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Volumn 40, Issue 3, 2009, Pages 309-337

Democracy in decent nonliberal nations: A defense

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EID: 68949152573     PISSN: 0031806X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9191.2009.00332.x     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (2)

References (157)
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    • While this term may sound awkward after the collapse of the Second World, I use it to refer to regions of the world that have been adversely affected by Western and Japanese imperialism and colonialism
    • While this term may sound awkward after the collapse of the "Second World," I use it to refer to regions of the world that have been adversely affected by Western and Japanese imperialism and colonialism
  • 2
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    • I call them, nonliberal nations for short. Nonliberal, culture, and nation shall, be elaborated on in sect. II
    • I call them, "nonliberal nations" for short. "Nonliberal," "culture," and "nation" shall, be elaborated on in sect. II
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    • According to Ken Silverstein, even political actors labeled as "terrorist" by the West, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Palestine, and Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, advocate democracy. "Parties of God: The Bush Doctrine and the Rise of Islamic Democracy," Harper's Magazine (March 2007): 34, 40
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    • Although political philosophers and theorists are generally distinguished based on their respective academic disciplines of philosophy and political science, I shall use theorists to encompass both
    • Although political "philosophers" and "theorists" are generally distinguished based on their respective academic disciplines of philosophy and political science, I shall use "theorists" to encompass both
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    • See James Bohman, "The Coming of Age of Deliberative Democracy," The Journal of Political Philosophy 6/4 (1998): 400-25, 403
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    • Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP The liberal value of individual freedom and its cognates are expressed differently as basic liberty, basic opportunity, and fair opportunity
    • The liberal value of individual freedom and its cognates are expressed differently as "basic liberty, basic opportunity, and fair opportunity" in Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson, Democracy and Disagreement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1996) 12
    • (1996) Democracy and Disagreement , pp. 12
    • Gutmann, A.1    Thompson, D.2
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    • Equal freedom, basic opportunity, and civic equality in Amy Gutmann
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    • and as "equal freedom, basic opportunity, and civic equality" in Amy Gutmann, Identity in Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2003) 28
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    • similar sentiments
    • For similar sentiments, see Susan Okin, "Feminism and Multiculturalism: Some Tensions," Ethics 108 (1998): 661-84
    • (1998) Ethics , vol.108 , pp. 661-684
    • Okin, S.1
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    • Politics of Recognition
    • ed, Gutmann Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 62, 66-68
    • Charles Taylor, "Politics of Recognition," Multiculturalism and the "Politics of Recognition, "ed. Amy Gutmann (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1994) 62, 66-68, 72-73
    • (1994) Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition , pp. 72-73
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    • (2003) Zakaria , pp. 13
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    • The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism
    • This definition of democracy, however, is too anemic and is better described as "competitive authoritarian." See Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, "The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism," Journal of Democracy 13/2 (2002)
    • (2002) Journal of Democracy , vol.13 , Issue.2
    • Levitsky, S.1    Way, L.2
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    • Procedure and Substance in Deliberative Democracy
    • ed. S. Benhabib Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP
    • Joshua Cohen, "Procedure and Substance in Deliberative Democracy," Democracy and Difference, ed. S. Benhabib (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1996) 97-98
    • (1996) Democracy and Difference , pp. 97-98
    • Cohen, J.1
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    • Democracy and Liberty
    • ed. Jon Elster Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP
    • Cohen, "Democracy and Liberty," Deliberative Democracy, ed. Jon Elster (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1998) 187, 201
    • (1998) Deliberative Democracy , vol.187 , pp. 201
    • Cohen1
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    • Gutmann and Thompson (1996): ch. 1, esp. 26 ff.;
    • Gutmann and Thompson (1996): ch. 1, esp. 26 ff
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    • What is Equality? Part 4: Political Equality
    • ed. T. Christiano Oxford, UK: Oxford UP
    • Ronald Dworkin, "What is Equality? Part 4: Political Equality," Philosophy and Democracy: An Anthology, ed. T. Christiano (Oxford, UK: Oxford UP, 2003) 117-21
    • (2003) Philosophy and Democracy: An Anthology , pp. 117-121
    • Dworkin, R.1
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    • while Beitz does not directly discuss liberal, democracy, his human right to democracy is unmistakably liberal (Beitz [2000]: 687)
    • while Beitz does not directly discuss liberal, democracy, his "human right to democracy" is unmistakably liberal (Beitz [2000]: 687)
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    • I shall, closely follow John Rawls's definition in The Law of Peoples (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1999a)
    • I shall, closely follow John Rawls's definition in The Law of Peoples (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1999a)
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    • Cohen's works utilized in the reconstruction are Moral Pluralism, and Political Consensus
    • Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP
    • Cohen's works utilized in the reconstruction are "Moral Pluralism, and Political Consensus," The Idea of Democracy, ed. D. Copp, J. Hampton, and J. Roemer (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1993) 270-91
    • (1993) The Idea of Democracy , pp. 270-291
    • Copp, D.1    Hampton, J.2    Roemer, J.3
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    • Reflections on Habermas on Democracy
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    • Cohen (1998); "Reflections on Habermas on Democracy," Ratio Juris 12(4) (December 1999): 385-416
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    • Cohen1
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    • (2003) Cambridge Companion to Rawls
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    • "Is There a Human Right to Democracy?," The Egalitarian Conscience, ed. C. Sypnowich (New York: Oxford UP, 2006) 226-50
    • (2006) The Egalitarian Conscience , pp. 226-250
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    • Although Gutmann and Thompson (1996, 2004) provide another influential version of deliberative democracy, in line with Rawls's political liberalism, Rawls points out that Gutmann and Thompson's theory is more general and seems to work from a comprehensive doctrine
    • Although Gutmann and Thompson (1996, 2004) provide another influential version of deliberative democracy, in line with Rawls's political liberalism, Rawls points out that Gutmann and Thompson's theory is "more general and seems to work from a comprehensive doctrine."
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    • Rawls (1999b): 137, footnote 19
    • See Rawls (1999b): 137, footnote 19
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    • Cohen 2003, 107
    • Cohen (2003): 107
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    • Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press
    • See also Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1971) 505
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    • Rawls1
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    • Cohen 2006, 240
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    • Cohen 1997, 73
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    • Cohen (2006): 240. 12 Cohen (1998): 193
    • Cohen (2006): 240. 12 Cohen (1998): 193
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    • Ibid: 186
  • 42
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    • : .185, original emphases
    • Ibid: .185, original emphases
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    • New York: Columbia UP, shall use Cohen's term unless otherwise noted
    • See Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia UP, 1993) 131 shall use Cohen's term unless otherwise noted
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    • Rawls1
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  • 45
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    • Rawls 1999b, 131
    • Rawls (1999b): 131
  • 46
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    • Rawls (1993): 63
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    • Cohen 1996, 96
    • Cohen (1996): 96
  • 48
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    • Cohen 1994, 1537;
    • Cohen (1994): 1537
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    • Rawls 1993, 54-56
    • Rawls (1993): 54-56
  • 50
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    • Cohen 1998, 186f
    • Cohen (1998): 186f
  • 51
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    • Cohen 1994, 1533
    • Cohen (1994): 1533
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    • Cohen 1998, 193-94
    • Cohen (1998): 193-94
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    • Cohen (2003): 89
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    • With the possible exception of William Galston Two Concepts of Liberalism
    • With the possible exception of William Galston ("Two Concepts of Liberalism," Ethics 105/3 [1995]: 516-34)
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    • the overwhelming majority of liberals advocate individual freedom
    • often referred to as autonomy, as a core liberal value, New York: Cambridge UP,);
    • the overwhelming majority of liberals advocate individual freedom, often referred to as "autonomy," as a core liberal value. See John Christman and Joel Anderson (ed.), Autonomy and the Challenges to Liberalism (New York: Cambridge UP, 2005)
    • (2005) Autonomy and the Challenges to Liberalism
    • Christman, J.1    Anderson, J.2
  • 58
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    • This liberal conception of equality underlies the liberal values of civic equality and fair opportunity
    • This liberal conception of equality underlies the liberal values of civic equality and fair opportunity
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    • The practical difference between versions of comprehensive/ perfectionist liberalism and. political liberalism, seems to be that the latter, while committed to politically protecting members' individual freedom, does not promote it as a societal goal, while the former advocates both
    • The practical difference between versions of "comprehensive"/ "perfectionist" liberalism and. political liberalism, seems to be that the latter, while committed to politically protecting members' individual freedom, does not promote it as a societal goal, while the former advocates both
  • 60
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    • Cohen 1998, 187
    • Cohen (1998): 187
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    • See Kymlicka (1995): 18, 76
    • (1995) Kymlicka , vol.18 , pp. 76
  • 64
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    • Rawls (1999a): 24
    • (1999) Rawls , pp. 24
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    • Not every nation has a state, as the Kurds and Tibet illustrate. Nations are equivalent to Rawls's peoples. For a similar identification,
    • Not every nation has a state, as the Kurds and Tibet illustrate. "Nations" are equivalent to Rawls's "peoples." For a similar identification, see Kymlicka (1995): 18
    • (1995) , vol.18
    • Kymlicka1
  • 67
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    • Some members may subscribe to less individualistic, but still Western, socialist/communist ideals
    • Some members may subscribe to less individualistic, but still Western, socialist/communist ideals
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    • Examples of homogeneous nonliberal nations are various ethnic-religious nations in the Middle East and elsewhere, in which the emphasis on nonliberal ethnic or religious identity is public and pronounced. However, even in seemingly liberalized and secularized East Asian nations, such as South Korea, their nonliberal Confucian culture is quite pervasive. Even though the nonliberal Confucian identity in South Korea is diluted and diffuse, daily practices indicate the pervasiveness of Confucian values among the overwhelming majority, operating at the most basic level of the popular consciousness and in the routines of daily life Koh [1996, 194
    • Examples of homogeneous nonliberal nations are various ethnic-religious nations in the Middle East and elsewhere, in which the emphasis on nonliberal ethnic or religious identity is public and pronounced. However, even in seemingly liberalized and secularized East Asian nations, such as South Korea, their nonliberal Confucian culture is quite pervasive. Even though the nonliberal Confucian identity in South Korea is diluted and diffuse, daily practices indicate the pervasiveness of Confucian values among the overwhelming majority, operating at "the most basic level of the popular consciousness and in the routines of daily life" (Koh [1996]: 194)
  • 69
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    • Confucianism, in Contemporary Korea, Confucian Traditions in East Asian Modernity
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    • Indeed, even members who are "westernized," through Western education for example, are not quite the free and equal individuals envisioned by liberalism, as most take their Confucian familial identity and values/ practices for granted. See Koh Byong-ik, "Confucianism, in Contemporary Korea," Confucian Traditions in East Asian Modernity, ed. Tu Wei-Ming (Harvard UP, 1996)
    • (1996)
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    • Rawls 1999a, 80, n. 23
    • Rawls (1999a): 80, n. 23
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    • : 68. On the Muslim aspiration to protect human rights proper, Khaled Abou El Fadl, Islam and the Challenge of Democracy, Boston Review (April/May, 2003): 10;
    • Ibid: 68. On the Muslim aspiration to protect human rights proper, see Khaled Abou El Fadl, "Islam and the Challenge of Democracy," Boston Review (April/May, 2003): 10
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    • Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP in the case of Confucianism
    • in the case of Confucianism, see Daniel Bell, Beyond Liberal Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2006) pt. I
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    • Traditional American Indian Attitudes toward Nature
    • Examples include not only Buddhism, Confucianism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, but also panentheism of various indigenous cultures. ed. G. Kessler Belmont, CA: Wadsworth
    • Examples include not only Buddhism, Confucianism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism, but also "panentheism" of various indigenous cultures. See J. B. Callicott and T. W. Overholt, "Traditional American Indian Attitudes toward Nature," Voices of Wisdom, ed. G. Kessler (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2000)
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    • Rawls (1999a): 66
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    • footnote 45
    • See footnote 45
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    • prevalent Muslim aspiration for decency
    • 46
    • for the prevalent Muslim aspiration for decency, see also Esposito and Mogahed (2007): 18, 46
    • (2007) Esposito and Mogahed , pp. 18
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    • Prime examples include Ken Saro-Wiwa's movement to protect his Ogoni people's well-being and their environment in Nigeria and the majority of the people, including Buddhist monks, in Myanmar who advocate democracy
    • Prime examples include Ken Saro-Wiwa's movement to protect his Ogoni people's well-being and their environment in Nigeria and the majority of the people, including Buddhist monks, in Myanmar who advocate democracy
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    • Although the focus of this article is on decent nonliberal nations, the hope is that my case for democracy in decent nonliberal nations may provide a rationale for and moral sustenance to struggles by decent groups within outlaw states and overburdened societies to transform their entire society into a decent nonliberal nation
    • Although the focus of this article is on decent nonliberal nations, the hope is that my case for democracy in decent nonliberal nations may provide a rationale for and moral sustenance to struggles by decent groups within outlaw states and overburdened societies to transform their entire society into a decent nonliberal nation
  • 79
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    • Beitz (2000). For similar positions, Buchanan (2000);
    • Beitz (2000). For similar positions, see also Buchanan (2000)
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    • Liberal Toleration in Rawls's Law of Peoples
    • Kok-Chor Tan, "Liberal Toleration in Rawls's Law of Peoples," Ethics 108/2 (1998): 276-95
    • (1998) Ethics , vol.108 , Issue.2 , pp. 276-295
    • Tan, K.-C.1
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    • Human Rights as a Common Concern
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    • Beitz, "Human Rights as a Common Concern," American Political Science Review 95 (2001): 269-83, 277, emphasis added
    • (2001) American Political Science Review , vol.95 , pp. 269-283
    • Beitz1
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    • Betz (2000): 683-84
    • see also Betz (2000): 683-84
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    • a similar conception of human rights, Gutmann. (2003): 57, 65, 66, 84
    • For a similar conception of human rights, see Gutmann. (2003): 57, 65, 66, 84
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    • Rawls (1999a): 65
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    • Beitz (2000): 684
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    • Gutmann (2003): 40
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    • : 48. Gutmann presents this argument in relation to nonliberal cultural minorities in the liberal West, justifying intervention by the dominant liberal society. It is applicable to foreign nonliberal nations and Beitz recommends foreign intervention, albeit of nonmilitary nature, in the name of the liberal conception of human rights that includes the right to liberal democracy ([2001]: 277)
    • Ibid: 48. Gutmann presents this argument in relation to nonliberal cultural minorities in the liberal West, justifying intervention by the dominant liberal society. It is applicable to foreign nonliberal nations and Beitz recommends foreign intervention, albeit of nonmilitary nature, in the name of the liberal conception of human rights that includes the right to liberal democracy ([2001]: 277)
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    • Interestingly, this is equivalent to seeing themselves as free and equal individuals unconstrained by their culture. In other words, rejecting the comprehensive conception of culture as defined by Gutmann is equivalent to accepting the liberal conception of persons, which is why most liberal philosophers are against the concept of comprehensive culture
    • Interestingly, this is equivalent to seeing themselves as free and equal individuals unconstrained by their culture. In other words, rejecting the comprehensive conception of culture as defined by Gutmann is equivalent to accepting the liberal conception of persons, which is why most liberal philosophers are against the concept of "comprehensive" culture. See Gutmann (2003): 81-84
    • (2003) , vol.81-84
    • Gutmann1
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    • Immigration and the Significance of Culture
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    • (2007) Philosophy and Public Affairs , vol.35 , Issue.2 , pp. 93-125
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    • Brian Barry, Culture and Equality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 2001) ch. 7
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    • Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, ch. 4
    • Kwame Appiah, The Ethics of Identity (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2005) ch. 4
    • (2005) The Ethics of Identity
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    • a relevant discussion pertaining to culture, Chicago, IL: The U of Chicago P
    • For a relevant discussion pertaining to culture, see Edward Shils, Tradition (Chicago, IL: The U of Chicago P, 1981)
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    • See Esposito and Mogahed (2007): 26, 46, 113-14
    • (2007) Esposito and Mogahed , vol.26 , Issue.46 , pp. 113-114
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    • On the Mencian Perception of Moral Self-development
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    • in the case of the Confucian Self, see Tu. Wei-ming, "On the Mencian Perception of Moral Self-development," Humanity and SeIfCultivation (Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Press, 1979)
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    • This conception has been inspired by Charles Taylor's discussion of "strong evaluator." See "What Is Human Agency?" Philosophical Papers, Vol. 1 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge UP, 1985)
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    • This assumes a certain metaphysical position about human beings, which I cannot fully discuss here. Let it suffice to say that it is increasingly supported by cutting-edge research in psychobiology, developmental psychology, and neuroscience. See Marc Hauser, Moral Minds (New York: Ecco, 2006)
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    • For more on valuational agents, see Ranjoo Seodu Herr, "Liberal Multiculturalism," Philosophical Forum 38/1 (2007): 23-41
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    • (1989) Sources of the Self , pp. 63
    • Taylor1
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    • although the Confucian value of social harmony is less culturally specific than the value of filial piety, the former would be interpreted as requiring filial piety, thereby gaining cultural specificity through interpretation
    • For example, although the Confucian value of social harmony is less culturally specific than the value of "filial piety," the former would be interpreted as requiring filial piety, thereby gaining cultural specificity through interpretation
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    • (1999) Necessity, Volition, and Love , pp. 13
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    • (1989) Way, Learning, and Politics , pp. 48
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    • Muslim, sources on "representation" and "consultative government," Abou El Fadl (2003): 7-8
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    • Cohen (2006): 233. Indeed, Rawls agrees with Cohen and Beitz that decent consultation hierarchy is not democratic (Rawls [1999a]: 72)
    • Cohen (2006): 233. Indeed, Rawls agrees with Cohen and Beitz that decent consultation hierarchy is not democratic (Rawls [1999a]: 72)
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    • Cohen (2006): 239. Cohen acknowledges that this idea comes from Rawls who says that his two principles of justice as fairness express the underlying 'democratic conception of society as a system of cooperation among equal persons' ([2006]: 240)
    • Cohen (2006): 239. Cohen acknowledges that this idea comes from Rawls who "says that his two principles of justice as fairness express the underlying 'democratic conception of society as a system of cooperation among equal persons' " ([2006]: 240)
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    • a conception of equality in the Muslim tradition, Abou El Fadl (2003): 6, 11, Esposito and Mogahed (2007): 11, 56;
    • For a conception of equality in the Muslim tradition, see Abou El Fadl (2003): 6, 11, Esposito and Mogahed (2007): 11, 56
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    • unpublished manuscript
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    • On how liberal values can also become the common good, 323 above
    • On how liberal values can also become the common good, see 323 above
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    • Helena Andrews, "Muslim Women Don't See Themselves as Oppressed, Survey Finds," New York Times, June 8, 2006. On Muslim women's commitment to their cultural values, see Silverstein (2007): 37-38
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    • May 5, html, May 9
    • See also "Nobel Peace Winner Shirin Ababdi," Newshour, May 5, 2006, (http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/middle-east/jan-june06/abadi-5-05. html), accessed May 9, 2006
    • (2006) Newshour
    • Peace Winner, N.1    Ababdi, S.2
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    • the brave Afghan female dissident, states that I think that no nation can donate liberation to another nation. Liberation is not money to be donated. It should be achieved in a country by the people themselves Now, March 2
    • Malalai Joya, the brave Afghan female dissident, states that "I think that no nation can donate liberation to another nation. Liberation is not money to be donated. It should be achieved in a country by the people themselves." "Enemies of Happiness," Now, March 2, 2007, (http:// www.pbs.org/now/shows/309/index.html)
    • (2007) Enemies of Happiness
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    • Cultural Claims and the Limits of Liberal Democracy
    • 25-48
    • Ranjoo Seodu Herr, "Cultural Claims and the Limits of Liberal Democracy," Social Theory and Practice 34(1) (2008): 25-48, 35
    • (2008) Social Theory and Practice , vol.34 , Issue.1 , pp. 35
    • Seodu Herr, R.1
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    • The popular notion in the liberal West that democracy can be exported to undemocratic nations from the outside is not only misguided but gravely dangerous, as it can rationalize morally unjustifiable military invasions, such as the American invasion of Iraq in 2003, which can disrupt or derail any internal democracy, however incipient. Ebadi (2006): 214
    • The popular notion in the liberal West that democracy can be "exported" to undemocratic nations from the outside is not only misguided but gravely dangerous, as it can rationalize morally unjustifiable military invasions, such as the American invasion of Iraq in 2003, which can disrupt or derail any internal democracy, however incipient. See also Ebadi (2006): 214
  • 138
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    • Rawls (1999a): 74-76
    • see also Rawls (1999a): 74-76
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    • Beitz (2001): 274
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    • In Defense of Nonliberal Nationalism
    • If the case involves a minority nation within a multinational state, then the former's collective right to self-determination ought to be respected by the state
    • If the case involves a minority nation within a multinational state, then the former's collective right to self-determination ought to be respected by the state. See Ranjoo Seodu Herr, "In Defense of Nonliberal Nationalism," Political Theory, 34(3) (2006): 304-327
    • (2006) Political Theory , vol.34 , Issue.3 , pp. 304-327
    • Seodu Herr, R.1
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    • the Islamic emphasis on tolerance, Abou El Fadl (2003): 9-10
    • For the Islamic emphasis on tolerance, see Abou El Fadl (2003): 9-10
  • 142
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    • Zakaria (2003): 17
    • See Zakaria (2003): 17
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    • Cohen 2006, 227
    • Cohen (2006): 227
  • 144
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    • Rawls (1999a): 70-78. Bell's advocacy of the "Xianshiyuan" in Confucian, democracy seems to be in line with this line of reasoning (167)
    • See, for example, Rawls (1999a): 70-78. Bell's advocacy of the "Xianshiyuan" in Confucian, democracy seems to be in line with this line of reasoning (167)
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    • Silverstein argues that the new Islamic movements, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, endorse free elections and that if free and fair elections were widely implemented, then such groups would control, significant blocs, if not majorities, in almost every [Muslim] country ([2007]: 34). Indeed, Hamas won 74 seats out of 132 in the largely free and fair Palestinian Legislative Council, elections of
    • Silverstein argues that the "new Islamic movements," such as Hamas and Hezbollah, endorse "free elections" and that if free and fair elections were widely implemented, then such groups would "control, significant blocs, if not majorities, in almost every [Muslim] country" ([2007]: 34). Indeed, Hamas won 74 seats out of 132 in the largely free and fair Palestinian Legislative Council, elections of 2006. See http://www.ifes.org/ features.html?title=How%20Hamas%20Won%20the %20Majority, accessed 3/30/09
    • (2006)
  • 146
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    • Abou El Fadl argues that democracy which assigns equal rights of speech, association, and suffrage to all may indeed be most effective in helping [Muslims] promote central Muslim values ([2003]: 6)
    • Abou El Fadl argues that democracy which assigns "equal rights of speech, association, and suffrage to all" may indeed be "most effective in helping [Muslims] promote" central Muslim values ([2003]: 6)
  • 149
    • 79957435443 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Abou El Fadl states that in the Muslim tradition the ideals of the rule of law and limited government are already incorporated in the political system of the caliphate ([2003]: 6)
    • Also, Abou El Fadl states that in the Muslim tradition the ideals of "the rule of law" and "limited government" are already incorporated in the political system of the "caliphate" ([2003]: 6)
  • 150
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    • Gutmann and Thompson (2004): 99
    • Gutmann and Thompson (2004): 99
  • 151
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    • Cohen 2006, 246
    • Cohen (2006): 246
  • 152
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    • Scheffler 2007, 99
    • Scheffler (2007): 99
  • 153
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    • footnote 67;
    • See footnote 67
  • 154
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    • Herr 2007, sect. V
    • Herr (2007): sect. V
  • 155
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    • Gutmann 2003, 81
    • Gutmann (2003): 81
  • 156
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    • Cohen 1998, 189
    • Cohen (1998): 189
  • 157
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    • Cohen recognizes that liberal democracy is one form of collective self-determination, 2006, 233
    • Cohen recognizes that liberal democracy is "one form of collective self-determination" ([2006]: 233)


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