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Volumn 20, Issue 1, 2011, Pages 105-137

Untimely Russia: Hysteresis in Russian-Western relations over the past millennium

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EID: 79952806627     PISSN: 09636412     EISSN: 15561852     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2011.549021     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (81)

References (137)
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    • For a parallel argument about Russia's economy, see Stefan Hedlund, Russian Path Dependence (London: Routledge, 2005).
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    • For instance, Wohlforth writes about Russia that "[i]f the quest for status becomes an end in itself, divorced from power politics and security, it may fit far more comfortably into a British School or constructivist theoretical framework than neorealism." Wohlforth, "The Russian-Soviet Empire,", 234.
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    • We do welcome the challenge, but with a crucial nuance: contrary to most theories of social action, we do not assume that people act on the basis of a goal hierarchy (whether the main purpose is status-seeking or else) but rather out of repertoires of practices that form socially distinct logics of practicality. See Vincent Pouliot, "The Logic of Practicality: A Theory of Practice of Security Communities," International Organization 62, no. 1 (2008): 257-88.
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    • We do not hold the meaning of "the diplomatic practice" constant over the millennium. We define "diplomacy" in the simplest way possible in order to allow its form to evolve considerably over the millennium; for the sake of this article, "diplomacy" is official contact between polities. Of course, the way that these contacts are run has evolved tremendously over time and space. See Christian Reus-Smit, The Moral Purpose of the State: Culture, Social Identity, and Institutional Rationality in International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999).
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    • Arthur Reber defines "implicit learning" as "the acquisition of knowledge that takes place largely independently of conscious attempts to learn and largely in the absence of explicit knowledge about what was acquired." Arthur S. Reber, Implicit Learning and Tacit Knowledge: An Essay on the Cognitive Unconscious (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 5.
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    • According to Raymond Gibbs, "embodiment" occurs when "people's subjective, felt experiences of their bodies in action provide part of the fundamental grounding for language and thought." Raymond W. Gibbs Jr., Embodiment and Cognitive Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 9.
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    • Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Paris: Minuit, 1980; Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), 62.
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    • Our claim is not that hysteresis necessarily leads to unsuccessful practices. In fact, on a number of occasions, Russia's awkwardness (in Western eyes) has proven instrumental in obtaining diplomatic attention and even advantages. In the longer term, however, hysteresis in world politics tends to create symbolic tensions conducive to security concerns.
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    • This is a foreign policy elite matter, and it may occur with both parties concurrently. It does not matter much whether politically marginal groups of people within the polity disapprove of changes -if a group of twentieth-century German peasants experienced German diplomats as intolerably supercilious, say, or whether members of the Soviet intelligentsia disapproved of Khrushchev's shoe banging. That said, the Russian, Chinese, and Iranian revolutions are among the reminders of what may happen if large numbers of a polity experience the changes induced in social practices as being intolerably rapid and radical.
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    • See also Jack Snyder, "Russian Backwardness and the Future of Europe," Daedalus 123, no. 2 (1994): 179-201.
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    • Already in 1481, Emperor Frederick III addressed an appeal on behalf of the Germans in Livonia to Poland and Lithania, Sweden, and the Hanseatic Cities about this polity.
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    • Instructively, this was, among other things, due to the Soviets maintaining tsarist diplomats in their service and Trotsky's insistence, against objections, that his diplomats dress up in traditional attire.
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    • This is but one of Russia's many (failed) attempts at recreating the European security architecture of the time. For a discussion, see Michael C. Williams and Iver B. Neumann, "From Alliance to Security Community: NATO, Russia, and the Power of Identity," Millennium: Journal of International Studies 29, no. 2 (2000): 357-87.
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    • Vladimir Lukin, quoted in Gennady Charodeyev, "There's Only Person Who Could Have Given the Order: The President," Izvestia, 15 June 1999, trans. in Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press 51, no. 24.
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