 88-114.
80. Robinson, If I Remember Rightly, p. 260.
81. See 'Welfare - BHAS Picnic and Sports Committee' file, Port Pirie 1926-28 Visitors and Welfare, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
82. See Eklund, 'Managers, Workers and Industrial Welfarism', pp. 147-148.
83. Port Pirie Recorder, 8 January 1921.
84. William Robertson to Colin Fraser, 25 January 1918 in 'Applications from Labourers etc' file, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
85. W.S. Robinson, 'Notes on visit to Broken Hill and Port Pirie, 19 and 20 October 1915' in 'Labour' file, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
86. W.S. Robinson to Colin Fraser, 27 July 1916 in BHAS Group 5 Records, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, UMA.
87. For the findings of the Royal Commission see Report of the Royal Commission on Plumbism Together with Minutes of Evidence and Appendices, South Australian Parliamentary Papers, vol. 2, 1925. For the focus on foreign workers see Gillespie, 'Accounting for lead poisoning', pp. 320-321. For the figures on foreign workers see General Superintendent's Report for the Year ended 27 June 1928, part 1, p. 97 and part 2, p. 15 in 'Port Pirie General Superintendent's Reports', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
88. For information on the movement of seafarers, specifically Swedes and Swedish Finns, in and out of the Port Pirie labour market see E.Eklund 'Swedish Seafarers in South Australia: the relationship between the maritime and land-based labour markets in South Australian ports, 1890-1930', Paper presented to the Conference on Scandinavian and European Migration to Australia and New Zealand, Stockholm and Turku, 9-11 June 1998.
89. See Johnstone, 'A History of the Origins', p. 215. See also Australian Worker, 17 April 1917, p. 16.
90. William Robertson to Colin Fraser, 25 May 1918, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
91. 'Port Pirie Smelters, 1920', p. 21.
92. John Wanna, Defence not Defiance: the Development ofOrganised Labour in South Australia, Texts in Humanities, Adelaide, 1981, pp. 61-62.
93. Gerald Mussen to Colin Fraser, 23 July 1918, in 'Labour Welfare - Children's Playground' file, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, Labour/Welfare, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
94. Letter from R.J. Wilson (secretary of the Port Pirie branch of the BLF) to William Robertson, 31 August 1918, 'Labour Welfare - Children's Playground' file, Port Pirie, 1915-1919, Labour/Welfare, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
95. Johnstone, 'A History of the Origins', p. 340.
96. 'Welfare' file, 1922-1925, BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
97. The Recorder, 17 January 1923.
98. 'Port Pirie Smelters, 1920', pp. 1-10.
99. Letter from WA. Woodward to Secretary, BHAS, Melbourne, 4 December 1925 in 'BHAS Co-op Council Constitution' file, 'Port Pirie, 1925-26', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
100. NBAC/ANU, Amalgamated Metal Workers Union, South Australian Branch, E200/7, Minutes of the Port Pirie Branch of the AEU, 9 October 1924.
101. Letter from W.A. Woodward to Secretary, BHAS, Melbourne, 12 August 1936 in 'Company papers: welfare Co-op store to 1936', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
102. The Port Pirie labour movement was largely powerless to stop the introduction of the Co-operative Store in 1917. Such management initiatives were successfully resisted at Broken Hill throughout the 1910s and 1920s by a coalition of the sympathetic local storekeepers, the Barrier Industrial Council (and the organisations that preceded it), and State Labor Governments in NSW. At Port Pirie opposition never really solidified because the local storekeepers, apart from a some meek complaints in 1923, quietly accepted the new Company-run store. The Port Pirie storekeeper class had its origins in the commercial development of the port in the 1870s and 1880s, and were active in real estate, trading companies, and shipping. Economically and socially they had more in common with the managers of BHAS. In contrast the Broken Hill storekeepers were closely allied to the organised working class, and in many cases there were close familial links between the two groups, to the extent that Ellem and Shields have recently suggested that they were indistinguishable as separate classes. (See Bradon Ellem and John Shields, 'Making a "Union Town": class, gender and workers' control in inter-war Broken Hill', manuscript submitted to Labour History, 1999.) The conservatism of the storekeepers at Pirie, and the identity of interests between them and the BHAS managers, was not the fault of the Pirie labour movement, yet commentaries from Broken Hill often spoke of the 'serfs' at Pirie who worked and shopped with the company, suggesting that the blame lay with workers. Such divisions between Port Pirie and Broken Hill were also fostered by management tactics during industrial disputes. For attempts to divide workers during the 1908-09 dispute see P.J. Kearns, 'The failure of compulsory arbitration in the Australian Broken Hill Industrial Dispute of 1908-09', BA (Hons) thesis, Flinders University, 1975, pp. 62-72. For a view from Broken Hill of the Co-operative Store at Port Pirie see Barrier Daily Truth, 18 January 1918, editorial.
103. This argument is developed by M.L. Wingerd, 'Rethinking Paternalism: Power and Paternalism in a Southern Mill Village', Journal ofAmerican History, vol. 83,1992, pp. 872-902. In the Southern US textile town of Cooleemee, Wingerd argues that 'below the surface of apparently placid labor relations an elaborate culture of resistance operated within a locally circumscribed system of negotiation.' p. 874.
104. J.F Jenkins, Port Pirie Mayoral Report, 1920-1921, p. 8, Mortlock Library.
105. J.F. Jenkins, Port Pirie Mayoral Report, 1921-1922, p. 9, Mortlock Library.
106. Port Pirie Advertiser, 20 October 1917.
107. See advertisement for the 1932 Port Pirie Waterside Workers Federation Picnic reproduced in A. Reeves, Another Day Another Dollar: Working Class Lives in Australian History, McCullock Publishing, Carlton (Victoria), 1988, p. 91.
108. NBAC/ANU, Waterside Workers Federation Branch Correspondence, T62/36/2, Branch Balance Sheets Sent to the Federal Office, Port Pirie Waterside Workers Federation, Accounts for the Year Ended 31 December 1928.
109. Port Pirie Advertiser, 6 October 1917. The company also established a Works band, The Excelsior band, further evidence of their entry into traditional forms of working-class culture where brass bands were often important cultural expressions of working-class identity. See D. Bythell, 'Class, Community and Culture: the Case of the Brass Band in Newcastle', Labour History, no. 67,1994, pp. 144-155.
110. The date of the opening of the store is uncertain. The branch approved the idea by 188 votes to 26 in July 1920, and the store was located in the AWA Hall in Florence Street. The Co-operative store continued operating until 1956. See NBAC/ANU, Waterside Workers Federation Branch Correspondence, T62/12/4/2 and Port Pirie Conservation Study, Lester Firth & Murton Pty Ltd, Adelaide, September, 1980. For other working class co-operative stores, see for example, P.D. Hampton, Retail Co-operatives in the Lower Hunter Valley, Newcastle Region Public Library: Newcastle, 1986 and P. Cochrane, The Wonthaggi Coal Strike, 1934', Labour History, no. 34,1974, pp. 12-31.
111. Letter from G. Mussen to Colin Fraser, 18 February 1921, in 'Labor - misc' file, '1916-1922 (Strikes etc)', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.
112. Letter from H.L. Somerset to Colin Fraser, 25 April 1924, in 'Labour - Wages Re meeting with Combined Unions Council' file, 'Labour', BHAS Group 5 Records, UMA.