The legal structure of colonial rule during the French revolution

William and Mary Quarterly

Volumn 66, Issue 2, 2009, Pages 365-408

  Spieler, Miranda Frances ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA   (United States)

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EID: 68849110127     PISSN: 00435597     EISSN: 1933-769     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (252)

1. Aimé Césaire, Toussaint Louverture: La révolution française et le problème colonial (Paris, 1961);
2. Michel-Rolph Trouillot, "An Unthinkable History: The Haitian Revolution as Non-Event," in Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston, 1995), 70-107, esp. 73-83.
3. Title 1, art. 6, 1795 Constitution, in Jacques Godechot, ed., Les constitutions de la France depuis 1789 (Paris, 1970), 104 ("integral parts of the Republic"). All French translations are mine.
4. See also Bernard Gainot, "The Constitutionalization of General Freedom under the Directory," in The Abolitions of Slavery: From Léger Félicité Sonthonax to Victor Schœlcher, 1793, 1794, 1848, ed. Marcel Dorigny (New York, 2003), 180-96, esp. 182.
5. For a general consideration of the document, see Gérard Conac and Jean-Pierre Machelon, eds., La Constitution de l'an III: Boissy d'Anglas et la naissance de libéralisme constitutionnel (Paris, 1999).
6. For the East Indies, see Yves Bénot, La démence coloniale sous Napoléon: Essai (Paris, 1992), 17;
7. Claude Wanquet, "Un 'Jacobin' esclavagiste: Benoît Gouly," Annales historiques de la révolution française 65, nos. 293-94 (July-December 1993): 445-68;
8. Wanquet, La France et la première abolition de l'esclavage, 1794-1802: Le cas des colonies orientales - Ile de France (Maurice) et la Réunion (Paris, 1998).
9. On the 1793 emancipation of slaves in Saint Domingue, see Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 2004), 152-70, esp. 163.
10. On emancipation and guerrilla war in Saint Lucia, see David Barry Gaspar, "La Guerre des Bois: Revolution, War, and Slavery in Saint Lucia, 1793-1838," in A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean, ed. Gaspar and David Patrick Geggus (Bloomington, Ind., 1997), 102-30.
11. On the 1794 abolition in French Guiana, see Bénot, La Guyane sous la révolution française, ou l'impasse de la révolution pacifique (Kourou, French Guiana, 1997), 119.
12. For Guadeloupe, see Dubois, A Colony of Citizens: Revolution and Slave Emancipation in the French Caribbean, 1787-1804 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2004), 232, 234, 281-82.
13. According to Frédéric Régent, General Edme Étienne Borne Desfourneaux promulgated the constitution in Guadeloupe in 1799 after declaring the state of siege to the island; the state of siege, a mechanism that suspends the constitution, was declared on Dec. 4, 1798; the constitution was promulgated on Feb. 25, 1799. See Régent, Esclavage, métissage, liberté: La révolution française en Guadeloupe, 1789-1802 (Paris, 2004), 289.
14. Dubois, Colony of Citizens, 317 ("smashed juridical and political separation"), 172 ("France and its colonies").
15. Eliga H. Gould, "Zones of Law, Zones of Violence: The Legal Geography of the British Atlantic, circa 1772," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 60, no. 3 (July 2003): 471-510 ("beyond the line," 474);
16. Carl Schmitt, The Nomas of the Earth in the International Law of the Jus Publicum Europeaeum, trans. G. L. Ulmen (New York, 2003).
17. On the British free-soil doctrine, see contributions by George van Cleve, Daniel J. Hulsebosch, and Ruth Paley in "Forum: Somerset's Case Revisited," Law and History Review 24, no. 3 (Fall 2006): 601-45.
18. For a skeptical investigation of the line described in Gould's essay, see Garrett Mattingly, "No Peace Beyond What Line?" Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 13 (1963): 145-62.
19. On Schmitt's cosmography, see Christopher Leigh Connery, "Ideologies of Land and Sea: Alfred Thayer Mahan, Carl Schmitt, and the Shaping of Global Myth Elements," Boundary 28, no. 2 (Summer 2001): 173-201.
20. In contrast to Schmitt's depiction of the empire as lying outside international law, Anthony Anghie traces the close relationship between imperial conquest and the elaboration of international law from the sixteenth century onward. See Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty, and the Making of International Law (New York, 2004).
21. Nasser Hussain, The Jurisprudence of Emergency: Colonialism and the Rule of Law (Ann Arbor, Mich., 2003), 20.
22. On the state of exception, see Carl Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty, trans. George Schwab (Cambridge, Mass., 1985);
23. Schmitt, La Dictature, trans. Mira Köller and Dominique Séglard (Paris, 2000).
24. On Giorgio Agamben's critique of Schmitt, which informs Hussain's work, see the essay by Hussain and Melissa Ptacek, "Thresholds: Sovereignty and the Sacred," Law and Society Review 34, no. 2 (2000): 495-515.
25. Isser Woloch, The New Regime: Transformations of the French Civic Order, 1789-1820 (New York, 1994), 37.
26. On legal pluralism, see Lauren Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures: Legal Regimes in World History, 1400-1900 (New York, 2002).
27. On legal pluralism in New France, see Jan Grabowski, "French Criminal Justice and Indians in Montreal, 1670-1760," Ethnohistory 43, no. 3 (Summer 1996): 405-29;
28. Gilles Havard and Cécile Vidal, Histoire de l'Amérique française (Paris, 2003), 189.
29. On legal pluralism at the borderlands of France and Spain, see Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley, Calif., 1989).
30. On the legal claims of colonial slave owners, see Gabriel Debien, Les colons de Saint-Domingue et la révolution: Essai sur le Club Massiac (août 1789-aôut 1792) (Paris, 1953);
31. Debien, Esprit colon et esprit d'autonomie à Saint Domingue au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1954);
32. David Geggus, "Racial Equality, Slavery, and Colonial Secession during the Constituent Assembly," American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1290-1308;
33. Malich Walid Ghachem, "Sovereignty and Slavery in the Age of Revolution: Haitian Variations on a Metropolitan Theme" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 2001);
34. Ghachem, "Montesquieu in the Caribbean: The Colonial Enlightenment between Code Noir and Code Civil," in Postmodernism and the Enlightenment: New Perspectives in Eighteenth-Century French Intellectual History, ed. Daniel Gordon (New York, 2001), 7-30;
35. Ghachem, "The 'Trap' of Representation: Sovereignty, Slavery and the Road to the Haitian Revolution," Historical Reflections/Reflexions historiques 29, no. 1 (Spring 2003): 123-44;
36. John D. Garrigus, Before Haiti: Race and Citizenship in French Saint-Domingue (New York, 2006), 227-63.
37. For the application of the Coutume de Paris to French colonies by royal edict of March 1642, see Emilien Petit, Dissertations sur le droit public, des colonies françoises, espagnoles, et angloises, d'après les loix des trois nations, comparées entr'elles . . . (Paris, 1778), pt. 2, chap. 2, title 1, sec. 1, 132-34.
38. For the adjoining of French colonies to the royal domain, see edict of December 1674, Emilien Petit, Dissertations sur le droit public, des colonies françoises, espagnoles, et angloises, d'après les loix des trois nations, comparées entr'elles . . . ibid., 136.
39. For the legal relationship between French provinces and the monarch, see Roland Mousnier, The Institutions of France under the Absolute Monarchy, 1598-1789: Society and State, trans. Brian Pearce (Chicago, 1979), 607-8.
40. On the role played by provincial elites in French state building, see Mousnier, "La Participation des gouvernés à l'activité des gouvernants, dans la France des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles," Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin 14, no. 3 (1966): 235-97;
41. Maurice Bordes, "Les origines et les pouvoirs des intendants," in L'administration provinciale et municipale en France au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1972), 116-32;
42. William Beik, Absolutism and Society in Seventeenth-Century France: State Power and Provincial Aristocracy in Languedoc (Cambridge, 1985).
43. On the distinctive administrative character of French colonies as noted by Alexis de Tocqueville, see Ghachem, "Sovereignty and Slavery," xvii-xx.
44. Sue Peabody, "There are no slaves in France": The Political Culture of Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime (New York, 1996), 55, 117-36, 176 n. 72.
45. On ancient slavery as a necessity that precluded considerations of justice, see Bernard Williams, "Necessary Identities," in Shame and Necessity (Berkeley, Calif., 1993), 103-29, esp. 111-12, 125.
46. Thomas M. Doerflinger, "The Antilles Trade of the Old Regime: A Statistical Overview," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 6, no. 3 (Winter 1976): 397-415, esp. 408;
47. Robert Louis Stein, The French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century: An Old Regime Business (Madison, Wis., 1979);
48. Stein, The French Sugar Business in the Eighteenth Century (Baton Rouge, La., 1988);
49. David P. Geggus, "The French Slave Trade: An Overview," WMQ 58, no. 1 (January 2001): 119-38.
50. On reform projects and moral disquiet relating to slavery, within and without the colonial administration, see Michèle Duchet, "L'idéologie coloniale: La critique du système esclavagiste," in Anthropologie et histoire au siècle des lumières: Buffon, Voltair, Rousseau, Helvétius, Diderot, rev. ed. (Paris, 1995), 137-92, esp. 161-77.
51. On the tension between commerce and humanitarianism, see Marcel Dorigny and Bernard Gainot, La Société des Amis des Noirs, 1788-1799: Contribution à l'histoire de l'abolition de l'esclavage (Paris, 1998);
52. Catherine Duprat, "Pour l'amour de l'humanité": Le temps des philanthropes: La philanthropie parisienne des Lumières à la monarchie de Juillet, 2 vols. (Paris, 1993);
53. Sankar Muthu, Enlightenment against Empire (Princeton, N.J., 2003);
54. Jean Ehrard, "Slavery before the Moral Conscience of the French Enlightenment: Indifference, Unease and Revolt," in Dorigny, Abolitions of Slavery, 111-20.
55. Recognition of humanness was a low standard of acknowledgment that easily mingled with prejudice. On the concept of race in early modern France, see Pierre H. Boulle, Race et esclavage dans la France de l'ancien régime (Paris, 2007).
56. See also the superb study by Felicity Nussbaum, The Limits of the Human: Fictions of Anomaly, Race and Gender in the Long Eighteenth Century (New York, 2003).
57. Olwen H. Hufton, "In Search of Counter-Revolutionary Women," in Women and the Limits of Citizenship in the French Revolution: The Donald G. Creighton Lectures, 1989 (Toronto, Ontario, 1992), 89-130;
58. Lynn Hunt, "Male Virtue and Republican Motherhood," in The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, ed. Keith Michael Baker (New York, 1994), 4: 195-208;
59. Suzanne Desan, "What's after Political Culture? Recent French Revolutionary Historiography," French Historical Studies 23, no. 1 (Winter 2000): 190-92;
60. Desan, The Family on Trial in Revolutionary France (Berkeley, Calif., 2004);
61. Jennifer Ngaire Heuer, The Family and the Nation: Gender and Citizenship in Revolutionary France, 1789-1830 (Ithaca, N.Y., 2005).
62. Bénot, La Guyane sous la révolution française, 164 ("labor or death").
63. On the freedoms exercised by freed slaves in revolutionary Guadeloupe, and their limits, see Régent, Esclavage, métissage, liberté, 299-301, 331.
64. For Aristotle's description of the household, see Aristotle, Politics, bk. 1, pt. 3.
65. On institutions in Saint Domingue circa 1796, see [Pierre] Marec, Rapport fait au nom de la commission des colonies occidentals sur la situation de l'isle Saint Domingue par Marec, Séance du il ventôse an V (Paris, 1797).
66. On municipalities in French Guiana, see "Organisation de la Guyane française," Dec. 5-10, 1792, in Archives Nationales, microfilm, C14 70, fol. 18;
67. On judicial institutions in revolutionary Saint Domingue, see Gérard M. Laurent, Le commissaire Sonthonax à Saint-Domingue (Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 1965), 1: 109-13.
68. Étienne Balibar, Droit de cité (Paris, 1998), 33.
69. Debien, Les colons de Saint-Domingue, esp. 195;
70. Garrigus, Before Haiti, 243.
71. On the selection, biography, and activities of the commissioners, see Boissonade, Saint Domingue à la veille de la révolution et la question de la representation coloniale aux états généraux, Janvier 1788-7 Juillet 1789 (Paris, 1906);
72. Blanche Maurel, Cahiers de doléances de la colonie de Saint-Domingue pour les États Généraux de 1789 (Paris, 1933);
73. Valerie Yow Quinney, "The Committee of Colonies of the French Constituent Assembly, 1789-1791" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1967).
74. Representatives from Guadeloupe and Martinique joined the assembly on Sept. 22, 1789, and Oct. 14, 1789, respectively, after reports by Bertrand Barère, future member of the Committee of Public Safety. See Archives parlémentaires, 1st ser., 9: 103 (Sept. 22, 1789), 445-46 (Oct. 14, 1789).
75. On Guiana's lack of deputies and its local consequences, see Miranda Spieler, "Empire and Underworld: Guiana and the French Legal Imagination, c. 1789-1870" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2005), 110.
76. Boissonade, Saint Domingue à la veille, 205 ("that the French colonies").
77. For perspectives that emphasize colonial legal autonomy, see Debien, Esprit colon et esprit d'autonomie;
78. Ghachem, "Montesquieu in the Caribbean," 7-30;
79. For the legal argument behind this campaign, see Lettre des commissaires de la colonie de Saint-Domingue, au roi, [Sept. 4, 1788] (Paris, 1788), 2-3, 5.
80. See also [Gouy d'Arsy], Lettre adressé au roy par les propriétaires, planteurs de la colonie de Saint Domingue, in Maurel, Cahiers de doléances de Saint-Domingue, 119;
81. On the significance of the revived Dauphiné estates to the Saint Domingue campaign, see Cahier de doléances de la chambre d'agriculture du Cap, in Maurel, Cahiers de doléances de Saint-Domingue, 303.
82. On Gouy d'Arsy's expectation regarding provincial power, see "Lettre secrète de Marquis de Gouy d'Arsy à MM de Marsilly et Larchevesque Thibaud," Sept. 30, 1788, Cahiers de doléances de Saint-Domingue, ibid., 156.
83. L[ous]-S[ébastien] Mercier, Tableau de Paris (1783), in Léon François Hoffmann, Le nègre romantique: Personnage littéraire et obsession collective (Paris, 1973), 63-65;
84. Peabody, "There are no slaves in France, "125.
85. Archives parlémentaires 8: 165 (June 27, 1789), 189 ("question before us," July 4, 1789);
86. Ghachem, Historical Reflections/Réflexions historiques 29: 123-44.
87. Archives parlémentaires 31: 301 ("I accuse myself," Sept. 24, 1791, annex), 398 ("intimate union," Aug. 11, 1789).
88. About his intervention on Aug. 4, 1789, see [Honoré-Gabriel Riqueti de] Mirabeau, Les bières flottantes des négriers, Un discours non-prononcé sur l'abolition de la traite des noirs (novembre 1789-mars 1790), ed. Marcel Dorigny (Saint-Étienne, France, 1999), 42 n. 14.
89. For the activities of La Rochefoucauld at the Society of Friends of the Blacks, see Dorigny and Gainot, La Société des Amis des Noirs, 119, 124, 127, 145, 152, 170, 178, 180, 194.
90. Letter of Jan. 11, 1790, in Correspondance secrète des députés de Saint-Domingue avec les Comités de cette Isle (Paris, [1792]), 28-46 ("type of terror," 29).
91. On the original legal implications of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen and its later status in French constitutional history, see Michel Troper, "La Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen en 1789," in Conseil constitutionnel, ed., La Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen et la jurisprudence: Colloque des 25 et 26 mai 1989 au conseil constitutionnel (Paris, 1989), 13-33, esp. 19-20;
92. Georges Vedel, "La place de la Déclaration de 1789 dans le 'bloc de constitutionnalité,'" La Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen et la jurisprudence: Colloque des 25 et 26 mai 1989 au conseil constitutionnel ibid., 35-73, esp. 36-48.
93. Archives parlémentaires 25: 639 ("Well!" May 7, 1791).
94. Pierre-Victor Malouet offered quite similar remarks on May 11, 1791 (Archives parlémentaires ibid., 25: 752).
95. In emphasizing the importance of the slave's humanness to the colonial question, my reading departs from that of Louis Sala-Molins, who depicts the slave as a brute in the minds of revolutionaries. See Sala-Molins, "Sous l'éclat des lumières, l'inexistence du droit des noirs à l'existence," in L'héritage philosophique de la déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen de 1789: Signification pour le Caraïbe, ed. l'association des professeurs de philosophie de la Guadeloupe, Basse-Terre (Paris, 2002), 84-107.
96. See also Sala-Molins, Dark Side of the Light: Slavery and the French Enlightenment, trans. John Conteh-Morgan (Minneapolis, Minn., 2006), 54-66.
97. J[ean]-B[aptiste] Nairac to [La Rochelle Chamber of Commerce], Aug. 22, 1789, in Jean-Michel Deveau, Le Commerce rochelais face à la Révolution: Correspondance de Jean-Baptiste Nairac (La Rochelle, France, 1989), 131-32.
98. For descriptions of the empire as a federation, see Révolutions de Paris, no. XXXII, Feb. 13-20, 1790;
99. Archives parlémentaires 23: 7, 10 (Feb. 6, 1791),
100. Archives parlémentaires 12: 322-23 (Mar. 23, 1790),
101. Archives parlémentaires 381 (Mar. 28, 1790);
102. On the creation of the Committee of Colonies, see remarks by François-Pierre Blin and abbé Jean-Siffrein Maury in Archives parlémentaires 12: 4, 6 (Mar. 2, 1790).
103. On French commercial interests tied to the slave trade and the Constituent Assembly, see (Jean-Baptiste] Mosneron de L'Aunay, Discours sur les colonies et la traite des noirs prononcé, le 26 février 1790, in F.-A. Aulard, comp., La Société des Jacobins: Recueil de documents pour l'histoire du club des Jacobins de Paris (Paris, 1889), 1: 9-17;
104. Fernand Gerbaux and Charles Schmidt, eds., Procès-verbaux des Comités d'Agriculture et de Commerce de la Constituante, de la législative et de la Convention (Paris, 1906);
105. J. Lecatonnoux, "Le Comité des députés extraordinaires des manufactures et du commerce de France et l'œuvre économique de l'Assemblée constituante (1789-1791)," Annales révolutionnaires (1913): 149-209.
106. Archives parlémentaires 31: 253 ("lack[ed] the power," Sept. 23, 1791).
107. J.-B. Nairac, letter of Feb. 23, 1790, in Deveau, Le commerce rochelais, 192 ("People are posted");
108. Maurice Bégouen-Demeaux, Mémorial d'une famille du Havre, vol. 3, La Grande Epoque: Jacques-François Bégouen Demeaux, 1743-1831 (Le Havre, France, 1957-58), 98,
109. in Quinney, "Committee of Colonies," 167 ("turn of phrase");
110. Nairac, letter of Mar. 8, 1790, in Deveau, Le commerce rochelais, 206. See the reflections of Jacques-Pierre Brissot on the hostility to debate of the assembly at the time of the decree's passage in Le Patriote français, Mar. 9, 1790, 3.
111. Marcus Tullius Cicero, "Pro Milone," Cicero Defense Speeches, trans. D. H. Berry (New York, 2000), 186 ("When swords are drawn");
112. Jean-Paul Marat, Dénonciation contre Necker, 1790, in Charles Vellay, ed., Les pamphlets de Marat (Paris, 1911), 71-120 ("supreme power," 113);
113. Joseph Joubert, Pensées, maximes, essais et correspondances, ed. Paul Raynal (Paris, 1861), 361 ("laws fall silent");
114. [Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de] Montesquieu, The Spirit of Laws, ed. David Wallace Carrithers (Berkeley, Calif., 1977), 224 ("There are cases," bk. 12, chap. 19).
115. For other uses of Montesquieu's remark, see Archives parlé mentaires 34: 320 (Oct. 20, 1791).
116. Cicero's phrase also appears in Thomas Hobbes, On the Ciizen, ed. and trans. Richard Tuck and Michael Silverthorne (Cambridge, 1998), 69.
117. An early French translation of Hobbes's work renders the phrase as "On dit communément que les loix se taisent parmi les armes." See Hobbes, Les élémens de la politique de Monsieur Hobbes, trans. Sieur Du Verdus (Paris, 1666), 68.
118. Archives parlémentaires 26: 60 ("Let the colonies perish," May 13, 1791).
119. Title 7, art. 8, 1791 Constitution, in Godechot, Les constitutions de la France, 66-67 (quotation, 67).
120. On the campaign of free men of color for political and civil rights during the Constituent Assembly, see Gabriel Debien, "Gens de couleur libres et colons de Saint Domingue devant la constituante," Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 4, nos. 2-4 (September-March 1950-51): 211-32, 398-426, 530-49;
121. Jacques Godechot, "Dejoly et les gens de couleur libres," Annales historiques de la révolution française 23 (1951): 48-61;
122. Luc Nemours, "Julien Raimond: Le chef des gens de couleur et sa famille," Annales historiques de la révolution française 23 (1951): 257-62;
123. Valerie Quinney, "The Problem of Civil Rights for Free Men of Color in the Early French Revolution," French Historical Studies 7, no. 4 (Autumn 1972): 544-57;
124. Geggus, American Historical Review 94: 1290-1308;
125. John D. Garrigus, "Opportunist or Patriot: Julien Raimond (1744-1801) and the Haitian Revolution," Slavery and Abolition 28, no. 1 (April 2007): 1-21.
126. On prerevolutionary legal discrimination against free people of color, see Yvan Debasch, Couleur et liberté: Le jeu de critère ethnique dans un ordre juridique esclavagiste (Paris, 1967).
127. For criticism of Debasch, see Léo Elisabeth, "The French Antilles," in Neither Slave nor Free: The Freedmen of African Descent in the Slave Societies of the New World, ed. David W. Cohen and Jack P. Greene (Baltimore, 1972), 134-71;
128. Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, "Saint Domingue," Neither Slave nor Free: The Freedmen of African Descent in the Slave Societies of the New World, ibid., 172-92;
129. Dominique Rogers, "Les libres de couleur dans les capitales de Saint-Domingue: Fortune, mentalités et intégration à la fin de l'ancien régime (1776-1789)" (Ph.D. diss., Michel de Montaigne Bordeaux 3 University, 1999).
130. For a gendered reading of Old Regime miscegenation concerns, see Doris Garraway, The Libertine Colony: Creolization in the Early French Caribbean (Durham, N.C., 2005).
131. Dubois, Avengers of the New World, 94-114;
132. David Geggus, "Marronage, Vodou, and the Slave Revolt of 1791," in Haitian Revolutionary Studies (Bloomington, Ind., 2002), 69-80;
133. On the insurgency of free men of color, see Geggus, "The Swiss and Slave/Free Cooperation," in Haitian Revolutionary Studies, 99-105;
134. Beaubrun Ardouin, Études sur l'histoire d'Haïti: Suivies de la vie du Général J.-M. Borgella, ed. François Dalencour, 2d ed. (Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 1958), 1: chap. 3, pp. 38-42, esp. 41-42, chap. 5, pp. 44-48.
135. "Décret abrogeant la législation coloniale de la Constituante et la remplaçant par des articles constitutionnels," Sept. 24, 1791, in J. Saintoyant, La colonisation française pendant la révolution (1789-1799) (Paris, 1930), 1: 398-99 ("status of persons unfree," 1: 398).
136. Le Patriote français, Mar. 8, 1790, 2 ("to violate the Constitution"), Mar. 10, 1790, 3 ("Must we sacrifice").
137. Michel Biard, Missionnaires de la République: Les représentants du peuple en mission (1793-1795) (Paris, 2002), 35;
138. Biard, Les lilliputiens de la centralisation: Des intendants aux préfets, les hésitations d'un 'modèle français' (Seyssel, France, 2007), 173.
139. Archives parlémentaires 35: 474-90 (Dec. 1, 1791).
140. Saintoyant, La colonisation française pendant la révolution, 2: 85-115, 199-203.
141. The commissioners to Saint Domingue for the Constituent Assembly were Philippe-Rose Roume, Edmond Saint-Léger, and Ignace- Frédé ric Mirbeck. Roume remained after the departure of his colleagues until the arrival of the second commission, consisting of Jean Ailhaud, Étienne Polverel, and Léger-Félicité Sonthonax, on Sept. 17, 1792. The decrees of the Constituent Assembly defining the powers of the first commissioners date from Nov. 27, 1790 (for Martinique), and Feb. 1, 1791 (for Saint Domingue). Saintoyant, La colonisation française pendant la révolution, Ibid., 1: 389-92.
142. Archives parlémentaires 40: 453 (quotations, Mar. 24, 1792).
143. Débats entre les accusateurs et les accusés dans l'affaire des colonies, imprimés en exécution de la loi du 4 pluviôse (Paris, [1795]), 1: 190 (quotations).
144. On the local reception of the governor and the inaugural ceremony in Cap Français, see [Alfred] Nemours, Les premiers citoyens et les premier députés noirs et de couleur: La loi du 4 avril 1792, ses précédents, sa première application à Saint-Domingue d'après des documents inédits de l'époque (Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 1941), 14, 52.
145. Ardouin, Études sur l'histoire d'Haïti, 2: chap. 10, p. 51.
146. See Carolyn E. Fick, "The Blacks React to Freedom," in The Making of Haiti: The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below (Knoxville, Tenn., 1990), 157-82.
147. Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (1963; repr., New York, 2006), 197-98;
148. Cl. Perroud, La proscription des Girondins (1793-1795) (Toulouse, France, 1917);
149. George Rudé, The Crowd in the French Revolution (Oxford, 1959).
150. Florence Gauthier, Triomphe et mort du droit naturel en révolution: 1789-1795-1802 (Paris, 1992), 220 ("new relationships");
151. Archives parlémentaires 84: 283 ("working on the Constitution," Feb. 4, 1794).
152. On the inapplicability of the 1793 Constitution to colonial territory, see Yves Bénot, "Comment la convention a-t-elle voté l'abolition de l'esclavage en l'an II?" Annales historiques de la révolution française 65, nos. 293-94 (July-December 1993): 355.
153. On the refusal of the Legislative Assembly to include colonial deputies, see Archives parlémentaires 36: 357 (Dec. 24, 1791).
154. On the admission of colonial deputies to the Convention, see the remarks of Jean-François Merlet, Archives parlémentaires ibid., 48: 358-61 (Aug. 18, 1792),
155. Jean-François Merlet, Archives parlémentaires 50: 656-59.
156. On the question of slavery during the drafting of the 1793 Constitution, see Bénot, "La constitution de l'an I et les colonies," in La Constitution du 24 juin 1793: L'utopie dans le droit public français? ed. Jean Bart et al. (Dijon, France, 1997), 195-200.
157. Session of June 3, 1793, in Aulard, La Société des Jacobins, 5: 225-28 ("colonial battalion,"
158. Compare with Florence Gauthier, "The Role of the Saint-Domingue Deputation in the Abolition of Slavery," in Dorigny, Abolitions of Slavery, 167-79, esp. 169.
159. For François Chabot's earlier outspokenness against slavery, see his remarks of Aug. 18, 1792, in Archives parlémentaires 48: 361 (Aug. 18, 1792).
160. For the appearance of the abolitionists before the Jacobin Club, see [Paris] Journal de la Montagne, June 6, 1793, 38.
161. Yves Bénot, La révolution française et la fin des colonies: Essai (Paris, 1988), 163-65 ("commissioners of Saint Domingue," 163-64), 170-71;
162. Marcel Dorigny, "Sonthonax et Brissot: Le cheminement d'une filiation politique assumée," in Léger-Félicité Sonthonax: La première abolition de l'esclavage; la révolution française et la révolution de Saint Domingue, ed. Dorigny (Saint-Denis, France, 1997), 29-40.
163. On Pierre-François Page and Théodore-Claude Brulley, see Florence Gauthier, "Inédits du Dufay, Santerre, et Léonard Leblois, au sujet de l'arrivée de la députation de Saint Domingue à Paris, Janvier-Fevrier 1794," Annales historiques de la révolution française 65, nos. 293-94 (July-December 1993): 514-18;
164. Gauthier, "Inédits de Belley, Mills et Dufay, députés de Saint Domingue, de Roume et du Comité de Salut public concernant le démantèlement du réseau du Lobby esclavagiste en France, février-mars 1794," Annales historiques de la révolution française 67, no. 302 (October-December 1995): 607-11.
165. For the decree of accusation against the Saint Domingue commissioners, see Archives parlémentaires 69: 39 (July 16, 1793). A decree of Dec. 31, 1793, placed the commissioners hors la loi.
166. See Bénot, La révolution française, 174.
167. Archives parlémentaires 66: 57 ("this petition," June 4, 1793);
168. Yves Bénot, "Un antiesclavagiste kleptomane? En marge de l'affaire Milscent," Dix-huitième siècle, no. 22 (1990): 295-300 ("journalists were paid," 296).
169. On the abbé Henri Grégoire, his earlier involvement in the Society of Friends of the Blacks, and his campaign to secure political rights for free men of color in the colonies, see Bénot and Marcel Dorigny, eds., Grégoire et la cause des noirs: Combats et projets (Paris, 2000);
170. Dorigny, "The Abbé Grégoire and the Société des Amis des Noirs," in The Abbé Grégoire and His World, ed. Jeremy D. Popkin and Richard H. Popkin (Boston, 2000), 27-39;
171. Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, The Abbé Grégoire and the French Revolution: The Making of Modern Universalism (Berkeley, Calif., 2005). Grégoire's demand for abolition on June 4, 1793, is suppressed in Moniteur universel, June 7, 1793 [19 prairial 1], 632.
172. On Claude-Louis-Michel Milscent, see Bénot, "L'affaire Milscent (1794)," Dix-huitième siècle, no. 21 (1989): 311-27;
173. Jean-Daniel Piquet, "Le créole patriote, apôtre de l'insurrection de Saint Domingue," Annales historiques de la révolution française 65, nos. 293-94 (July-December 1993): 519-21.
174. Archives parlémentaires 76: 312 ("provisional government of France," art. 1, Oct. 10, 1793). Here I echo and extend an argument of Isser Woloch about the contradictory changes to civic life during the Convention.
175. See Woloch, "The Contraction and Expansion of Democratic Space during the Period of the Terror," in Baker, French Revolution and Creation of Political Culture, 4: 309-26.
176. As both Olivier Jouanjan and Michel de Guillenchmidt observe, this decree formalized a political goal that deputies of the Mountain had sought since August 1793. See Jouanjan, "La suspension de la constitution de 1793," in Bart et al., La Constitution du 24 juin 1793, 159-77, esp. 164;
177. Guillenchmidt, Histoire constitutionnelle de la France depuis 1789 (Paris, 2000), 20. The Saint Domingue deputation included one African freedman, one man of color, and one white. Jean-Baptiste (Mars) Belley was a black veteran of the Battle of Savannah who earned his liberty by serving under the command of the Comte d'Estaing; he was elevated to the rank of Brigadier General by Léger-Félicité Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel in June 1793. Belley was later deported to Belle-Isle by Napoléon Bonaparte, where he died in 1805. Jean-Baptiste Mills (b. Saint Domingue, 1749; d. Bastia, 1806) was a free man of color from Cap Française who was later exiled to Corsica by Bonaparte. Louis Dufay (b. Paris, 1753; d. 1815?) settled in Saint Domingue in 1778 to live as a planter and (he later alleged) as a legal clerk. The two députés suppléants chosen by the electoral assembly of Cap Française, Sept. 23-24, 1794, were Étienne Bussières Laforest (b. Cap Française, ca. 1744; d. Paris, 1807), a free man of color and wealthy planter, and Pierre-Nicolas Garnot (b. Sézanne, 1757; d. Châtillon-sur-Marne, 1848), who became a naval clerk in Saint Domingue after abandoning a legal career in France and married into money in the colony. Garnot was captured by English corsairs on his voyage to France and reached Paris, eventually, in the summer of 1794.
178. On the life of Belley, see Georges Jean-Charles, "Belley," in Claude Moïse et al., eds., Dictionnaire historique de la révolution haïtienne (1789-1804) (Montreal, Quebec, 2003), 52-53.
179. On the portrait of Belley by Anne-Louis Girodet, see Helen Weston, "Representing the Right to Represent: The Portrait of Citizen Belley, Ex-Representative of the Colonies by Girodet," Res 26 (Autumn 1994): 83-99.
180. For details on these deputies, see A. Kuscinski, Dictionnaire des conventionnels (Paris, 1916).
181. Archives parlémentaires 84: 284.
182. Journal de la Montagne, Feb. 5, 1794 [17 pluviôse II], 672 ("Too abrupt a passage").
183. The key line of Georges-Jacques Danton's speech is rendered similarly in the newspaper of the Committee of Public Safety: "We must be the moderators of this sublime decree, so that so prompt a passage from slavery to liberty is not disastrous, and only brings fruit." See [Paris] Feuille du salut public [CCXVII], 2. Sources refer to the debate after Danton's speech but offer no clue as to its content. The Moniteur universel refers to "some debates relating to the drafting of the decree" following the speech by Danton; the Procès verbal refers to "some discussions on the different redactions" following the unattributed speech by "a member" (unmistakably Danton).
184. The final version resembles a suggested redaction by Louis-Joseph Charlier with obvious reactionary purposes that was proposed On Feb. 5, 1794, when deputies hostile to abolition disputed the official transcript of the February 4 session and attempted to move alternative versions of the decree. By Charlier's proposed redaction, "The National Convention, considering that it is only by an abuse of principles that the enslavement of men of color has endured to this day, calls them to enjoy all rights that are assured to the French by the Constitutional Act." On this proposal, historian Yves Bénot notes, "Everyone knows that the Constitution will not enter into vigor until the peace; in the interval, what rights will be assured to the blacks, following the redaction of Charlier?" See Bénot, Annales historiques de la révolution française 65: 356. The authoritative February 4 decree was marked by the same ambiguity.
185. For a defense of Maximilien Robespierre, see Jean-Daniel Piquet, L'émancipation des noirs dans la révolution française (1789-1795) (Paris, 2002), 409-28.
186. On the denunciation of Léger-Félicité Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel by André Jeanbon Saint-André, see Dorigny, "Sonthonax et Brissot," 38.
187. On the opposition of Saint-André to abolition, see Bénot, Dix-huitième siècle 22: 298.
188. Robespierre, "Rapport fait au nom du Comité de Salut Public . . . sur la situation politique de la République," Nov. 17, 1793 [27 brumaire II], in Oeuvres complètes de Maximilien Robespierre, ed. Marc Bouloiseau and Albert Soboul (Paris, 1967), 10: 171, 173-74.
189. On these maneuvers by the Committee of Public Safety, see Robert Louis Stein, Léger Félicité Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel of the Republic (Rutherford, N.J., 1985), 111-12. For the application of the decree, see Archives Nationales, AF II 302, fol. 3.
190. For the appeal of the Saint Domingue deputies, see "Les représentans du peuple composant la deputation de Saint Domingue à la convention national au Comité du Salut Public," June 22, 1794 [5 messidor II], Archives Nationales, DXXV/56 ("all French laws").
191. For Barère's allegations about Robespierre, see Moniteur universel, Feb. 16, 1795 [28 pluviôse III], 458-59 ("Barè re"). The author of the undated [1793] legal advisory was Pierre-Auguste Adet, then adjoint to the Minister of the Navy; he later became Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States. Florence Gauthier suggests that Adet was an ally of Pierre-François Page and Théodore-Claude Brulley. This memorandum, however (which predates emancipation), indicates that Adet and the lobbyists took different views on central questions in 1793. Adet defended Edmond Saint-Léger and Philippe-Rose Roume, colonial commissioners sent by the Constituent Assembly, and supported racial equality among free people in the colony; he did not attack Sonthonax and Polverel in this report but wanted them replaced should they be removed. Page and Brulley conspired with Victor Hugues in the denunciation of Saint-Léger and Roume before the Revolutionary Tribunal in April 1793. Adet's desire to apply French judicial institutions in Saint Domingue contradicted a key goal of the lobbyists. Nonetheless Adet in 1793 imagined and desired that slavery would persist and made his recommendations with the image of a slave society in mind. He later advised Napoléon Bonaparte in 1802 to revive slavery and the slave trade.
192. See "Rapport sur Saint Domingue remis au Comité de Marine de la convention nationale par le Ministre de la Marine, rédigé par le Citoyen Adet, adjoint au même département," 1793, in Archives Nationales, DXXV/55.
193. On the denunciation of Roume and Saint-Léger Apr. 25-28, 1793, by Hugues, Page, and Brulley before the Revolutionary Tribunal, see dossier marked "Pièces remises au Comité concernant le nommé Cambefort, et les commissaires civils Roume et Saint Léger, traduits au tribunal révolutionnaire," Archives Nationales, ibid., DXXV/56.
194. On the desire of Page and Brulley to secure political, legislative, and judicial autonomy, see letter of Jean Dalbarade to the President of the National Convention of Sept. 15, 1793, and attachment, "Copie du mémoire presenté au minister de la Marine par les commissaires de Saint Domingue," in dossier marked "Lettres du Ministre portant transmission de nouvelles sour la situation et les événements de Saint Domingue," Archives Nationales, ibid., DXXV/55.
195. On the denunciation of Adet by Saint Domingue deputies for collusion with Page and Brulley, see Gauthier, Annales historiques de la révolution française 67: 607 n. 1.
196. Marec, Rapport, 60 ("Since the departure"), 60-61 ("It seems," my emphasis).
197. "Commissaires du 4 Avril, domiciliés à Bordeaux, auprès de la Convention nationale, to Comité du Salut Public," Mar. 27, 1794 [7 germinal II], in Archives Nationales, F1A-343 ("extraordinary deputies");
198. Gauthier, Annales historiques de la révolution française 67: 610 ("dismantling of the pro-slavery lobby").
199. For Hugues's self-avowed efforts to diminish the effects of emancipation, see Laurent Dubois, "'The Price of Liberty': Victor Hugues and the Administration of Freedom in Guadeloupe, 1794-1799," WMQ 56, no. 2 (April 1999): 363-92, esp. 386.
200. See Archives Nationales, AF II 302, fol. 44.
201. decree of Mar. 8, 1790, in Archives parlémentaires 12: 72 ("make known their desire," art. 1);
202. Laveaux, Compte rendu à ses commettans, in Victor Schoelcher, Vie de Toussaint Louverture (1889; repr., Paris, 1992), 163.
203. Christopher L. Tomlins, "The Legal Cartography of Colonization, the Legal Polyphony of Settlement: English Intrusions on the American Mainland in the Seventeenth Century," Law and Social Inquiry 26, no. 2 (April 2001): 315-72.
204. For the political concerns that inspired the invention of the department, as well as an overview of its institutional character during the French Revolution and thereafter, see Jacques Godechot, "Les institutions administratives: L'organisation territoriale," in Les institutions de la France sous la révolution et l'empire (Paris, 1951), 87-108;
205. Pierre Barrai, "Le département, une réalité française," in Le département: Deux siècles d'affirmation, ed. Agnès Guellec (Rennes, France, 1989), 41-57;
206. Gérard Chianéa, Robert Chagny, and Jean-William Dereymez, eds., Le département hier, aujourd'hui, demain (Grenoble, France, 1994).
207. See also Antoine de Baecque, The Body Politic: Corporeal Metaphor in Revolutionary France, 1770-1800, trans. Charlotte Mandell (Stanford, Calif., 1997), 106-28;
208. Marcel Roncayolo, "Le département," in Les lieux de mémoire, ed. Pierre Nora (Paris, 1997), 2: 2937-74.
209. Gainot, "Constitutionalization of General Freedom," 182 (quotation).
210. On the notion of assimilation in nineteenth-century French colonial ideology, see Alfred Girault, Principes de colonisation et de legislation coloniale (Paris, 1895);
211. Raymond F. Betts, Assimilation and Association in French Colonial Theory, 1890-1914 (New York, 1961);
212. Alice L. Conklin, A Mission to Civilize: The Republican Idea of Empire in France and West Africa, 1895-1930 (Stanford, Calif., 1997).
213. On the career of François-Antoine Boissy d'Anglas during the Directory, his contacts with planters, and his false exile, see Christine Le Bozec, Boissy d'Anglas: Un grand notable libéral (Chaumette, France, 1995), 283-300.
214. Boissy, Moniteur universel, Aug. 10, 1795 [23 thermidor III, speech of August 4], 1300 (quotation).
215. For the original text of the constitution, which contained no language about the colonies, see "Projet de Constitution pour la République Française présenté par la Commission des Onze dans la séance du 5 messidor an III (June 23, 1795]," in Archives Nationales, ADXVIIIc 267, no. 1.
216. On black republican victories in Saint Domingue and the need for constitutional language about the colonies, see Jacques Defermon, Moniteur universel, Aug. 9, 1795 [22 thermidor III, speech of July 23], 1248-50. The addition of new constitutional language about the colonies occurred just as news reached Paris of developments that seemed to augur a brighter future for the French in Saint Domingue. On July 22, 1795, France signed the Treaty of Basel with Spain and acquired the Spanish colony, Santo Domingo, in exchange for occupied Spanish territory on the European continent. One day later, on July 23, 1795, Defermon informed the Convention about the recapture of key portions of the colony from the British.
217. On special measures for insurrectionary regions, see Godechot, Les institutions de la France, 409-10;
218. "Loi qui autorise le Directoire exécutif à nommer les members qui composeront jusqu'au premier thermidor prochain les administrations municipales de Bordeaux, Lyon, Marseille et Paris," Bulletin de lois de la république française, no. 19, 3.
219. See Opinion et réflexions morales, physiques et politiques (Paris, 1795), 25.
220. On revisions for the East Indies, see Wanquet, La France et la première abolition, 260-65.
221. Art. 41, "Loi sur la division du territoire de la République, le placement et l'organisation des autorités administratives et judiciaires," Bulletin des lois de la république française, no. 194.
222. For the power of the Executive Directory to dissolve administrative bodies, see title 7, art. 196, 1795 Constitution, Les constitutions de la France, ibid., 123.
223. "Conseil des Cinq Cents: Suite du Rapport d'Isouard," Moniteur universel, Nov. 26, 1796 [6 frimaire V], 262 (quotations).
224. The newspaper omits paragraphs from Izoard's speech that are unflattering toward the freed people in Saint Domingue. For the complete text, see Izoard, Corps législatif, Conseil des Cinq-Cents: Rapport fait au nom d'une commission spéciale, sur une nomination de députés au Corps législatif, faite à Cayenne le 20 prairial de l'an 4 . . . Séance du 28 brumaire an 5 ([Paris, 1795]).
225. Boissy, Moniteur universel, June 10, 1797 [22 prairial V, session of June 4], 1049 (quotation).
226. For the royalist case against constitutional rule, see earlier remarks of Boissy about the nonapplication of the constitution to the colonies in Moniteur universel, Jan. 6, 1797 [17 nivôse V], 427.
227. For the opposition of other deputies to the legal division of the colonies, see remarks of François-Louis Bourdon [de l'Oise] and Jean-François Philippe-Delleville in opposition to Joseph Eschassériaux, Moniteur universel, May 26, 1797 [7 prairial V], 986-88,
228. and remarks of Claude-Emmanuel Pastoret, Moniteur universel, June 10, 1797 [22 prairial V], 1049-50.
229. On June 2, 1797, the legislature voted to end the mission of Saint Domingue commissioners effective July 22, 1797 (Bulletin des lois de la république français, no. 127). On June 11, 1797, the legislature repealed the law of Jan. 25, 1796, authorizing commissioners in Saint Domingue (Bulletin des lois de la république français, no. 128). On the efforts of deputies hostile to emancipation to impose a new martial regime of repression on the empire, see Louis-Thomas Villaret-Joyeuse, "Conseil des 500, Session of 12 prairial," Moniteur universel, June 6, 1797 [18 prairial V], 1032;
230. Jouda Guetata, "Le refus d'application de la constitution de l'an III à Saint-Domingue, 1795-1797," in Périssent les colonies plutôt qu'un principe! Contributions à l'histoire de l'abolition de l'esclavage, 1789-1804, ed. Florence Gauthier (Paris, 2002), 81-90, esp. 89.
231. On Villaret-Joyeuse, see Kenneth Gregory Johnson, "Louis-Thomas Villaret de Joyeuse: Admiral and Colonial Administrator (1747-1812)" (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 2006).
232. Bernard Gainot, "Bottu, le républicain des colonies," Annales historiques de la révolution française 65, nos. 293-94 (July-December 1993): 431-44.
233. For the admission of Saint Domingue deputies following the legislative purge, see "Loi qui admet au corps législatif les représentants élus au Cap français pour l'an IV, 2e jour complémentaire," Bulletin des his de la république français, no. 147; see also the law of the next day validating the election in Cap Français of Apr. 9, 1797.
234. On Saint Domingue deputies' insistence on the immediate application of the constitution to their colony, see speeches by Étienne Laveaux, Louis Dufay, Claude-Pierre-Joseph Leborgne, and Louis-François Boisrand [Boisron jeune] in Archives Nationales, ADXVIIIc 464, Nos. 23-26. The metropolitan deputy Joseph Eschassériaux renewed his earlier demand for constitutional rule overseas.
235. See Eschassériaux, Corps législatif, Conseil des Cinq-Cents, Opinion d'Eschassériaux aîné sur les colonies, séance du 3 vendémiaire an 6 (Paris, 1797);
236. Bernard Gainot, "Le général Laveaux, gouverneur de Saint-Domingue, député néo-jacobin," in Esclavage, colonisation, libérations nationales de 1789 à nos jours: Colloque organisé les 24, 25 et 26 février 1989 à l'Université Paris VIII à Saint-Denis, ed. l'AFASPA and Le comité 89 en 93 (Paris, 1990), 169-83.
237. Joseph Eschassériaux, Corps législatif, Conseil des Cinq-Cents, Rapport fait . . . au nom de la commission chargée de présenter les lois organiques de la constitution dans les colonies, et les mesures de législation et de politique pour opérer leur rétablissement, Séance du premier brumaire an 6 ([Paris], 1797);
238. "Loi contenant division du territoire des colonies occidentals," Bulletin des lois de la république français, no. 160, 1-10.
239. For the law implementing the constitution overseas, which defined the colonial citizenry, see "Loi concernant l'organisation constitutionnelle des colonies," Bulletin des lois de la république française, no. 177, 1-22. The January law maintained the unusual arrangements of the constitution, by confiding the choice of all colonial administrators to the Executive Directory or its agents. This law made special arrangements so that freed slaves could vote in primary assemblies, but the voting system by the 1795 Constitution was two tiered. These primary assemblies were to choose electors who would then select members of the legislative corps.
240. By the 1795 Constitution, electors needed to possess a fortune equivalent to 150 to 200 days of work (title 4, art. 35, 1795 Constitution, in Godechot, Les constitutions de la France, 107). Jacques Godechot estimates the number of electors in all of domestic France under this constitution at thirty thousand.
241. Law of January 1, 1798, sec. 3, art. 15 ("Black or colored individuals"); [Louis-Antoine-Esprit Rallier], Opinion de Rallier sur la résolution du 28 brumaire an 6, relative à l'organisation de la constitution dans les colonies, Séance du 11 nivôse an VI (Paris, 1798) ("People who have seen blacks").
242. For criticism by Louis Dufay of the law's ambivalent tone, see Opinion de Dufay, député de Saint Domingue, sur le titre III de la résolution soumise au Conseil des Anciens, concernant l'organisation de la Constitution dans les Colonies, in La Révolution française et l'abolition de l'esclavage, vol. 11 (Paris, 1968).
243. The same disquiet about colonial citizenship recurs in Rapport fait par Roger Ducos au nom d'une commission spéciale composée des représentans Lacoste, Dupuche, Brottier, Rallier et Roger Ducos sur la résolution du 28 brumaire dernier, relative à l'organisation de la Constitution dans les colonies, Archives Nationales, ADXVIIIc 465, no. 5. Yet another deputy in the upper house, Pierre-Nicolas Perrée, expressed strident opposition to colonial citizenship.
244. See Conseil des Anciens, Opinion de N. Perrée (de Granville), séance du 4 nivôse an VI (Paris, 1798).
245. For a refutation of Perrée's views, see Étienne Laveaux, Corps législatif, Conseil des Anciens, Opinion de Laveaux sur les colonies, séance du 11 nivôse an VI (Paris, 1798).
246. On Gabriel Hédouville's ill-fated mission to Saint Domingue, see Fick, Making of Haiti, 198-201;
247. Ardouin, Études sur l'histoire d'Haïti, 3: chaps. 14-16;
248. Antoine Michel, La Mission du Gal. Hédouville à Saint-Domingue: Avec le portrait de l'auteur (Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 1929).
249. On the state of siege in revolutionary France, see Howard G. Brown, Ending the French Revolution: Violence, Justice, and Repression from the Terror to Napoleon (Charlottesville, Va., 2006), esp. 200-210.
250. See also Jean-Baptiste Jourdan, Rapport fait par Jourdan (de la Haute Vienne) au nom d'une commission composée des représentans du peuple Mayeuvre, Siméon, Vasse, Chabaud et Jourdan, chargée d'examiner si la mise en état de siège est une mesure qui puisse concorder avec l'esprit et les principes de la constitution, séance du 21 thermidor an V (Paris, 1797).
251. For a general history, see Paul Romain, L'État de siège politique: Histoire, Déclaration, Effets, Levée (Albi, France, 1918).
252. On legal exceptionality and imperial rule during the nineteenth century in the French and Spanish contexts, see Josep M. Fradera, "L'esclavage et la logique constitutionnelle des empires," Annales Histoire, Sciences Sociales 63, no. 3 (May-June 2008): 533-60.