History as censure: "repression" and "philo-semitism" in postwar Germany

History and Memory

Volumn 15, Issue 1, 2003, Pages 97-122

  Kauders, Anthony D ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 79551708293     PISSN: 0935560X     EISSN: 15271994     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/ham.2003.0003     Document Type: Review

References (128)

1. Amongst more recent appropriations of the concept of repression, see, for example, Ernestine Schlant, The Language of Silence: West German Literature and the Holocaust (London and New York, 1999), 24;
2. Mary Fulbrook, German National Identity after the Holocaust (Cambridge, 1999), 166;
3. Anton Kaes, From "Hitler" to "Heimat": The Return of History as Film (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 14-15. References to "repression," the meaning of which is assumed to be selfexplanatory, abound in the literature on postwar West Germany.
4. On postwar trials in Germany, see Gerd R. Ueberschär, Der Nationalsozialismus vor Gericht: Die alliierten Prozesse gegen Kriegsverbrecher und Soldaten, 1943- 1952 (Frankfurt/Main, 1999);
5. Jürgen Wilke et al., Holocaust und NS-Prozesse: Die Presseberichterstattung in Israel und Deutschland zwischen Abneigung und Abwehr (Cologne, Vienna and Weimar, 1995);
6. Thomas Wandres and Gerhard Werle, eds., Auschwitz vor Gericht: Völkermord und bundesdeutsche Strafjustiz (Munich, 1995).
7. On the film director Veit Harlan after 1945, see Wolfgang Kraushaar, "Der Kampf gegen den 'Jud-Süss'-Regisseur Veit Harlan: 'Ein Meilenstein in der Grundrechtssprechung des Bundesverfassungsgerichts," Mittelweg (Dec. 1995): 4-33;
8. Werner Bergmann, Antisemitismus in öffentlichen Konflikten: Kollektives Lernen in der politischen Kultur der Bundesrepublik, 1949-1989 (Frankfurt/Main, 1997), 86-117.
9. Dominick La Capra, History and Memory after Auschwitz (Ithaca and London, 1998), 45.
10. See Sigmund Freud, "Mourning and Melacholy," in The Pelican Freud Library (Harmondsworth, 1984), vol. 11, On Metapsychology: The Theory of Psychoanalysis, 251-68. Freud's essay on "repression," published in 1915 as "Die Verdrängung," has not exercised much less influence on theories of post-1945 behavior.
11. See also Eric L. Santner, "Alexander and Margarethe Mitscherlichs Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern is published," in Sander Gilman and Jack Zipes, eds., Yale Companion to Jewish Writing and Thought in German Culture, 1096-1996 (New Haven, 1997), 737;
12. Santner's introduction to his Stranded Objects: Mourning, Memory, and Film in Postwar Germany (Ithaca, 1990).
13. For an attempt to interpret Joseph Beuys' art as related to the inability to mourn, see Sandro Bocola, Die Kunst der Moderne: Zur Struktur und Dynamik ihrer Entwicklung: Von Goya bis Beuys (Munich and New York, 1997), 528-31.
14. Theodor W. Adorno, "What Does Coming to Terms with the Past Mean?" in Geoffrey H. Hartman, ed., Bitburg in Moral and Political Perspective (Bloomington, 1986), 116, 115, 122.
15. Adorno's discussion is remarkably similar to Sartre's idea of bad faith, which involves the deliberate creation in oneself of the appearance of a belief that one in fact knows to be false. See Jean-Paul Sartre, Being and Nothingness (London, 1958), pt. I, ch. 2.
16. Alexander and Margarete Mitscherlich, Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern, with authors' afterword to the unrevised paperback edition (Munich, 1977).
17. Margarete Mitscherlich later reiterated the main arguments of their book in Erinnerungsarbeit: Zur Psychoanalyse der Unfähigkeit zu trauern (Frankfurt/Main, 1993).
18. Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern, 16. Similarly, Freud speaks of the essays collected in On Metapsychology as metapsychological writings, since he had not yet been able to substantiate his findings the way he felt was necessary, namely as part of clinical studies.
19. Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern, 24.
20. See also Mitscherlich, Erinnerungsarbeit, 25, 18-19.
21. Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern, 77.
22. see also 30, 78-79.
23. These ideas are based on Freud, "Mourning and Melancholy," 254-57.
24. Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern, 38.
25. A brief look at newspapers, journals and books after 1945 would reveal a plethora of reactions to the most recent past. For works that counter the suggestion that the 1940s and 1950s were built on "silence" and "repression," see, for example, Michael Schornstheimer, Die leuchtenden Augen der Frontsoldaten: Nationalsozialismus und Krieg in den Illustriertenromanen der fünfziger Jahre (Berlin, 1995), 217;
26. Helmut Dubiel, Niemand ist frei von der Geschichte: Die nationalsozialistische Herrschaft in den Debatten des deutschen Bundestages (Munich and Vienna 1999), conclusion.
27. The most prominent critique of the Mitscherlichs from within the psychoanalytical community has come from Tilman Moser, who disapproves of their lack of (professional) empathy as well as their attempt to combine defamation with analysis. See Tilman Moser, "Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern: Hält die Diagnose einer Überprüfung stand? Zur psychischen Verarbeitung des Holocaust in der Bundesrepublik," Psyche (May 1992): 389-405.
28. For a critique of "repression" as a term of protest, see also Werner Bergmann, "Kommunikationslatenz und Vergangenheitsbewältigung," in Helmut König, Michael Kohlstruck and Andreas Wöll, eds., Vergangenheitsbewältigung am Ende des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts (Opladen and Wiesbaden, 1998), 396.
29. Stuart Hampshire, "Disposition and Memory," in Richard Wollheim and James Hopkins, eds., Philosophical Essays on Freud (Cambridge, 1982), 81.
30. Jon Elster, Alchemies of the Mind: Rationality and the Emotions (Cambridge, 1999), 63, 152-53.
31. See also Bernard Williams, Shame and Necessity (Berkeley and London, 1993), 78-79, 81-82.
32. For a contemporary examination of German "guilt," see Karl Jaspers, Die Schuldfrage: Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Frage (Zurich, 1946), who distinguishes between criminal, political, moral and metaphysical guilt.
33. See also Anson Rabinbach, "The German as Pariah: Karl Jaspers' The Question of German Guilt," in idem, In the Shadow of Catasrophe: German Intellectuals between Apocalypse and Enlightenment (Berkeley and London, 1997), 129-65. In Jaspers' language, collective guilt is political in that every citizen is responsible for how he or she is ruled.
34. John Kekes, Against Liberalism (Ithaca, 1997), 69, 71.
35. For postwar attempts at pitting one's own innocence or Mitläufertum (the role of fellow traveler) against the crimes of Nazism's real culprits, see Rüdiger Safranski, Ein Meister aus Deutschland: Heidegger und seine Zeit (Munich and Vienna, 1994), 390;
36. Jörg Friedrich, Die kalte Amnestie: NS-Täter in der Bundesrepublik (Munich, 1994), 143-44;
37. Hans Mommsen, "Erfahrung, Aufarbeitung und Erinnerung des Holocaust in Deutschland," in Hanno Loewy, ed., Holocaust: Die Grenze des Verstehens. Eine Debatte über die Besetzung der Geschichte (Hamburg, 1992), 95;
38. Hermann Graml, "Die verdrängte Auseinandersetzung mit dem Nationalsozialismus," in Martin Broszat, ed., Zäsuren nach 1945: Essays zur Periodisierung der deutschen Nachkriegsgeschichte (Munich, 1990), 174;
39. Hans Woller, Gesellschaft und Politik in der amerikanischen Zone: Die Regierung Ansbach und Fürth (Munich, 1986), 69, 131-32;
40. Klaus-Dietmar Henke, "Die Trennung vom Nationalsozialismus: Selbstzerstörung, politische Säuberung, 'Entnazifizierung', Strafverfolgung," in Klaus-Dieter Henke and Hans Woller, eds., Politische Säuberung in Europa: Die Abrechnung mit Faschismus und Kollaboration nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (Munich, 1991), 25;
41. Ulrich Herbert, Best: Biographische Studien über Radikalismus, Weltanschauung und Vernunft, 1903-1989 (Bonn, 1996), 456.
42. For statistics on the matter, see Michael Wolffsohn, "Das Wiedergutmachungs - abkommen mit Israel: Eine Untersuchung bundesdeutscher und ausländischer Umfragen," in Ludolf Herbst, ed., Westdeutschland, 1945-1955: Unterwerfung, Kontrolle, Integration (Munich, 1986), 210.
43. Ian Kershaw, Popular Opinion and Political Dissent in the Third Reich: Bavaria 1933-1945 (Oxford, 1983), 383.
44. On the limits of Hitler's appeal, especially amongst those for whom "not charisma but pragmatic power considerations" played a role (the power-elites in the economy and army), see idem, The "Hitler Myth": Image and Reality in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1987), 260.
45. Martin Broszat, Klaus-Dietmar Henke and Hans Woller, eds., Von Stalingrad zur Währungsreform: Zur Sozialgeschichte des Umbruchs in Deutschland (Munich, 1989), xxv, xxvii;
46. Alf Lüdtke, "'Coming to Terms with the Past': Illusions of Remembering, Ways of Forgetting Nazism in West Germany," Journal of Modern History 65, no. 3 (1993): 548.
47. Even Robert Gellately, who tries hard to prove otherwise, must concede that "[s]ocial support for Hitler and for National Socialism steadily eroded as the war encroached more and more into Germany, and many people were certainly fed up." Robert Gellately, Backing Hitler: Consent and Coercion in Nazi Germany (Oxford and New York, 2001), 253.
48. In the meantime Margarete Mitscherlich has altered her stance regarding melancholia after 1945. She now asserts that economic recovery "conserve[d]" melancholia. This new position would imply that Germans continue to remain locked in a melancholic situation. Proof has not been forthcoming. See Mitscherlich, Erinnerungsarbeit, 122.
49. For a similar view, with equal dearth of evidence, see Santner, Stranded Objects, 34, 35, 37
50. Moser, "Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern," 396.
51. See also Elisabeth Heineman, "The Hour of the Women: Memories of Germany's 'Crisis Years' and the West German National Identity," American Historical Review 101, no. (April 1996): 357;
52. Santner, for reasons he fails to spell out, insists that the "capacity to feel grief for others and guilt for the suffering one has directly or indirectly caused, depends on the capacity to experience empathy for the other as other. This capacity in turn depends on the successful working through of those primitive experiences of mourning which first consolidate the boundaries between self and other, thereby opening up a space of empathy." Santner, Stranded Objects, 7. This is prescription rather than description.
53. See Anthony Kauders, "Catholics, the Jews, and Democratization in Postwar Germany, Munich 1945-65," German History 18, no. 4 (2000): 461-84.
54. On the thesis that the various trials against Nazi officials in the late 1950s and early 1960s (Einsatzgruppen in 1958, Eichmann in 1961, and Auschwitz in 1963) brought about a sea change in attitudes toward the past, see Jeffrey Herf, Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys (Cambridge, MA, and London 1997), 268, 390-91;
55. Paul Passauer, "NS-Prozesse und historische Forschung," Tribüne: Zeitschrift zum Verständnis des Judentums 2 (1995): 122;
56. A. J. Nicholls, The Bonn Republic: West German Democracy, 1945-1990 (London and New York, 1997), 191;
57. Ulrich Brochhagen, Nach Nürnberg: Vergangenheitsbewältigung in der Ära Adenauer (Hamburg, 1994), 223.
58. See also American Joint Jewish Distribution Committee Archives, Jerusalem (hereafter AJJDC), Geneva I, SLH Files, Country Report 1961: "The Eichmann trial was very well covered by the press and particularly by television. It was an eye opener for many Germans, particularly the youth
59. Daniel L. Schacter, Searching for Memory: The Brain, the Mind, and the Past (New York, 1996), 234;
60. see also 252-53.
61. For further critiques of "unconscious" repression, see Colin McGinn, "Freud under Analysis," New York Review of Books 4 Nov. 1999, 22;
62. Dieter E. Zimmer, Tiefenschwindel: Die endlose und die beendbare Psychoanalyse (Hamburg, 1990), 289-94.
63. Schacter, Searching for Memory, 255.
64. Elster, Alchemies of the Mind, 368.
65. The work most commonly invoked is that of Hans-Joachim Schoeps, who suggested five types of philo-Semitism: Christian-missionary, biblical-chilliastic, utilitarian, liberal-humanist and religious. See his Barocke Juden, Christen, Judenchristen (Bern and Munich, 1965), 7-8.
66. See also idem., Philosemitismus im Barock: Religions- und geistesgeschichtliche Untersuchungen (Tübingen, 1952).
67. Schoeps is most concerned with British Calvinism and the new Hebraism, that is, with Christian-Jewish as opposed to Gentile-Jewish relations. He also does not supply a definition of the phenomenon. On Puritan "philo-Semitism," see also David S. Katz, Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England, 1603-1655 (Oxford, 1982).
68. On the influence of mercantalism vis-à-vis 17th-century philo- Semitism, see Jonathan I. Israel, European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism, 1550- 1750 (Oxford, 1989), 56-57.
69. The most recent book on Anglo-American philo- Semitism, which divides the phenomenon into liberal-progressive, Christian, Zionist and conservative-elitist forms of sympathy, but offers no substantial definition whatever, is William D. Rubinstein and Hilary L. Rubinstein, Philosemitism: Admiration and Support in the English-Speaking World for Jews, 1840-1939 (London, 1999).
70. The best overview to date is Wolfram Kinzig, "Philosemtismus. Teil I: Zur Geschichte des Begriffs," Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 43, no. 2 (1994): 202-28
71. Michael Brenner, "'Gott schütze uns vor unseren Freunden' - Zur Ambivalenz des Philosemitismus im Kaiserreich," Jahrbuch für Antisemitismus-forschung 1, no. 2 (1992): 174-75, referring to Schoeps, Barocke Juden.
72. Brenner adds a sixth type of philo-Semitism, that of guilt and shame after 1945. He also dismisses definitions that are "impartial" (wertneutral) along the lines of antianti- Semitism, sympathy for the Jews or the readiness for dialogue. For a more "impartial" definition, see Alan Levenson, "Philosemitic Discourse in Imperial Germany," Jewish Social Studies 2, no. 3 (1996): 25-63. Levenson largely concurs with Brenner's assessment. He, too, seems to suggest that philo-Semitism was absent in so far as very few Germans in the Wilhelmine Empire proved capable of harboring "untainted" pro-Jewish sentiments. What is more, both Levenson and Brenner choose persons who ultimately had to fail the test. Levenson admits as much when he writes that there were a "few self-selected outsiders ... open to the transformative encounters with individual Jews that carried them beyond antiantisemitism and into more pronounced forms of philo-Semitism. But they were truly exceptional and deserve a separate treatment" (p. 28). The question, in other words, is why these "true" philo-Semites are not the focus of a study on philo-Semitism, rather than the "false" ones.
73. Brenner, "'Gott schütze uns vor unseren Freunden'," 175, 184.
74. Van A. Harvey, Feuerbach and the Interpretation of Religion (Cambridge, 1995), 1.
75. Alan Edelstein, An Unacknowledged Harmony: Philo-Semitism and the Survival of European Jewry (Westport 1982), 19.
76. See also the comments by David Brion Davis on the charge that Jews supported the blacks in the 1960s in order to further their own cause: "In fact, self-interest appeared in a more negative form, inhibiting Jewish support for the more radical black protests, especially during World War II when most Jews were intent on proving their own patriotism and allegiance to the white majority and the power elite." David Brion Davis, "Jews and Blacks in America," New York Review of Books, 2 Dec. 1999, 58.
77. An exception is the book by Hilary and William Rubinstein, Philosemitism, especially 137. It seems far-fetched to maintain that the "true" philo-Semites depicted in this work could have only existed in English-speaking countries.
78. On Mommsen's comments, see Walter Boehlich, ed., Der Berliner Antisemitismusstreit (Frankfurt/Main, 1988), 212-26.
79. For an unsuccessful attempt to elucidate the concept of philo-Semitism in the person of Theodor Fontane, see Wolfgang Paulsen, "Theodor Fontane: The Philosemitic Antisemite," Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 26 (1981): 303-22.
80. For another piece which fails to define philo-Semitism, see David Biale, "Masochism and Philosemitism: The Strange Case of Leopold von Sacher-Masoch," Journal of Contemporary History 17, no. 2 (April 1982): 305-23.
81. On Treitschke's anti-Semitism, see his writings in Boehlich, ed., Der Berliner Antisemitismusstreit.
82. See also Uriel Tal, Christians and Jews in Germany: Religion, Politics, and Ideology in the Second Reich, 1870-1914 (Ithaca and London, 1975);
83. Ulrich Langer, Heinrich von Treitschke: Politische Biographie eines deutschen Nationalisten (Düsseldorf, 1998).
84. Hermann Greive, Geschichte des modernen Antisemitismus in Deutschland (Darmstadt, 1983), 60-61.
85. A further weakness of Brenner's article, "'Gott schütze uns vor unserer Freunden'," is that it condemns both statements made by men of the late 19th century and those made a hundred years earlier. To question the motives of Mommsen is one thing; to expect Lessing and Dohm to be utterly free of anti-Jewish prejudices at a time when most Jews lived a "separate" existence is anachronistic. On the separateness of the Jews till the end of the 18th century, see Jacob Katz, Tradition and Crisis: Jewish Society at the End of the Middle Ages (New York, 1993), 14, 26.
86. On Jewish opposition to this form of separation, see Kenneth Hart Green, "Moses Mendelssohn's Opposition to the Herem: The First Step Toward Denominationalism," Modern Judaism 12, no. 1 (1992): 40-41.
87. Frank Stern, Im Anfang war Auschwitz: Antisemitismus und Philosemitismus im deutschen Nachkrieg (Gerlingen, 1991), 17.
88. See also idem., "The Historic Triangle: Occupiers, Germans and Jews in Postwar Germany," Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für deutsche Geschichte 19 (1990): 47-76
89. "Entstehung, Bedeutung und Funktion des Philosemitismus in Westdeutschland nach 1945," in Werner Bergmann and Rainer Erb, eds., Antisemitismus in der Politischen Kultur nach 1945 (Opladen, 1990), 192.
90. "These historians" usually refers to Frank Stern, the main proponent of this thesis. Historians who advance similar ideas usually rely on Stern's work. A good example is Julia Schulze Wessel, who presents persuasive material on the continuity of German anti-Semitism before and after 1945, but then, as if to pay tribute to Stern, argues that philo-Semitism characterized German behavior toward the Jews in the immediate postwar era. Her only reference is Frank Stern's Im Anfang war Auschwitz, as well as Stern's main source, Julius Posner's In Deutschland 1945-1946 (Jerusalem, 1947).
91. See Julia Schulze Wessel, "Zur Reformulierung des Antisemitismus in der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft: Eine Analyse deutscher Polizeiakten aus der Zeit von 1945 bis 1948," in Susanne Dietrich and Julia Schulze Wessel, Zwischen Selbstorganisation und Stigmatisierung: Die Lebenswirklichkeit jüdischer Displaced Persons und die neue Gestalt des Antisemitismus in der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft (Stuttgart, 1998), 150.
92. Similarly, Wolfgang Benz's collection of essays on German-Jewish relations after the war is entitled Zwischen Antisemitismus und Philosemitismus: Juden in der Bundesrepublik (Berlin, 1991), although the only article in the volume that deals specifically with philo-Semitism is the one by Frank Stern.
93. Frank Stern, "From Overt Philosemitism to Discreet Antisemitism, and Beyond," in Shmuel Almog, ed., Antisemitism through the Ages (Oxford, 1988), 401. It is not for nothing that many of Stern's articles have appeared alongside contributions on postwar anti-Semitism.
94. Frank Stern, "German-Jewish Relations in the Postwar Period: The Ambiguities of Antisemitic and Philosemitic Discourse," in Michal Y. Bodemann, ed., Jews, Germans, Memory: Reconstructions of Jewish Life in Germany (Ann Arbor, 1996), 78.
95. Thomas Altfelix, "The 'Post-Holocaust' Jew and the Instrumentalization of Philosemitism," Patterns of Prejudice 34, no. 2 (April 2000): 52.
96. Anna J. Merritt and Richard L. Merritt, Public Opinion in Occupied Germany: The OMGUS Surveys, 1945-1949 (Urbana, IL, 1970), 40.
97. See Anthony Kauders, "Jews in the Christian Gaze: Antisemitism and Munich's Churches before and after Hitler," Patterns of Prejudice 34, no. 3 (July 2000): 27-45
98. Democratization and the Jews, Munich 1945-65 (Lincoln, NB, and London, 2003).
99. On hostility to DPs, see Dietrich and Wessel, Zwischen Selbstorganisation und Stigmatisierung;
100. Angelika Königseder and Juliane Wetzel, Lebensmut im Wartesaal: Die jüdischen DPs (Displaced Persons) im Nachkriegsdeutschland (Frankfurt/Main, 1994);
101. Fritz Bauer Institut, ed., Überlebt und unterwegs: Jüdische Displaced Persons im Nachkriegsdeutschland (Frankfurt and New York, 1997);
102. Ronald Webster, "American Relief and Jews in Germany, 1945-1960," Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 38 (1993): 296;
103. For desecration of Jewish cemeteries and other acts of violence, see, for example, Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People, Jerusalem P-68, Klausner Archives, IX;
104. AJJDC, Geneva I, GA2, C-45.068, Dr. Schabsaj Rubin to Samuel Haber, 4 June 1951;
105. Central Zionist Archives (CZA), Jerusalem, ZA, C2 773, B. Sagalowitz's report of April 1950, p. 22;
106. CZA, C2 775, Memorandum on Germany, 12 April 1950;
107. CZA, C2 775, Report by Dr. Gerhard Jacoby, World Jewish Congress, 5 June 1950, p. 4;
108. Allgemeine Wochenzeitung des Judentums, 4 March 1949, 14 April 1950, 15 June 1951, 25 July 1952, and 21 Aug. 1953;
109. Münchener Jüdische Nachrichten, 30 Dec. 1951, 13 Jan. 1952, 15 July 1954, 10 Feb. 1955, 17 Jan. 1958.
110. See also Y. Michal Bodemann, Gedächtnistheater: Die jüdische Gemeinschaft und ihre deutsche Erfindung (Hamburg, 1996), 129-30.
111. On Adenauer's calculating approach, see Ute Schmitt, "Die CDU, der Nationalsozialismus und der Holocaust," in Werner Bergmann, Rainer Erb and Albert Lichtblau, Schwieriges Erbe: Der Umgang mit Nationalsozialismus und Antisemitismus in Österreich, der DDR und der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Frankfurt/Main and New York, 1995), 65;
112. Günther Gillessen, Konrad Adenauer and Israel: The Konrad Adenauer Memorial Lecture 1986 (Oxford 1986), 6-7.
113. Gillessen is overly generous with Adenauer, who occasionally made it be known that whatever sums were offered as part of restitution mattered little since "the Jews would cheat in any case (betrügen)" or that Wiedergutmachung was necessary to assuage international opinion. See Kai von Jena, "Versöhnung mit Israel? Die Deutsch-Israelischen Verhandlungen bis zum Wiedergutmachungsabkommen von 1952," Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte 34, no. 4 (1986): 470, 477.
114. On the GDR and the Jews, including last-minute attempts to influence Jewish opinion in the United States, see Angelika Timm, Hammer, Zirkel, Davidstern: Das gestörte Verhältnis der DDR zu Zionismus und Staat Israel (Bonn, 1997);
115. Jutta Illichmann, Die DDR und die Juden: Die deutschlandpolitische Instrumentalisierung von Juden und Judentum durch die Partei- und Staatsführung der SBZ/DDR von 1945 bis 1990 (Frankfurt/Main, etc. 1997);
116. Ulrike Offenberg, "Seid vorsichtig gegen die Machthaber": Die jüdischen Gemeinden in der SBZ und der DDR, 1945-1990 (Berlin, 1998).
117. Constantin Goschler, Wiedergutmachung: Westdeutschland und die Verfolgten des Nationalsozialismus (1945-1954) (Munich 1992), 201-2.
118. On the unpopularity of Wiedergutmachung, see also Michael Wolffsohn, "Das Wiedergutmachungsabkommen mit Israel: Eine Untersuchung bundesdeutscher und ausländischer Umfragen," in Herbst, ed., Westdeutschland, 206;
119. Schlomo Shafir, "Die SPD und die Wiedergutmachung gegenüber Israel," in Ludolf Herbst and Constantin Goschler, eds., Wiedergutmachung in der BRD (Munich, 1989), 199.
120. Indeed, disapproval of Wiedergutmachung was so common that the CDU's Franz Böhm exclaimed in 1952: "What should one do if an entire people remains obstinate (bockt)...?" (Goschler, Wiedergutmachung, 214.)
121. Institut für Zeitgeschichte, FDP Informationsdienst in Bayern, no. 48, 21 Dec.1951, "Dehler und die Arbeitstagung jüdischer Juristen
122. On Dehler and the Jews, see Udo Wengst, Thomas Dehler 1897-1967: Eine politische Biographie (Munich, 1997), 65, 69-70, 87.
123. For statements by figures with similar credentials, see the comments by Carlo Schmid and Kurt Schumacher in Dubiel, Niemand ist frei von der Geschichte, 45.
124. Jeffrey Herf, "Mutiple Restorations: German Political Traditions and the Interpretation of Nazism, 1945-1946," Central European History 26, no. 1 (1993): 25.
125. Michael Billig, Freudian Repression: Conversation Creating the Unconscious (Cambridge, 1999), 54.
126. A similar argument can be found in certain passages in Schlant, The Language of Silence, 10.
127. Quentin Skinner, "A Reply to my Critics," in James Tully, ed., Meaning and Context: Quentin Skinner and his Critics (Cambridge, 1988), 274-75.
128. See Kauders, Democratization and the Jews.