Loss of Parliamentary Control Due to Mediatization and Europeanization: A Longitudinal and Cross-Sectional Analysis of Agenda Building in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands

British Journal of Political Science

Volumn 38, Issue 3, 2008, Pages 455-478

  Van Noije, Lonneke ^a   Kleinnijenhuis, Jan ^a   Oegema, Dirk ^a  

^a VU UNIVERSITY AMSTERDAM   (Netherlands)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 69849117602     PISSN: 00071234     EISSN: 14692112     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0007123408000239     Document Type: Article

References (65)

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26. Roger Cobb, Jenny Ross and Marc Ross, ‘Agenda Building as a Comparative Political Process’, American Political Science Review, 70 (1976), 126-38.
27. Yanovitzky, ‘Effects of News Coverage on Policy Attention and Actions’.
28. Kurt Lang and Gladys E. Lang, ‘Watergate:AnExploration of the Agenda-Building Process’, in G. Cleveland Wilhoit and Harold De Bock, eds, Mass Communication Review Yearbook (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1981), pp. 447-68.
29. B. Dan Wood and Jeffrey Peake, ‘The Dynamics of Foreign Policy Agenda Setting’, American Political Science Review, 92 (1998), 173-84; George C. Edwards III and B. Dan Wood, ‘Who Influences Whom? The President, Congress and the Media’, American Political Science Review, 93 (1999), 327-44; Stuart Soroka, ‘Issue Attributes and Agenda-setting by Media, the Public and Policymakers in Canada’, International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 14 (2002), 264-85; Stuart Soroka, ‘Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy’, Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics, 8 (2003), 27-48.
30. Sheldon Gilberg, Chaim Eyal, Maxwell McCombs and David Nicolas, ‘The State of the Union Address and the Press Agenda’, Journalism Quarterly, 57 (1980), 584-8; David Protess, Fay Cook, Thomas Curtin, Margaret Gordon, Donna Leff, Maxwell McCombs and Peter Miller, ‘The Impact of Investigative Reporting on Public Opinion and Policymaking Targeting Toxic Waste’, Public Opinion Quarterly, 51 (1987), 166-85; Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones, Agendas and Instability in American Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Craig Trumbo, ‘Longitudinal Modelling of Public Issues: An Application of the Agenda-setting Process to the Issue of Global Warming’, Journalism and Mass Communication Monographs, 152 (1995), 1-27; Baumgartner, Jones and Leech, ‘Media Attention and the Congressional Agenda’, in Shanto Iyengar and Richard Reeves, eds, Do the Media Govern? Politicians, voters and Reporters in America (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1997), 349-63.
31. Hallin, We Keep America on Top of the World.
32. Gadi Wolfsfeld, Media and Political Conflict: News from the Middle East (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
33. See, for example, Gianpietro Mazzoleni and Winfried Schulz, ‘ “Mediatization” of Politics: A Challenge for Democracy?’ Political Communication, 16 (1999), 247-61; Tamir Sheafer, ‘Charismatic Skill and Media Legitimacy: An Actor-centered Approach to Understanding the Political Communication Competition’, Communication Research, 28 (2001), 711-36; Hans M. Kepplinger, ‘Mediatization of Politics: Theory and Data’, Journal of Communication, 52 (2002), 972-86.
34. Altheide and Snow, Media Logic; Mazzoleni and Schulz, ‘Mediatization of Politics'; Tunstall, ‘Trends in News Media and Political Journalism’.
35. See, for example, Kees Brants and Hetty van Kempen, ‘The Ambivalent Watchdog: The Changing Culture of Political Journalism and Its Effects’, in Raymond Kuhn and Erik Neveu, eds, Political Journalism: New Challenges, New Practices (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 168-85.
36. Thomas E. Patterson, ‘Bad News, Bad Governance’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 546 (1996), 97-108.
37. Jay G. Blumler and Michael Gurevitch, The Crisis of Public Communication (London: Routledge, 1995); Claes H. De Vreese, ‘Election Coverage-New Directions for Public Broadcasting: The Netherlands and Beyond’, European Journal of Communication, 16 (2001), 155-80.
38. Ralph Negrine, ‘Parliaments and the Media: a Changing Relationship?’ European Journal of Communication, 14 (1999), 325-52; Thomas E. Patterson, ‘Bad News, Bad Governance’.
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40. See, for example, Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks, Multi-Level Governance and European Integration (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2001).
41. W. Lance Bennett, ‘Cracking the News Code: Some Rules That Journalists Live By’, in Shanto Iyengar and Richard Reeves, eds, Do The Media Govern? Politicians, Voters, and Reporters in America (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1997), pp. 103-17.
42. Piers Robinson, ‘Theorizing the Influence of Media on World Politics: Models of Media Influence on Foreign Policy’, European Journal of Communication, 16 (2001), 523-44; See also David Niven, ‘An Economic Theory of Political Journalism’, Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 82 (2005), 247-63.
43. See, for example, Harvey Molotch and Marilyn Lester, ‘News as Purposive Behavior: On the Strategic Use of Routine Events, Accidents, and Scandals’, American Sociological Review, 39 (1974), 101-12; Wolfsfeld, Media and Political Conflict, p. 24; Robinson, ‘Theorizing the Influence of Media on World Politics’.
44. Wood and Peake, ‘The Dynamics of Foreign Policy Agenda Setting’, p. 182; see also, David Morgan, ‘British Media and European Union News: The Brussels News Beat and Its Problems’, European Journal of Communication, 10 (1995), 321-43; Edwards and Wood, ‘Who Influences Whom?’ Soroka, ‘Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy’.
45. Bennett, ‘Cracking the News Code’, p. 114; see also Scott Althaus, Jill Edy, Robert Entman and Patricia Phalen, ‘Revising the Indexing Hypothesis: Officials, Media, and the Libya Crisis’, Political Communication, 13 (1996), 407-21.
46. See, for example, Edward Herman, ‘The Media's Role in U.S. Foreign Policy’, Journal of International Affairs, 47 (1993), 23-46; Hallin, We Keep America on Top of the World; Jonathan Mermin, ‘Conflict in the Sphere of Consensus? Critical Reporting on the Panama Invasion and the Gulf War’, Political Communication, 13 (1996), 181-94; Jonathan Mermin, ‘Television News and American Intervention in Somalia: The Myth of a Media-Driven Foreign Policy’, Political Science Quarterly, 112 (1997), 385-403; Piers Robinson, ‘The Policy-Media Interaction Model: Measuring Media Power during Humanitarian Crisis’, Journal of Peace Research, 37 (2000), 613-33.
47. Steven Livingston, ‘Clarifying the CNN-effect: An Examination of Media Effects according to Type of Military Intervention’, Harvard Research Paper R-18, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, 1997); Virgil Hawkins, ‘The Other Side of theCNNFactor: The Media and Conflict’, Journalism Studies, 3 (2002), 225-40, at p. 233.
48. Andreas Maurer and Wolfgang Wessels, National Parliaments on Their Ways to Europe: Losers or Latecomers? (Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2001); Katrin Auel and Berthold Rittberger, ‘Fluctuant Nec Merguntur: The European Parliament, National Parliaments, and European Integration’, in Jeremy Richardson, ed., European Union: Power and Policy-making, 3rd edn (London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 121-45.
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52. See, for example, Hooghe and Marks, Multi-Level Governance and European Integration.
53. Kleinnijenhuis, ‘Het Publiek Volgt Media die de Politiek Volgen’.
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55. See, for example, Wouter van Atteveldt, Nel Ruigrok and Jan Kleinnijenhuis, ‘Associative Framing: A Unified Method for Measuring Media Frames and the Media Agenda’ (presented at the International Communication Association (ICA), Dresden, 2006).
56. Geoffrey M. Maruyama, Basics of Structural Equation Modeling (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1998).
57. Craig Trumbo, ‘Longitudinal Modelling of Public Issues: An Application of the Agenda-setting Process to the Issue of Global Warming’, Journalism and Mass Communication Monographs, 152 (1995), 1-27, finds media effects that last between two weeks and three months. Wood and Peake, ‘The Dynamics of Foreign Policy Agenda Setting’, observe media effects to diminish within three weeks. Edwards and Wood, ‘Who Influences Whom?’ find media effects lasting up to six weeks on average. Stuart Soroka finds media effects using a lag of one month ('Issue Attributes’, ‘Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy'). Kleinnijenhuis, ‘Het Publiek Volgt Media die de Politiek Volgen’, concludes that the political agenda need more than two weeks to react to media coverage.
58. Steven E. Finkel, Causal Analysis With Panel Data (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1995).
59. See, for example, Roy Behr and Shanto Iyengar, ‘Television News, Real World Cues, and Changes in the Public Agenda’, Public Opinion Quarterly, 49 (1985), 38-57.
60. For a more extensive overview, see Lonneke van Noije, The Democratic Deficit Closer to Home: Agenda-building Relations between Parliament and the Press, and the Impact of European Integration, in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands and France (Amsterdam: VU Amsterdam, 2007).
61. Brandenburg, ‘Who follows Whom?'; Kleinnijenhuis, ‘Het Publiek Volgt Media die de Politiek Volgen’.
62. Molotch and Lester, ‘News as Purposive Behavior'; see also, Baumgartner and Jones, Agendas and Instability in American Politics.
63. Hallin, We Keep America on Top of the World; Bennett, ‘Toward a Theory of Press-State Relations in the United States'; see also Mermin, ‘Television News and American Intervention in Somalia’.
64. Wolfsfeld, Media and Political Conflict; Robinson, ‘Theorizing the Influence of Media on World Politics'; Scott Althaus, ‘When News Norms Collide, Follow the Lead: New Evidence for Press independence’, Political Communication, 20 (2003), 381-414; Niven, ‘An Economic Theory of Political Journalism'; Bennett, ‘Cracking the News Code’.
65. Jochen Peter, ‘Country Characteristics as Contingent Conditions of Agenda Setting: The Moderating Influence of Polarized Elite Opinion’, Communication Research, 30 (2003), 683-712.