The poor law of old England: Institutional innovation and demographic regimes

Journal of Interdisciplinary History

Volumn 41, Issue 3, 2011, Pages 339-366

  Kelly, Morgan ^a   Gráda, Cormac Ó ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY COLLEGE DUBLIN   (Ireland)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

AGRICULTURE; ARTICLE; CATERING SERVICE; CLIMATE; CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY; DEMOGRAPHY; ECONOMICS; EDUCATION; ETHNOLOGY; FAMILY HEALTH; FAMILY SIZE; HISTORY; INCOME; JURISPRUDENCE; LEGAL ASPECT; LIFE EXPECTANCY; SOCIAL CHANGE; SOCIOECONOMICS; UNITED KINGDOM;

AGRICULTURE; ANTHROPOLOGY, CULTURAL; CLIMATE; DEMOGRAPHY; FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS; FAMILY HEALTH; FOOD SUPPLY; GREAT BRITAIN; HISTORY, 15TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 16TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; HISTORY, MEDIEVAL; INCOME; JURISPRUDENCE; LIFE EXPECTANCY; SOCIAL CHANGE; SOCIOECONOMIC FACTORS;

EID: 78149364009     PISSN: 00221953     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/JINH_a_00105     Document Type: Article

References (165)

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4. For reviews of the older literature, see Boyer, Economic History, 1-8, 51-84.
5. Mark Blaug, "The Myth of the Old Poor Law and the Making of the New," Journal of Economic History, XXIII (1963), 151-184.
6. The classic source for Malthus' critique is Thomas Robert Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population (London, 1826; orig. pub. 1798), 63-117.
7. Blaug, "Myth of the Old Poor Law".
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14. Sara Horrell, Jane Humphries, and Hans-Joachim Voth, "Destined for Deprivation? Human Capital Formation and Intergenerational Poverty in Nineteenth-Century England," Explorations in Economic History, XXXVIII (2001), 339-365.
15. Steve Hindle, On the Parish? The Micro-Politics of Poor Relief in Rural England c. 1550-1750 (New York, 2004).
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24. Zvi Razi, Life, Marriage & Death in a Medieval Parish (New York, 1980).
25. Larry R. Poos and Smith, "Legal Windows onto Historical Populations? Recent Research on Demography and the Manor Court in Medieval England," Law and History Review, II (1984), 141.
26. Martin Ecclestone, "Mortality of Rural Landless Men before the Black Death: The Glastonbury Head-Tax Lists," Local Population Studies, LXIII (1999), 24.
27. John, A. Hatcher, A. J. Piper, and David Stone, "Monastic Mortality: Durham Priory, 1395-1529," Economic History Review, LIX (2006), 667-687.
28. E. Anthony Wrigley et al., English Population History from Family Reconstitution (New York, 1997), 290-291.
29. Kelly and Ó Gráda, "Living Standards and Mortality in England since the Middle Ages: The Poor Law versus the Positive Check," working paper 10/26, Centre for Economic Research (University College Dublin, 2010).
30. Ronald D. Lee, "Short Term Variation: Vital Rates, Prices, and Weather," in Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England 1541-1871 (London, 1981), 356-401.
31. David R. Weir, "Life under Pressure: England and France, 1670-1870," Journal of Economic History, XLIV (1984), 27-47.
32. Ronald D. Lee and Michael Anderson, "Malthus in State Space: Macro Economic-Demographic Relations in English History, 1540-1870," Journal of Population Economics, XV (2002), 195-220.
33. Robert C. Allen and Jacob L. Weisdorf, "The Working Year of the English Day Laborer, c. 1300-1830," available at http://www.wehc2009.org/programme.asp.
34. Alexander Apostolides et al., "English Gross Domestic Product: Some Preliminary Estimates," available at http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/staff/faculty/broadberry/wp/pre1700v2.pdf.
35. de Vries, Industrious Revolution.
36. Although sixteenth-century parliaments routinely enacted poor laws, culminating in the famous statutes of 1598, little action was taken to implement them until the 1620s.
37. Paul Slack, Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1989).
38. Walter, "Social Economy of Dearth".
39. J. F. Hadwin, "Philanthropy Deflated," Economic History Review, XXXI (1978), 113 (Table 2).
40. Smith, "Charity, Self-interest and Welfare".
41. "Welfare of the Individual and the Group".
42. Slack, Poverty and Policy, 113-137.
43. Fogel, "Second Thoughts on the European Escape from Hunger: Famines, Chronic Malnutrition, and Mortality," in S. R. Osmani (ed.), Nutrition and Poverty (Oxford, 1992), 243-286.
44. Stephen Greenberg, "Plague, the Printing Press, and Public Health in Seventeenth Century," Huntington Library Quarterly, LXVII (2004), 509-527.
45. Hindle, "Dearth and the English Revolution: The Harvest Crisis of 1647-50," LXXXI (2008), 1-32.
46. Hadwin, "Philanthropy," 112.
47. Central-government taxation rose from about 3.5% of national income at the Restoration to 7% in the 1690s and 12% by 1790.
48. Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (New York, 1990. orig. pub. 1985), 171-173.
49. John Riddoch Poynter, Society and Pauperism; English Ideas on Poor Relief, 1795-1834 (London, 1969), 19.
50. Patrick K. O'Brien, "The Political Economy of British Taxation, 1660-1815," Economic History Review, LXI (1988), 1-32.
51. Smith, "Charity, Self-interest and Welfare," 37-38.
52. Frederick Eden's parish reports confirm that the poor were mainly elderly women, although in towns where bastardy was on the rise, the share of young women and their children was significant.
53. Eden, The State of the Poor, or a History of the Labouring Classes in England (London, 1797), III, 823-825 (Halifax in theWest Riding).
54. Rosalind Mitchison, The Old Poor Law in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2000), 92-93, females also preponderated in Scotland.
55. Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France (New York, 1974), 176.
56. Solar, "Poor Law," 7.
57. On occasion, it took court orders to force parish overseers to grant relief in individual cases.
58. Peter King, "The Summary Courts and Social Relations in Eighteenth-Century England," Past & Present, 183 (2004), 125-172.
59. Samantha Williams, "Poor Relief, Labourers' Households and Living Standards in Rural England c. 1770-1834: A Bedfordshire Case Study," Economic History Review, LVIII (2005), 485-519.
60. Susannah Ottaway, "Providing for the Elderly in Eighteenth-Century England," Continuity and Change, XIII (1998), 391-418.
61. John Broad, "Parish Economies of Welfare, 1650-1834," Historical Journal, XLII (1999), 986.
62. Tim Wales, "Poverty, Poor Relief and the Life-Cycle: Some Evidence from Seventeenth-Century Norfolk," in Smith (ed), Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle (New York, 1984), 354-357.
63. Henry J. Wilkins, Transactions of the "Poor Book" of the Tithings of Westbury on Trym, Stoke Bishop & Shirehampton from A.D. 1656-1698 with Introduction and Notes (Bristol, 1910).
64. Jeremy Boulton, "The Poor among the Rich: Paupers and the Parish in the West End, 1600-1724," in Paul Griffiths and Mark S. R. Jenner (eds.), Londinopolis: Essays in the Cultural and Social History of Early Modern London (Manchester, 2000), 211.
65. "Going on the Parish: The Parish Pension and Its Meaning in the London Suburbs, 1640-1724," in Tim Hitchcock, Peter King, and Pamela Sharpe (eds.), Chronicling Poverty: The Voices and Strategies of the English Poor, 1640-1840 (London, 1997),19-46.
66. Lynn A. Botelho, Old Age and the English Poor Law, 1500-1700 (Woodbridge, 2004), 72.
67. Steven King, "Reconstructing Lives: The Poor, the Poor Law andWelfare in Rural Industrial Communities" Social History, XXII (1997), 329-330.
68. Peter Rushton, "The Poor law, the Parish and the Community in North-East England, 1600-1800," Northern History, XXV (1989), 151.
69. Peter Rushton, "Poor Law, the Parish and the Community,"137.
70. Jonathan Healey, "Economic Fluctuations and the Poor: Some Lancashire Evidence, 1630-80," available at http://www.ehs.org.uk/ehs/conference2008/Assets/HealeyNRIC.doc.
71. John Sweetman, A History of Poor Law and Charity Relief in Banstead (Banstead, Surrey, 2004), 32-33.
72. Frederick George Emmison, "The Relief of the Poor at Eaton Socon 1706-1834," Publications of the Bedfordshire Historical Record Society, XV (1933), 27.
73. Boulton, Neighbourhood and Society: A London Suburb in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1987), 57-58.
74. Joan Kent and Steven King, "Changing Patterns of Poor Relief in Some English Rural Parishes circa 1650-1750," Rural History, XVI (2003), 1-38.
75. Steven King, Poverty and Welfare in England 1700-1850: A Regional Perspective (Manchester, 2000), 256-262.
76. "Charity, Health and Welfare in the English Provinces: Some Reflections," Journal of Family and Community History, VII (2004), 33-43.
77. The distinction in welfare cultures may be traced back to Eden, State of the Poor, I, vii.
78. British Parliamentary Papers (hereinafter bpp), "Abstract of answers and returns under Act 43 George 3, relative to the expense of maintaining the poor in England." [175.] XIII (1803-04).
79. Compare Peter H. Lindert, "Poor Relief before the Welfare State: Britain versus the Continent, 1780-1880," European Review of Economic History, II (2006), 123.
80. The averages in outlays and wages were about 8s. 4d. and 6s. 6d., indicating a gap of 30%. The gap was wider earlier, however.
81. Gregory Clark, "Farm Wages and Living Standards in the Industrial Revolution: England, 1670-1869," Economic History Review, LIV (2001), 485, indicates that wages in the north were only half those in the southeast c. 1700.
82. Arthur Young, admittedly no friend of the opl, claimed that "poor rates are never nicely proportioned to the prices of provisions and the necessities of the poor; but depend on the temper of individuals, the caprice of parish officers and justices of the peace: they are as often raised by clamour, as by real necessity."
83. Young, A Six Months' Tour through the North of England (Dublin, 1770), III, 311.
84. Smith, "Charity, Self-interest and Welfare," 37.
85. The correlation between spending per head of population in 1784 and 1813 was 0.874.
86. County population data for the 1780s are given in Wrigley, "English County Populations in the Later Eighteenth Century," Economic History Review, LX (2007), 35-69.
87. County wage data in Edward H. Hunt, "Industrialization and Regional Inequality: Wages in Britain, 1760-1914," Journal of Economic History, XLVI (1986), 935-966.
88. Real property data in bpp, "Poor rate returns: an account of the money expended for the maintenance and relief of the poor... to which is prefixed... estimates of the annual value of real property, assessed April 1815, for the purposes of the property tax" [444.], XLVII (1835), 185.
89. The county-level data for 1700 to 1750 are from John Marshall, Mortality of the Metropolis, a Statistical View of the Number of Persons Reported to Have Died, 1629-1831 (London, 1832).
90. Donations for 1704 reported in bpp 1803-4: 715.
91. Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England, 1541-1871: A Reconstitution (London, 1981).
92. Schofield, Parish Register Aggregate Analyses: The Population History of England Database and Introductory Guide (Colchester, 1998), 7.
93. In partial mitigation, note that county-level populations at half-century intervals be tween 1700 and 1850 were highly correlated.
94. For example, the Spearman rank correlation coefficient across forty-one counties is 0.931 for 1700 to 1750 and 0.958 for 1750 to 1800.
95. For the county data see Wrigley, "Rickman Revisited: The Population Growth Rates of English Counties in the Early Modern Period," Economic History Review, LXII (2009), 711-735.
96. John Sheail (ed. Richard W. Hoyle), The Regional Distribution of Wealth in England as Indicated by the 1524/5 Lay Subsidy Returns (London, 1998).
97. The ability of GRVAL and VAL1524 to account for some of the variation in EXP qualifies our worries about the anachronistic character of EXP, PROP15, and GENDENS.
98. The average of intra-county coefficients of variation-after excluding three counties with only one observation-was 0.43.
99. The cluster analysis of 262 Oxfordshire parishes c. 1831 in Byung Khun Song, "Landed Interest, Local Government, and the Labor Market in England, 1750-1850," Economic History Review, LI (1999), 465-488, also yields an inverse relationship between poor-relief expenditure and the concentration of land ownership.
100. However, in this case, expenditure is reckoned per pound of property value, again using 1815 valuations (Table 1, 477).
101. Blaug, "The Poor Law Report Reexamined." Journal of Economic History, XXIV (1964), 229-245.
102. Dividing Eden's data into northern and southern blocks, and taking averages from parishes with the relevant data, suggests that beef, mutton, bacon, milk, and butter cost about 15 % more in the northern block; veal, pork, and eggs about 30 % more; and coal almost twice as much (derived from data in Eden, State of the Poor, II and III).
103. For the purpose of this calculation, the southern block includes Middlesex, Essex, Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Hants, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Suffolk, Norfolk, Wilts, Somerset, Dorset, Devon, Cornwall; the northern block contains the remainder.
104. Running EXP on NORTH and SOUTH alone accounts for more than one-quarter of the variation in EXP, but the coefficients on the dummy variables are much higher (_0.100 and 0.071, respectively).
105. In Botelho's study of two Suffolk parishes (Old Age and the English Poor Law), the smaller and poorer of the two was constrained by poverty to be less humane and flexible.
106. The correlations between data on the poor rate (PRATE), the cost of provisions (COL), wages, and farm earnings in seventy locations reported in Young's Six Months' Tour through the North of England are as follows.
107. 2 of.64") between per capita 1815 property values and land-tax values per capita in 1798 across fifty-four counties of England and Wales.
108. The correlation between SOL and WAGE is _0.113.
109. Eden, State of the Poor, I, vii.
110. The trends in Figures 1a and 1b are three-and four-degree polynomials, respectively.
111. Smith, "Charity, Self-interest and Welfare".
112. Christine S. Hallas, "Poverty and Pragmatism in the Northern Uplands of England: The North Yorkshire Pennines c. 1770-1900," Social History, XXV (2000), 67-84.
113. Steven King and Alannah Tompkins (eds.), The Poor in England 1700-1850: An Economy of Makeshifts (Manchester, 2003), 20-21.
114. Keith D. M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England 1600-1900 (New York, 1985), 94-95.
115. Ongoing work by Leigh Shaw-Taylor and Wrigley shows that two-thirds or more of male workers were employed in the secondary sector in Lancashire and Yorkshire (WR) by the 1750s (see http://www.geog.cam.ac.uk/research/projects/occupations/introduction/summary.pdf).
116. Edward J. T. Collins, "Dietary Change and Cereal Consumption in Britain in the Nineteenth Century," Agricultural History Review, XXIII (1975), 97-115.
117. Eden, State of the Poor, I, vii, 501, 525, 547.
118. The greater availability of milk in the north is confirmed by the parish data reproduced in the second and third volume of Eden's inquiry.
119. Bread hardly features in the accounts of northern parishes.
120. Ó Gráda, Ireland: A New Economic History (New York, 1994), 80-111.
121. e siècles," Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales, XLI (2006), 52-53, suggests that mortality was influenced by the differing shares of outlays devoted to medical relief in the form of personnel and hospitals.
122. Certainly, the crude correlations between the proportion of spending devoted to nonmedical relief and various measures of mortality in the nine parishes are striking.
123. However, the study refers to the late eighteenth century only; in earlier decades, the distinction between medical and nonmedical care was less precise.
124. Thomas W. Hollingsworth, "Review of John D. Post, Food Shortage, Climatic Variability, and Epidemic Disease in Preindustrial Europe," Economic History Review, XXXIX (1986), 663.
125. Perhaps the failure of the welfare system to cope with the two crises associated with small price increases explains why these crises go undetected in time-series econometric studies of the impact of the real wage or living standards on mortality.
126. th Centuries," in Brit Liljewall, Mats Morell, and Johann Söderberg (eds.), Festschrift in Honour of Professor Janken Myrdal (Stockholm, 2009) (we are grateful to the author for a pre-publication copy).
127. County averages derived from averaging parish data in the Cambridge Group database offer an admittedly crude sense of the regional intensity of these crises.
128. They imply that the worst-affected counties from 1727 to 1730 were Warwick, Staffordshire, Cheshire, Huntingdonshire, and Gloucestershire and from 1740 to 1742, Shropshire, Dorsetshire, Huntingdonshire, Worcestershire, and Warwick. By the same criterion, the least affected from 1727 to 1730 were Kent, Dorset, Cumberland, Sussex, and Devon and from 1740 to 1742, Rutland, Cumberland, Sussex, Lincolnshire, and Durham.
129. Note that these counties are not the same as those used for Figures 4a and 4b.
130. The London bills of mortality indicate that the earlier crisis was milder than the later in the metropolis (see Marshall, Mortality of the Metropolis, 70-71).
131. The years 1727 to 1728 and 1740 to 1741 were the only ones in which Britain imported grain. Alternatively, whereas net exports averaged only 20,000 quarters in those years, they averaged 260,000 quarters in the rest of the period from 1700 to 1745.
132. Brian R. Mitchell and Phyllis Deane, Abstract of British Historical Statistics [Cambridge, 1971], 94-95.
133. We are grateful to Richard Hoyle for alerting us to this point.
134. The strong negative correlation between changes in numbers of baptisms and burials across parishes in the Cambridge Group database can also be -0.452 (N=39), using the county median values, which estimate the changes in births and deaths as total number of births/deaths from 1727 to 1730 as a proportion of the 1730 to 1739 average.
135. John Rutty, Chronological History of the Weather and Seasons and of Prevailing Diseases in Dublin (Dublin, 1770), 17, described horses in the west of England in November 1727 as "suddenly seized with a cough and weakness," followed by the same symptoms, sometimes accompanied by nose-bleeding, "in Dublin and remote parts of Ireland.".
136. A month later, the horse population was recovering, but "a cough and sore throat [had] seized mankind in Dublin.".
137. Geoff Timmins, "Dying in Droves: History Mysteries and Parish Records," available January 31, 2005 at http://www.bbc.co.uk/cgi-bin/education/betsie/parser.pl.
138. Eileen A. Gooder, "The Population Crisis of 1727-30 in Warwickshire," Midland History, I (1972), 1-22.
139. Wrigley and Schofield, Population History, 681-684.
140. John D. Post, "Climatic Variability and the European Mortality Wave of the Early 1740s," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, XV (1984), 1-30.
141. David Dickson, Arctic Ireland: The Extraordinary Story of the Great Frost and Forgotten Famine of 1740-41 (Belfast, 1997).
142. Rutty, Chronological History, 86-97.
143. John Landers, Death and the Metropolis: Studies in the Demographic History of London 1670-1830 (New York, 1993), 278-279.
144. Charles Creighton, A History of Epidemics in Britain (London, 1965 [1894]), II, 78-83.
145. The male share of deaths was 0.491 from 1737 to 1739, 0.491 from 1740 to 1742, and 0.490 from 1743 to 1745 (Marshall, Mortality of the Metropolis, 70-71).
146. On the relative female advantage during famines, see Ó Gráda, Famine: A Short History (Princeton, 2009), 90-128.
147. To the curious rise in births might be added the positive correlation across counties between the changes in birth and deaths from 1740 to 1742, using median county values of the Cambridge Group parishes (_0.098, N_394).
148. In Ireland in the 1740s, in France in the 1690s and 1700s, and in Finland in the 1860s, the annual peaks in mortality and prices coincided, or nearly, whereas in France from 1709 to 1710, there was a one-year lag between the peak in prices and that in deaths.
149. England in the 1550s, however, also witnessed a mortality peak two years after the peak in prices when a great influenza pandemic prolonged the subsistence crisis that began in 1556.
150. Creighton, History of Epidemics, 401-408, describes "a new sickness" and "strange agues and fevers," from which the wealthy were not immune, raging in 1557 and 1558.
151. Wrigley and Schofield, Population History, 669.
152. Post, "Climatic Variability,"10 (Table 1).
153. The Scottish Poor Law was a product of processes similar to, but separate from, those of England.
154. The Scottish kirk preferred local philanthropy to taxation, but the implicit threat of taxation was usually enough to elicit funds from landowners.
155. Mitchison, Old Poor Law, 6-12, 38-40.
156. Healey, "Economic Fluctuations."
157. sources (other than those cited elsewhere in the text) Mary Fissell, "'The Sick and Drooping Poor' in Eighteenth Century Bristol and Its Region," Social History of Medicine, IX (1989), 42-64.
158. W. Newman-Brown, "The Receipt of Poor Relief and Family Situation: Aldenham, Hertfordshire 1630-90," in Richard M. Smith (ed.), Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle (New York, 1984).
159. Steve Hindle, "Power, Poor Relief, and Social Relations in Holland Fen, c. 1600-1800," Historical Journal, XLI (1998), 67-96.
160. Barry Stapleton, "Inherited Poverty and Life-Cycle Poverty: Odiham, Hampshire, 1650-1850," Social History, XVIII (1993), 339-355.
161. Richard Dyson, "The Experience of Poverty in a Rural Community: Broughton, North Lincolnshire, 1760-1835," Local Population Studies, LXX (2003), 11-28.
162. Nigel Goose, "The Rise and Decline of Philanthropy in Early Modern Colchester: The Unacceptable Face of Mercantilism?" Social History, XXXI (2006), 469-487.
163. Stanley Robertson Broadbridge, "The Old Poor Law in the Parish of Stone," North Staffordshire Journal of Field Studies, XIII (1973), 11-25.
164. Keith Wrightson and David Levine, Poverty & Piety in an English Village: Terling, 1525-1700 (New York, 1979).
165. th Century Mangotsfield (Downend, Gloucs., 1998).