The media market and media ownership in post-communist Ukraine: Impact on media independence and pluralism

Problems of Post-Communism

Volumn 58, Issue 6, 2011, Pages 3-20

  Ryabinska, Natalya ^a  

^a University of Euroregional Economy   (Poland)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 84855256859     PISSN: 10758216     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2753/PPC1075-8216580601     Document Type: Article

References (137)

1. S. Hrvatin, L. Kuèiæ, and B. Petkoviæ, Media Ownership Impact on Media Independence and Pluralism in Slovenia and Other Post-Socialist European Countries (Ljubljana: Peace Institute, 2004).
2. Following Katrin Voltmer's argument, we consider that the role of the state vis-à-vis the media is not necessarily antagonistic and lack of state regulation does not necessarily mean more freedom for the media. On the contrary, as will be shown below, a weak state unable to pass and enforce laws providing freedom to the mass media may be detrimental for the development of independent media.
3. See Katrin Voltmer, "Comparing Media Systems in New Democracies: East Meets West," Central European Journal of Communication 1 (2008): 37-38.
4. Karol Jakubowicz, Rude Awakening: Social and Media Change in Central and Eastern Europe (Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press, 2007);
5. Karol Jakubowicz and Miklós Sükösd, "Twelve Concepts Regarding Media System Evolution and Democratization in Post-Communist Societies," in Finding the Right Place on the Map, ed. Karol Jakubowicz and Miklós Sükösd (Chicago: Intellect Books, 2008), pp. 9-40;
6. Jane L. Curry, "Eastern Europe's Postcommunist Media," in (Un)civil Societies: Human Rights and Democratic Transitions in Eastern Europe and Latin America, ed. Rachel A. May, Andrew K. Milton, Marc Belanger, and Jane L. Curry (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2005), pp. 139-61.
7. Peter Gross, Entangled Evolutions: Media and Democratization in Eastern Europe (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2002); Jakubowicz, Rude Awakening; B. Dobek-Ostrowska and M. Glowacki, ed., Comparing Media Systems in Central Europe: Between Commercialization and Politicization (Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wroclawskiego, 2008).
8. Curry, "Eastern Europe's Postcommunist Media."
9. Dobek-Ostrowska and Glowacki, Comparing Media Systems;
10. Karol Jakubowicz, "Post-Communist Media Development in Perspective" (2005), available at http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/id/02841. pdf, accessed September 21, 2011
11. A. Wyka, "On the Way to Dumbing Down ⋯ The Case of Central Europe," Central European Journal of Communication 1, no. 2 (2009): 133-47.
12. Zrinjka Peruško and Helena Popovi̧, "Media Concentration Trends in Central and Eastern Europe," in Finding the Right Place on the Map, pp. 165-190;
13. Andrea Czepek, Melanie Hellwig, and Eva Novak, "Introduction: Structural Inhibition of Media Freedom and Plurality Across Europe," in Press Freedom and Pluralism in Europe: Concepts and Conditions, ed. Andrea Czepek, Melanie Hellwig, and Eva Novak (Chicago: Intellect Books, 2009), pp. 9-22.
14. Peter Bajomi-Lazar, "The Consolidation of Media Freedom in Post- Communist Countries," in Finding the Right Place on the Map, pp. 73-84.
15. Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, "How Media and Politics Shape Each Other in the New Europe," in Finding the Right Place on the Map, pp. 87-100;
16. Peter Gross, "Dances with Wolves," in Finding the Right Place on the Map, pp. 125-43.
17. Quoted by Gross in "Dances with Wolves," p. 128.
18. Gross, Entangled Evolutions.
19. B. Petkoviæ, ed., Media Ownership and Its Impact on Media Independence and Pluralism (Ljubljana: Peace Institute, 2004).
20. See especially I. Londo, "Albania," pp. 39-60;
21. T. Jusiæ, "Bosnia and Herzegovina," pp. 62-92;
22. V. Popova, "Bulgaria," pp. 94-117;
23. S. Maloviæ, "Croatia," pp. 199-140;
24. S. Trpevska, "Macedonia," pp. 285-320;
25. M. Zadrima, "Montenegro," pp. 347-362;
26. M. Preoteasa, "Romania," pp. 403-424;
27. D. Dokoviæ, "Serbia," pp. 425-46;
28. G. Šipoš, "Slovakia," pp. 447-462;
29. S. Hrvatin and B. Petkoviæ, "Regional Overview," pp. 9-38.
30. The independent Internet newspaper Ukrainska Pravda often criticized the policies of then-president Leonid Kuchma. Gongadze disappeared on September 16, 2000, after he left a colleague's apartment in Kyiv. His headless body was discovered in a forest 40 miles away from Kyiv two months later. At the time of writing this article, eleven years after Gongadze's disappearance, the official investigation of the crime is still open.
31. A. Onufriyenko and I. Mironova, "Televizionnyi rynok. Komu prinadlezhit Ukraina" (Television Market: Whom Ukraine Belongs to), Kommersant (December 22, 2008), available at www.kommersant.ua/doc. html?docId=1098087/, accessed September 21, 2011.
32. S. Kalinina, "Business Sense with Svetlana Kalinina," Kyiv Post (August 21, 2009), available at www.cetv-net.com/en/press-center/media/94. shtml, accessed September 21, 2011.
33. Horizon Capital, "Overview of Ukrainian TV Broadcasting Market," available at www.horizoncapital.com.ua/files/sectors/Ukr. %20TV%20Broadcasting %20Market.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
34. The shares of TV advertising revenues in the total advertising market are calculated on the basis of data provided by the All-Ukrainian Advertising Coalition quoted in IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI ), Europe and Eurasia, 2010: Ukraine, p. 210, available at http://www.irex.org/system/files/ EE-MSI-2010-Ukraine.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
35. The share of newspaper advertising revenues in the total advertising market is calculated on the basis of data provided by the All-Ukrainian Advertising Coalition quoted in ibid. The data on advertising revenue shares in the media sector in Central and East European countries come from Z. Peruško, and H. Popovi̧, "Media Concentration Trends in Central and Eastern Europe," in Finding the Right Place on the Map, p. 172.
36. Compare, for example, to newspaper circulation in Hungary (194 per 1,000 people) or Czech Republic (89 per 1,000).
37. See www.pressreference.com, accessed September 21, 2011.
38. IREX, Media Sustainability Index.
39. Onufriyenko and Mironova, "Televizionnyi rynok."
40. R. Filas and P. Planeta, "Media in Poland and Public Discourse," in Press Freedom and Pluralism in Europe, pp. 141-63.
41. According to the monitoring of political advertising in the 2010 presidential elections conducted by the public organization Telerytyka, Ukrainian TV channels were paid a total of 470 million hryvnias for political advertising in August-December 2009.
42. See M. Zakusylo, "Zavorozheni politreklamoiu" (Charmed by Political Advertising), Telekrytyka (January 15, 2009), available at www.telekritika.ua/spec-tk/vibor2009/2010-01-15/50439/, accessed September 21, 2011. The total TV advertising market in Ukraine in 2011 was 1.94 billion hryvnias.
43. See A. Vakaliuk and M. Lazebnik, "Obyom reklamno-komunikatsionnogo rynka Ukrainy v 2009 godu i prognoz na 2010 god. Ekspertnaia otsenka Vseukrainskoi reklamnoi koalitsyi" (The Size of Ukraine's Advertising-Communication Market in 2009 and the Market Forecast for 2010. Expert Evaluation from the All-Ukrainian Advertising Coalition), available at www.uapp.org/pub-analitics/8492.html, accessed June 25, 2011.
44. See, for example, D. Gomon, and A. Rafal, "Pochem 'dzhinsa' v Ukrainie" (How Much Is "Jeansa" in Ukraine?), Segodnya (October 19, 2009), available at www.segodnya.ua/news/14085180.html, accessed September 21, 2011.
45. According to the Polish marketing and sales monthly Brief, no. 1 (2006, p. 16), a total of 37 million zloty was spent on political TV spots during the six-month parliamentary and presidential election campaigns in Poland. The country's total TV advertising market in 2005 was 2.47 billion zloty (Starlink Media House, 2006).
46. These data for 2003-8 concern local television stations in the United States, which historically get around 60 percent of political ad dollars (Pew Research Center Project for Excellence in Journalism, The State of the News Media: Annual Report of American Journalism: 2009, available at www. stateofthemedia.org/2009/narrative-localtv-economics.php, accessed June 20, 2011).
47. Dennis W. Johnson, ed., Routledge Handbook of Political Management (New York: Routledge, 2009).
48. Municipal media are not treated separately because in Ukraine they are very close to the state-owned media in the sense of their dependence on government entities. For example, under Ukrainian law, municipal media can only be set up by local governments subordinated to the central government. The finances of municipal media in Ukraine are heavily dependent on local budgets.
49. See, for example, Freedom House, Freedom of the Press (2010), available at www.freedomhouse.org, accessed September 21, 2011.
50. Marta Dyczok, "Was Kuchma's Censorship Effective?" Europe-Asia Studies 58, no. 2 (2006): 215-38.
51. IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI) Europe and Eurasia, 2005: Ukraine, 2005, p. 207, available at www.irex.org/system/files/MSI05-Ukraine. pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
52. Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Ukrainian Media Landscape-2010, 2011, available at www.kas.de/ukraine/ukr/publications/23004/, accessed September 21, 2011.
53. Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, KAS Democracy Report 2008: Ukraine, available at www.kas.de/wf/en/33.14855, accessed September 21, 2011.
54. Aleksandr Chernenko: 'Komunalnye SMI-PP-sluzhba Chernovetskogo' " (Alexander Chernenko: "The Municipal Media Are Chernovetsky's PR Agencies"), Telekrytyka (May 6, 2008), available at www.telekritika.ua/ news/2008-05-06/38221/, accessed September 21, 2011.
55. E. Bulavka and J. Shevchenko, "Rol media u kyivskykh vyborakh: 'Nichoho ne bachu. Nichoho be chuju. Nichoho nikomu ne skazhu' " (The Role of Media in Kyiv Elections: "I Hear Nothing; I See Nothing; I Say Nothing"), Telekrytyka (May 30, 2008), available at www.telekritika.ua/ media-suspilstvo/ expert/2008-05-30/38709/, accessed September 21, 2011.
56. For example, the state-owned UT- 1 is only seventh in the broadcast ratings (GfK Ukraine, June 2011).
57. V. Kulyk, Dyskurs ukraïnskykh medii: Identychnosti, ideolohiï, vladni stosunky (The Ukrainian Media Discourse: Ideologies, Identities, Power Relations) (Kyiv: Krytyka, 2010), p. 198.
58. There are several exceptions to this rule, but they mainly concern popular television presenters and entertainers who get unusually high fees from private TV channels.
59. See, for example, IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI) Europe and Eurasia, 2006/2007: Ukraine, 2006/2007, p. 180, available at www.irex. org/system/files/MSIE06-ukraine.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011;
60. IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI) Europe and Eurasia, 2008: Ukraine, 2008, pp. 202-3, available at www.irex.org/system/files/MSIEE08-Ukraine.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
61. Consider, for example, Ukrposhta's refusal to deliver the paper Litsa Dniepropetrovsk because of its investigation of the mayor of Dnepropetrovsk.
62. See IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI) Europe and Eurasia, 2008: Ukraine, 2008, p. 203, available at www.irex.org/system/files/MSIEE08- Ukraine.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
63. B. Klimkiewicz, "Poland," in Media Ownership and Its Impact on Media Independence and Pluralism, ed. B. Petkovic (Ljubljana: Peace Institute, 2004), pp. 363-402.
64. See, for example, Angelika Wyka, "On the Way to Dumbing Down," in Marius Dragomir, Fighting Legacy: Media Reform in Post-Communist Europe, Atlantic Council of the United States Senior Fellows Publication, pp. 35-40, available at www.acus.org/files/publication-pdfs/65/2003-08- Fighting-Legacy-Media-Reform-in-Post-Communist-Europe.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011 pp. 35-40;
65. Miklos Sükösd, "Democratic Transformation and the Mass Media in Hungary: From Stalinism to Democratic Consolidation in Hungary," in Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective, ed. R. Gunther and A. Moughan (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 151-52.
66. Sükösd, "Democratic Transformation and the Mass Media in Hungary," p. 152.
67. Dragomir, Fighting Legacy, p. 40.
68. Finance.ua, "Poroshenko kupyv zhurnal 'Korespondent' " (Poroshenko Has Bought Korespondent Magazine) (April 13, 2011), available at http://news. finance.ua/ua/~/1/0/all/2011/04/13/234902/, accessed September 21, 2011. Until 2009, Jed Sunden also owned the quality English-language newspaper Kyiv Post, one of the first truly independent newspapers in Ukraine. In July 2009, he sold the paper to Mohammad Zahoor, a United Kingdom citizen and an owner of the ISTIL Group. In 2008, because of the economic crisis, Sunden also closed two news outlets he had only recently founded: the metro daily 15 Minutes and the weekly news magazine Novynar.
69. For example, 29 percent of the shares of Inter, the TV channel that leads the Ukrainian broadcast ratings, are held by the Russian state company Russian Channel One. The main investor in TBi TV channel is a disgraced Russian oligarch, K. Kagalovskii.
70. See, for example, "Jed Sunden Looks Back on 10 Years with Kyiv Post and KP Publications," Kyiv Post (October 19, 2005), available at www. kyivpost.com/news/business/bus-general/detail/23376/, accessed September 21, 2011.
71. E. Prodayeva, "CME: proshchaniye bermudskoj slavianki" (CME: Farewell of Bermuda Slavianka), Telekrytyka (January 26, 2010), available at www.telekritika.ua/telebachennya-vlasnist/2010-01-26/50669/, accessed September 21, 2011.
72. GfK Ukraine (June 2011).
73. The information on the top-four Ukrainian dailies comes from Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung, Ukrainian Media Landscape-2010, available at www.kas. de/ukraine/ukr/publications/23004/, accessed September 21, 2011.
74. See "World's Billionaires List by Forbes" (March 2011), available at www.forbes.com/wealth/billionaires/list, accessed September 21, 2011.
75. For detailed analysis of the phenomena of oligarchs in Ukraine and their relationships with the state
76. see Anders Åslund, How Ukraine Became a Market Economy and Democracy (Washington, DC: Peterson Institute for International Economics
77. Olessia Koltsova, News Media and Power in Russia (New York: Routledge, 2006), p. 75.
78. V. Stetka, "Between a Rock and a Hard Place? Market Concentration, Local Ownership and Media Autonomy in the Czech Republic," International Journal of Communication 4 (2010): 865-85.
79. IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI), Europe and Eurasia, 2009: Romania, 2009, available at www.irex.org/programs/MSI-EUR/2009/romania. asp, accessed September 21, 2011.
80. See, for example, John Keane, The Media and Democracy (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1991), pp. 1-51.
81. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian situation is one more proof for the thesis of Katrin Voltmer that in new democracies private ownership of the media does not ensure their independence from politics, because in the conditions of an underdeveloped advertising market, influential actors-politicians and oligarchs-purchase media outlets to control them and further their political interests ("Comparing Media Systems in New Democracies," p. 37).
82. For an overview of appropriation of Ukrainian media by oligarchs.
83. see Dyczok, "Was Kuchm ás Censorship Effective?" p. 222;
84. Kulyk, "Dyskurs ukraïnskykh medii," pp. 202-6.
85. See Onufriyenko and Mironova, "Televizionnyi rynok."
86. See, for example, S. Artemenko, "Chy mozhna pokonaty 'jeansu' v ukraïnskii zhurnalistytsi?" (Is It Possible to Overcome "Jeansa" in Ukrainian Journalism?), UNIAN (October 21, 2008), available at http://human-rights.0 unian.net/ukr/detail/188608/, accessed September 21, 2011.
87. A. Poludenko, and M. Semenchenko, "Jeansa i vybory" (Jeansa and Elections), PiK Ukraïny (November 18, 2008), available at telekritika.ua/ daidzhest/2008-11-18/42078/, accessed September 21, 2011.
88. O. Dovzhenko, "Ukrainskiye media segodnia: Iz garema v bordel" (Ukrainian Media Today: From Harem to Brothel), Zerkalo nedeli (May 24-30, 2008), available at www.zn.ua/1000/1550/63020/, accessed September 21, 2011.
89. In January 2009, Tymoshenko signed an agreement on gas supply with Russia that removed the private gas trader RosUkrEnergo from the Russian- Ukrainian gas trade. For details
90. see Will Englund, "Gas Deal Disputed in Ukraine," Washington Post (December 11, 2010), available at www.washingtonpost. com/wp-dyn/content/ article/2010/12/10/AR2010121007029.html, accessed September 21, 2011. The co-owner of RosUkrEnergo, Dmytro Firtash, who at the time supposedly was a shareholder in the Inter TV channel, used it for a public campaign against Tymoshenko. Inter newscasts sharply criticized the gas contracts with Russia signed by Tymoshenko and accused her government of stealing gas from RosUkrEnergo. Dmytro Firtash, who earlier had avoided TV cameras, several times appeared personally on Inter programs and accused the government of mismanagement and messing things up.
91. See, for example, Academy of Ukrainian Press, "Monitoring of Political News in December 2010-June 2011," available at www.mediaosvita.com. ua/sites/mediaosvita.com.ua/files/andriyche/dec-feb-apr- june.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
92. Jonathan Becker, "Lessons from Russia: A Neo-Authoritarian Media System," European Journal of Communication 19, no. 2 (2004): 139-63. (Pubitemid 38706322)
93. J. Dunn, "Where Did It All Go Wrong? Russian Television in the Putin Era," in The Post-Soviet Russian Media: Conflicting Signals, ed. B. Beumers, S. Hutchings, and N. Rulyova (New York: Routledge, 2008).
94. S. Pasti, "Two Generations of Contemporary Russian Journalists," European Journal of Communication 20 (2005): 108.
95. N. Roudakova, "Media-Political Clientelism: Lessons from Anthropology," Media, Culture and Society 30, no. 1 (2008): 41-59.
96. Pasti, "Two Generations of Contemporary Russian Journalists," p. 106.
97. K. Jakubowicz, "Lovebirds? The Media, the State and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe," Javnost-The Public 2, no. 1 (1995): 84.
98. Jakubowicz, Rude Awakening.
99. N. Grishchuk, "Vladeltsy mediaprostranstva" (Media Space Owners), Marketing Media Review (June 20, 2009), available at http://mmr.net.ua/issues/year/2009/num/13/news/1269/index.html, accessed September 21, 2011.
100. Many in Ukraine believe that Dmytro Firtash, a gas-trading billionaire, is a co-owner of the InterMediaGroup.
101. E. Prodayeva, "Seli-vstali" (Down and Up), Telekrytyka (January 19, 2010), available at www.telekritika.ua/media-rinok/reklamapr/comerciyna/ 2010-01-19/50512/, accessed September 21, 2011.
102. IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI), Europe and Eurasia, 2009: Ukraine, 2009, p. 206, available at www.irex.org/system/files/EE-MSI-09-russ- Ukraine.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
103. Dovzhenko, "Ukrainskiye media segodnya."
104. N. Lihachova, "Zdravstvui, cenzura?" (How Do You Do, Censorship?), Telekrytyka (May 13, 2008), available at http://telekritika.ua/ media-continent/authorcolumn/nl/2008-05-13/38317/, accessed September 21, 2011.
105. Taras Kuzio, "Ukraine: Pluralistic Media Will Ensure Lively Campaign," Oxford Analytica (October 19, 2009), available at www.taraskuzio.net/media23-files/10.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
106. Topical Problems in Social Relations in the AR of Crimea," National Security and Defence Magazine, 5, no. 109 (2009): 53.
107. Weekly Ukrainian TV ratings are available at www.telekritika.ua/page/ ratings/.
108. IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI), Europe and Eurasia, 2009: Ukraine, 2009, p. 206, available at www.irex.org/system/files/EE-MSI-09-russ- Ukraine.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
109. The results of the Lithuanian Media Content Survey conducted by Nerijus Maliukevicius (Institute of International Relations and Political Science, University of Vilnius) in 2005-7.
110. As quoted in N. Maliukevicius, "Russia's Information Policy in Lithuania: The Spread of Soft Power or Information Geopolitics?" Baltic Security & Defence Review 9 (2007): 150-170.
111. V. Kaspruk, "Chy mozhlyva realna derusyfikaciia Ukraïny?" (Is Real De-Russification of Ukraine Possible?), Radio Svoboda (August 24, 2009), available at www.radiosvoboda.org/content/article/1806505.html?page=1 and x=1#relatedInfoContainer/, accessed September 21, 2011.
112. S. Khaminich and G. Pylypenko, "Knyzhkovyi rynok Ukraïny v umovakh ekonomichnoï kryzy: Stan i mozhlyvosti rozvytku" (Ukrainian Books Market Under the Conditions of Economic Crisis: State and Opportunities for Development), Ekonomichnyi prostir 26 (2009), available at www.nbuv.gov.ua/Portal/Soc-Gum/Ekpr/2009-26/Stati/10PDF.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
113. Zakon Ukraïny "Pro telebachennia i radiomovlennia" (Stattia 10) (The Law of Ukraine on Television and Radio Broadcasting [Article 10]), available at www.ucrf.gov.ua/uk/doc/laws/1149583690/, accessed July 3, 2011.
114. Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung , KAS Democracy Report 2008: Ukraine, 2008, available at www.kas.de/wf/en/33.14855/, accessed September 21, 2011.
115. Rekomendaciï shcho do vyznachennia movy program i peredach (Recommendations on the Choice of Language of Programs), National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council, March 26, 2008, available at http://nrada.gov.ua/ ua/normativnydokumenty/rekomendacii.html, accessed September 27, 2011.
116. Iz ukrainskogo mediaprostranstva postepenno vytestiayetsia russkii yazyk (Russian Language Is Being Steadily Forced Out of Ukrainian Media Space), Fokus (May 6, 2008), available at http://focus.ua/society/19287/, accessed September 21, 2011.
117. Dragomir, Fighting Legacy.
118. For details, see www.pressreference.com/Sw-Ur/Ukraine.html, accessed September 21, 2011.
119. See, for example, "National Council Claims There Were Gross Violations During Competition for Additional TV Frequencies," Kyiv Post (June 14, 2010), available at www.kyivpost.com/news/nation/detail/69552/, accessed September 21, 2011.
120. O. Dovzhenko, "Da poshli vy vse!" (Off with You!), Telekrytyka (October 7, 2009), available at www.telekritika.ua/otar-col/2009-10-07/48390/, accessed September 21, 2011.
121. IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI), Europe and Eurasia, 2009: Ukraine, p. 199, available at www.irex.org/system/files/EE-MSI-09-russ-Ukraine. pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
122. Dragomir, Fighting Legacy.
123. H. de Smaele, and E. Vartanova, "Russia," in Western Broadcast Models: Structure, Conduct & Performance, ed. L. d'Haenens and F. Saeys (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2007), p. 344.
124. Zakon Ukraïny, "Pro zakhyst suspilnoii morali" (The Law of Ukraine on Protection of Public Morals), available at http://zakon.rada.gov.ua/ cgi-bin/laws/main.cgi?nreg=1296-15/, accessed September 21, 2011.
125. This practice is illegal and results from a contradiction in the text of the Law "On Protection of Public Morals." Article 18 of the law states that the membership of the NEC must be approved by the Cabinet of Ministers upon a submission by the head of the NEC, but that the head of the NEC is to be elected by the members of the NEC.
126. Zakon Ukraïny, Pro zakhyst suspilnoii morali.
127. See the conclusions of the round table "Mass Media and Protection of Public Morals: European Standards in Public Morals and Child Protection," in Zakon, "'Pro zakhyst suspilnoï morali' potrebuye znachnoï korekciï" (The Law on Protection of Public Morals Requires Significant Correction), UNIAN (March 24, 2010), available at http://unian.net/ukr/news/ news-368994.html, accessed September 21, 2011.
128. See Andrei Richter, "The Partial Transition: Ukraine's Post-Communist Media," in Media Reform: Democratizing the Media, Democratizing the State, ed. M. Price, B. Rozumilowicz, and E. Verhulst (New York: Routledge, 2002); 2007 Report of the Moscow Media Law and Policy Institute, available at www.medialaw.ru/e-pages/laws/exussr/2007.htm, accessed September 21, 2011.
129. G. Pavlov, "Grupa kanalu ICTV kontroluie robotu Nacrady. Lyst chlena Nacrady do sumlinnia ïï kerivnyka" (The Group of the ICTV TV Channel Controls the National Broadcasting Council. A Letter of the Council Member to Its Head's Conscience), Ukraïinska Pravda (March 21, 2001), available at www.pravda.com.ua/news/2001/03/21/2982192/, accessed September 21, 2011.
130. Instytut media prava: Chleny Nacrady, povnovazhennia jakykh zakinchylys, ne maiut prava braty uchast v zasidanniakh" (Media Law Institute: National Council Members Whose Term of Office Expired Cannot Take Part in the Council Sessions), Telekrytyka (February, 21 2008), available at www.telekritika.ua/ news/2008-02-21/36650/, accessed September 21, 2011.
131. Law on the National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council of Ukraine (Art. 5), available at http://new.nrada.gov.ua/en/medialegislation/nationaltv/ 1262620396.html, accessed September 5, 2011.
132. Which means that only part of journalist salaries is official and taxed under the law, whereas the other part is unofficial (or shadow).
133. See, for example, the report "Temptation to Control" published by the Reporters Without Borders organization after a visit to Ukraine on July 19-21, 2010, available at http://en.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/-rapport-ukraine-anglais. pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
134. IREX, Media Sustainability Index (MSI), Europe and Eurasia, 2008: Ukraine, p. 194, available at www.irex.org/system/files/MSIEE08-Ukraine.pdf, accessed September 21, 2011.
135. Jakubowicz, "Rude Awakening," p. 70.
136. By "media wars," Jakubowicz means the ongoing struggle for media independence characteristic of media system transformations in postcommunist countries.
137. Karol Jakubowicz, "Public Service Broadcasting in Post-Communist Countries: Finding the Right Place on the Map" (speech delivered as the Spry Memorial Lecture, University of Montreal, November 27, 2007), available at www.com.umontreal.ca/spry/old/spry-kj-lec.htm, accessed September 21,2011.