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Volumn 45, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 625-636

Production of trust and distrust: Transnational networks, Islamic holding companies and the state in Turkey

(1)  Adaş, Emin Baki a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

BUSINESS; ENTREPRENEUR; SOCIAL CAPITAL; SOCIAL NETWORK;

EID: 70449346278     PISSN: 00263206     EISSN: 17437881     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00263200903009700     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (10)

References (48)
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    • Notes
    • I wish to thank Serife Genis for her valuable comments. An earlier version of this article was presented at the 'Middle Eastern History and Theory Conference', University of Chicago, Chicago, 10-12 May 2008. I thank conference participants who provided comments and criticisms.
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    • Notes
    • Some have likened the operation of these money collection activities by Islamic holding companies to Ponzi Scheme in Islamic guise. Part of the money collected from the new investors were distributed as profit shares to the old shareholders rather than real profit generated by the commercial activities of the companies (see Radikal, 2 Nov. 2006).
  • 19
    • 70449331081 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • See Hürriyet (10 June 1999) and Radikal (2 Nov. 2006) for news coverage on Islamic holding companies
    • See Hürriyet (10 June 1999) and Radikal (2 Nov. 2006) for news coverage on Islamic holding companies.
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    • Notes
    • P. Lubeck, 'Antinomies of Islamic Movements under Globalization', Working Paper Series, WP#99-1, Centre for Global International & Regional Studies, University of California at Santa Cruz, available at http://repositories.cdlib.org/cgirs/CGIRS-1999-1 (accessed June 2009).
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    • The definition of globalization still draws a considerable amount of debate. For different definitions of and perspectives on globalization see
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    • See, in G. Nonneman et al. (eds.), Muslim Communities in the New Europe (Lebanon: Ithaca Press
    • See Y. Karakasoglu and G. Nonneman, 'Muslims in Germany', in G. Nonneman et al. (eds.), Muslim Communities in the New Europe (Lebanon: Ithaca Press, 1997).
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    • Karakasoglu, Y.1    Nonneman, G.2
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    • Notes
    • kilati{dotless}, hereafter AMGT) had close ties with Islamist Welfare Party in Turkey and functions more or less as the official transnational organization of this party. For example, three top AMGT officials served as Welfare Party candidates in the 1995 parliamentary election. The relationship between the Islamist Welfare Party and AMGT was not simply based on ideological similarities. There were also kinship ties between the two at the leadership level. For instance, the general secretary of AMGT was Erbakan's nephew, the leader of the defunct Welfare Party.
  • 29
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    • Karakasoglu and Nonneman, 'Muslims in Germany', p.257.
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    • 28 February 1997: The End of Turkish-Islamic Synthesis
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    • Until very recently, the Turkish state resisted granting dual citizenship to its citizens outside the country. It finally had to grant this right thanks to pressure from second and third generation diaspora Turks who wanted to participate in the political processes of their host countries and demanded equal rights without losing their original citizenship. Given the option of granting dual citizenship or 'losing' its citizens to another country, Turkey has reluctantly chosen the second option. The positive effects of this new status of Turkish migrants, the strengthened economic and political positions of Turkish people in these countries, however, eventually pleased the state as well as others in Turkey.
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    • Notes
    • The state attempts to contain not only the development of 'non-official' Islamic sentiments among migrant Turks but also any representative of ideology and identity that it sees as subversive to its own project, such as nationalist Kurdish groups and radical leftists.
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    • The Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism and Its Institutional Framework
    • For the social basis and characteristics of political Islam in Turkey see, in A. Eralp, M. Tunay and B. Yesilada (eds.), Westport, CT and London: Praeger
    • For the social basis and characteristics of political Islam in Turkey see S. Ayata, 'The Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism and Its Institutional Framework', in A. Eralp, M. Tunay and B. Yesilada (eds.), The Political and Socioeconomic Transformation of Turkey (Westport, CT and London: Praeger, 1993);
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    • see also
    • see also S. Ayata, 'Patronage, Party and the State: The Politicization of Islam in Turkey', The Middle East Journal, Vol.50 (1996), pp.40-56;
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    • The Poverty of Democracy in Turkey: The Refah Party Episode
    • Fall
    • H. Gulalp, 'The Poverty of Democracy in Turkey: The Refah Party Episode', New Perspective on Turkey, Vol.21 (Fall 1999), pp.35-59;
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    • Gulalp, H.1
  • 44
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    • Notes
    • see also MUSIAD's publication, Homo-Islamicus in Business Life (Istanbul: MUSIAD); E. Yarar, 'Opening Address at the 2nd International Business Forum', in MUSIAD Bulletin, Fair-Forum Special Issue, No.18 (1997);
  • 45
    • 70449374723 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • see also, Istanbul: Iz Yayi{dotless}nci{dotless}li{dotless}k
    • see also, M. Ozel, Müslüman ve Ekonomi (Istanbul: Iz Yayi{dotless}nci{dotless}li{dotless}k, 1997).
    • (1997) Müslüman ve Ekonomi
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  • 46
    • 70449361485 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Notes
    • Afraid of prosecution and economic loss, some companies complained that they were mistakenly included in 'the list of Islamic companies' and tried to clear their names by running full-page advertisements in the newspapers pledging their loyalties to Ataturk and the principles of secularism and the republic.
  • 47
    • 70449419476 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Notes
    • As one migrant worker from Germany cried: 'We lost the fruit of our sweat. They told us that we are Muslims. Putting your money into the banks is a sin. This is tantamount to committing adultery in the road of Kabe. You know our deeds. We are religious brothers. Ah! Now I understand that they were green Satan, not green capital!' Another migrant worker in Germany recalled the money collection: 'In mosques, the representatives of holding companies delivered us brochures about their investments. They used our friends. They used Imams. They said we could get our money whenever we wanted. They used Quranic verses. They used most sacred things. Initially we got good return, profit share for our money but now we lost everything. God damn them!' (Personal interviews in Frankfurt, Germany); see also daily newspaper, Radikal, 2 Nov. 2006.
  • 48
    • 70449376708 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Notes
    • These campaigns have prompted the government to set up a commission at the Great National Assembly in 2005 to investigate the activities of these holding companies and determine possible venues for legal actions. The commission has prepared a report and presented the results of its investigation at the National Assembly. It called for the government to dispossess the personal property and assets of the managers as well as the assets of the holding companies to compensate the losses of the citizens. However, no such actions have been taken yet by the government. The reluctance of the ruling party, AKP, seems to be related to its Islamic past as some of its cadres had previously actively supported some of these companies.


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