The creolization of the new world: Local forms of identification in urban Colonial Peru, 1560-1640

HAHR - Hispanic American Historical Review

Volumn 89, Issue 3, 2009, Pages 471-499

  Graubart, Karen B ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 68549111143     PISSN: 00182168     EISSN: 15271900     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1215/00182168-2009-003     Document Type: Review

References (131)

1. Magnus Mörner, Race Mixture in the History of Latin America (New York: Little, Brown, 1967), see page 58 for the lists
2. Casta was the word coined to describe people of mixed (indigenous, European, African-descent) ancestry in the New World. It comes to us most famously through the "casta paintings," whose intended audience was most likely the European tourist or official visitor rather than locals of European heritage or castas themselves. See Ilona Katzew, Casta Painting: Images of Race in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2004), where she makes the important point that not all casta painting was homogeneous
3. Susan Deans-Smith has commented upon the possible audiences for these paintings in "Creating the Colonial Subject: Casta Paintings, Collectors, and Critics in Eighteenth-Century Mexico and Spain," Colonial Latin American Review 14, no.2 (Dec. 2005): 169-204
4. Critiques of the use of racial and ethnic categories in the colonial period have been made most trenchantly by David Cahill, "Colour by Numbers: Racial and Ethnic Categories in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1532-1824," Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 325-46
5. R. Douglas Cope, The Limits of Racial Domination: Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico City, 1660-1720 (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1994)
6. Juan Carlos Estenssoro Fuchs, "Los colores de la plebe: Razón y mestizaje en el Perú colonial," in Los cuadros de mestizaje del Virrey Amat: La representación etnográfica en el Perú colonial, ed. Natalia Majluf (Lima: Museo de Arte, 1999): 66-107
7. and Robert H. Jackson, Race, Caste, and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America (Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1999)
8. On the problem of "misdressed" Indians and mestizos, see Karen B. Graubart, "Hybrid Thinking: Bringing Postcolonial Theory to Latin American Economic History," in Postcolonialism Meets Economics, ed. S. Charusheela and Eiman O. Zein-Elabdin (New York: Routledge, 2004): 215-234
9. The literature on indigenous resistance and accommodation to colonial practices is by now voluminous. Key works on the indigenous Andes in this period include Manuel Burga, De la encomienda a la hacienda capitalista: El valle del Jequetepeque del siglo XVI al XX (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1976)
10. Luis Miguel Glave, Trajinantes: Caminos indígenas en la sociedad colonial, siglos XVI/XVII (Lima: Instituto de Apoyo Agrario, 1989)
11. Brooke Larson, Cochabamba, 1550 - 1900: Colonialism and Agrarian Transformation in Bolivia (Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press, 1998)
12. Karen Vieira Powers, Andean Journeys: Migration, Ethnogenesis, and the State in Colonial Quito (Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1995)
13. Karen Spalding, Huarochirí, An Andean Society under Inca and Spanish Rule (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press, 1984)
14. Steve J. Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640 (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1993)
15. See, for example, John Holm, Pidgins and Creoles, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1988)
16. as well as the edited volume by David Buisseret and Steven G. Reinhardt, Creolization in the Americas (College Station: Texas A&M Univ. Press, 2000)
17. particularly Buisseret's "Introduction"
18. and the essay by Richard Cullen Rath, "Drums and Power: Ways of Creolizing Music in Coastal South Carolina and Georgia, 1730-90," 99-130
19. The early history of Lima is covered in Lyn Brandon Lowry, "Forging an Indian Nation: Urban Indians under Spanish Colonial Control, Lima, Peru, 1535-1765" (PhD diss., Univ. of California, Berkeley, 1991)
20. On Trujillo, see Susan E. Ramírez, Provincial Patriarchs: Land Tenure and the Economics of Power in Colonial Peru (Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1986)
21. Katherine Coleman, "Provincial Urban Problems: Trujillo, Peru, 1600-1784," in Social Fabric and Spatial Structure in Colonial Latin America, ed. David J. Robinson (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI, 1979)
22. and Juan Castañeda Murga, "Notas para una historia de la Ciudad de Trujillo del Perú en el siglo XVII," in La tradición andina en tiempos modernos, ed. Hiroyasu Tomoeda and Luis Millones (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1996)
23. For an important example of the difficulties (as well as benefits) of exploring these translations and transformations, see Susan Elizabeth Ramírez, "From People to Place and Back Again: Back Translation as Decentering - an Andean Case Study," Ethnohistory 53, no.2 (Spring 2006): 355-381
24. See, for example, the discussion of race and surnames in colonial Mexico City in Cope, The Limits of Racial Domination, chap. 3
25. On elite self-definition, see Bernard Lavallé, Las promesas ambiguas: Ensayos sobre el criollismo colonial en los Andes (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1993)
26. Anthony Pagden, "Identity Formation in Spanish America," in Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World, 1500-1800, ed. Nicholas Canny and Anthony Pagden (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 1987), 51-93
27. and an interesting intervention by Mark Thurner, From Two Republics to One Divided: Contradictions of Postcolonial Nationmaking in Andean Peru (Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press, 1997)
28. Books by Chance, Cope, and Lewis look at the ways in which plebeians manipulated and eluded elite classification systems, but do not address the question of self-invention: John Chance, Race and Class in Colonial Oaxaca (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press, 1987)
29. and Laura Lewis, Hall of Mirrors: Power, Witchcraft, and Caste in Colonial Mexico (Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press, 2003)
30. On the notary's craft, see Carlos M. N. Eire, From Madrid to Purgatory: The Art and Craft of Dying in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1995), 35
31. as well as Sarah Cline, "Fray Alonso de Molina's Model Testament and Antecedents to Indigenous Wills in Spanish America," in Dead Giveaways: Indigenous Testaments of Colonial Mesoamerica and the Andes, ed. Susan Kellogg and Matthew Restall (Salt Lake City: Univ. of Utah Press, 1998), 13-36
32. Kathryn Burns discusses the relationship between notaries and power in "Notaries, Truth, and Consequences," American Historical Review 110, no.2 (Apr. 2005): 350-379
33. Testamento de Luisa Gregoria, Archivo Regional de La Libertad, Trujillo, Perú (hereafter ARLL), PN 96, Bernal Jimeno, 1624-25, f. 640
34. See Bianca Premo, Children of the Father King: Youth, Authority, and Legal Minority in Colonial Lima (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2005)
35. Burns describes a lawsuit that emerged from one notary's falsification of a final copy in "Notaries, Truth, and Consequences," 361
36. On this urban network, but drawing from idolatry trials rather than notarial records, see Alejandra Osorio, "El callejón de la soledad: Vectors of cultural hybridity in seventeenth-century Lima," in Spiritual Encounters: Interactions between Christianity and Native Religions in Colonial America, ed. Nicholas Griffiths and Fernando Cervantes (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1999), 198-229
37. The text reads "Beatriz Magdalena que llama La Rica." Testamento de Juana de la Requera, AGN, PN 1852 Tamayo, 1625, ff. 246v-49v
38. Testamento de María Curi, AGN, PN 33 Esquivel, 1573, ff. 359-360
39. Jorge Zevallos Quiñones, Los fundadores y primeros pobladores de Trujillo del Perú, 2 vols. (Trujillo: Fundación Alfredo Pinillos Goicochea, 1996), 1:13
40. see also the discussion of encomenderos in James Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 1532-1560: A Colonial Society (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1968), 21
41. On the rights and obligations of encomenderos, see Juan Solórzano Pereyra, Política indiana (1648; Madrid: Fundación José Antonio de Castro, 1996), vol.2, bk. 3, chaps. 1-2
42. Tamar Herzog presents an important comparison between changing notions of citizenship in Spain and in its colonies, including Lima, in Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2003), 17-63. The cabildo, dominated by encomenderos in many cities including Trujillo, was one of the three major local power brokers in early colonial Peru, along with the corregidores (magistrates) and the clergy, though its power was generally restricted to the city limits where it sat
43. See the discussion in Ramírez, Provincial Patriarchs, chap. 2
44. Lowry, "Forging an Indian Nation," reviews the lack of autonomy in Lima's cabildos, though in Trujillo the cabildo did retain the ability to distribute land and name vecinos
45. On the relationship between urbanization and civilization, see Valerie Fraser, The Architecture of Conquest: Building in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1535-1635 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1990), 40-47
46. See, for example, the primary definition in Sebastián de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (1611; Barcelona: Editorial Alta Fulla, 1993): "El suelo de la casa antigua de donde decienden hombres nobles" (p. 943)
47. See the discussions of the social achievements and backgrounds of the conquistadors in Lockhart, Spanish Peru, chap. 2
48. and Spalding, Huarochirí, chap. 4
49. A number of artisans were made vecinos of Trujillo in the 1550s, including shoemakers, tailors, masons, and silk weavers. Actas del Cabildo de Trujillo 1549-1564 (Lima: Concejo Provincial de Trujillo, 1969), 1:29, 123, 124, 319, 367. The Inquisition's anxiety about bloodline is well known
50. For foundational statements see Henry Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1998)
51. and the essays in Bartolomé Bennassar, Inquisición española: Poder político y control social (Barcelona: Editorial Crítica, 1981)
52. For understanding the ways that ethnicity interacted with ideas of limpieza de sangre and calidad, see Katzew, Casta Painting, chap. 2
53. and María Elena Martínez, Genealogical Fictions: Limpieza de Sangre, Religion, and Gender in Colonial Mexico (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press, 2008)
54. Martínez, Genealogical Fictions, chap. 4
55. "Y atento a ques ladino y casado y official sastre e tiene hijos e para q les . . . Car como xptianos. Y en ley de Razon y otros tomen . . . enplo y Fagan lo mysmo quél." Actas del Cabildo de Trujillo, 1549-1560, 1:127-128. Lacunae represent illegible sections of the original
56. On the changing attitudes toward mestizos of various classes, see Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 163-70
57. Nancy E. van Deusen, Between the Sacred and the Worldly: The Institutional and Cultural Practice of Recogimiento in Colonial Lima (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press, 2001), chap. 2
58. Kathryn Burns, Colonial Habits: Convents and the Spiritual Economy of Cuzco, Peru (Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press, 1999), chap. 1
59. Stuart B. Schwartz, "Spaniards, Pardos, and the Missing Mestizos: Identities and Racial Categories in the Early Hispanic Caribbean," New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, no.1-2 (1997): 5-19
60. Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, "Ethnic and Gender Influences on 'Spanish' Creole Society in Colonial Spanish America," Colonial Latin American Review 4, no. 1 (1995): 153-176
61. This may run contrary to practices in other regions, including Lima and Caracas, about which Herzog states, "I found [no cases] where land was granted without the previous acquisition of citizenship." Defining Nations, 51. The difference may have to do with the relative prestige of local indigenous elites, especially from Cajamarca, who established their presence in Trujillo by the middle of the sixteenth century
62. See Karoline Noack, "Negociando la política colonial en el Perú: La perspectiva desde la región norte en los Andes centrales (1532-1569)," in Los buenos, los malos y los feos: Poder y resistencia en América Latina, ed. Nikolaus Böttcher, Isabel Galaor, and Bernd Hausberger (Madrid: Iberoamericana / Frankfurt: Vervuert, 2005), 214
63. Actas del Cabildo de Trujillo, 1:150. The concern about marriage had in part to do with religious practice but was a qualification for Spaniards as well, since the granting of a solar implied the obligation of populating and occupying the lot with one's family. By 1559 the explanation of the Indian's particular qualifications was no longer included in the Cabildo's records, viz
64. While it was the Cabildo's task to grant the concession of solares in the early years, that function seems to have fallen away by 1600 and the properties were sold freely. See Zevallos Quiñones, Los fundadores y primeros pobladores de Trujillo, 1:14
65. Testamento de Elena de Faria, ARLL, PN 44 Obregón, 1607-1608, 216ff
66. Testamento de Martín Chauca, ARLL, PN 48 Obregón, 1613, f. 317
67. testamento de Cecilia Tinoco, ARLL, PN 50 Obregón, 1615-1616, f. 61v
68. testamento de Luissa Madalena, ARLL, PN53 Obregón, 1626, f. 635v
69. testamento de Angelina de Albarado, ARLL, PN 54 Obregón, 1627, f. 54v
70. pleito sobre el testamento de María Sandobal, ARLL, Corregimiento (Corr) Causas Ordinarias (CO), leg. 190, exp. 1149 (1641). The notary used by Sandobal was not Obregón but was identified as the "escribano de los naturales."
71. Venta del solar, ARLL, PN 45 Obregón, 1608, f. 376
72. Other notaries who employed the term were Juan de Mata and Martínez de Escobar. Karoline Noack, personal communication, June 2007
73. Testamento de Catalina de Agüero yndia ladina, ARLL, PN 11 Mata, 1570, f. 42
74. Noack, "Negociando la política colonial en el Perú," 214. After 1560 the rate of indigenous participation slowed somewhat, though it continued to be significant until the late seventeenth century
75. Testamento de Magdalena Jiquil, ARLL, PN 41 Obregon, 1594, reg. 3, f. 89
76. Testamento de Catalina Román, cobdicilio de Catalina Román, venta del solar and obligación, ARLL, PN 47 Obregón, 1611, ff. 8, 12, 13v, 223
77. Testamento de Elbira Carua, ARLL, PN 80 Vega, 1588, f. 146v
78. Venta, ARLL, PN 53 Obregón, 1625, f. 328
79. Leo Garofalo, "The Ethno-Economy of Food, Drink, and Stimulants: The Making of Race in Colonial Lima and Cuzco" (PhD diss., Univ. of Wisconsin, 2001)
80. Jane Mangan, Trading Roles: Gender, Ethnicity and the Urban Economy in Colonial Potosí (Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Press, 2005)
81. Testamento de Leonor de Ulloa, ARLL, PN 45 Obregón, 1608, f. 207
82. For a suggestive analysis of how pre-Hispanic land tenure systems evolved in one urban colonial region, see Paul Charney, Indian Society in the Valley of Lima, Peru, 1532 - 1824 (Lanham, MD: Univ. Press of America, 2001), chap. 2
83. The medieval Castilian model of citizenship was based upon uncontested residence and was thus less hierarchical. Herzog, Defining Nations, 52-59
84. There are no really reliable demographic sources for Trujillo in this period, but a 1604 description gives the population as more or less evenly divided between Spaniards/mestizos (lumped into one category, 1,021 total), Indians (1,194), and blacks/ mulattos (1,073), with the majority of the black population being free. See Carlos Romero, "Fragmentos de una historia de Trujillo," Revista Histórica (Lima) 8 (1925): 91-93
85. Testamento de Andres de Mora, ARLL, PN 33 Muñoz, 1575, f. 164v
86. Testamento de Elbira Martín, ARLL, PN 29 Mata, 1602, f. 221
87. Testamento de Sebastian Rrodriguez, ARLL, PN 199 Paz, 1631, f. 325. Conversely, barriers to Indians owning slaves might have been more strictly enforced in Trujillo than in some other places, leaving them to purchase land rather than human capital. In Lima, for example, ownership of slaves among testating Indians was much higher and ownership of larger residential and agricultural properties somewhat lower
88. See Karen B. Graubart, With Our Labor and Sweat: Indigenous Women and the Formation of A Colonial Society in Peru, 1550-1700 (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press, 2007), chap. 2
89. A 1613 census of Lima gives the population as Spaniards (11,867), blacks (10,386), Indians (1,978), mulattos (744), and mestizos (192). As Frederick Bowser notes, this certainly undercounts mulattos and mestizos, who were presumably "passing" into the category of Spaniards. Frederick P. Bowser, The African Slave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650 (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press, 1974), 304
90. On ritual power in Lima, see Alejandra Osorio, "The King in Lima: Simulacra, Ritual, and Rule in Seventeenth-Century Peru," Hispanic American Historical Review 84, no.3 (Aug. 2004): 447-474
91. Daniel Usner, " 'The Facility Offered by the Country': The Creolization of Agriculture in the Lower Mississippi Valley," in Buisseret and Reinhardt, Creolization in the Americas, 35-36
92. See also the statement by José Juan Arrom, "Criollo: Definición y matices de un concepto," Hispania 34, no.2 (May 1951): 172-176
93. Lavallé, Las promesas ambiguas, 19. According to Lavallé, the term was not known in Portugal prior to this point
94. Garcilaso de la Vega, El Inca, Royal Commentaries of the Incas and General History of Peru, trans. Harold Livermore (Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1966), 607
95. Martínez, "The Spanish Concept of Limpieza de Sangre," 168
96. Pagden, "Identity Formation in Spanish America."
97. See Solange Alberro's sympathetic rendering of the plight of Spanish immigrants to Mexico and their changing consciousness, Del gachupín al criollo: O de cómo los españoles de México dejaron de serlo (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 1992). This usage of criollo never took hold in the Spanish Caribbean or in Brazil
98. See Schwartz, "Spaniards, Pardos, and the Missing Mestizos."
99. Linguists, historians, and anthropologists of North America have in turn used the notion of creolization to describe cultural and especially linguistic contact between displaced populations and the living languages that developed out of these long-term experiences. See Holm, Pidgins and Creoles
100. Rachel O'Toole, "Inventing Difference: Africans, Indians, and the Antecedents of 'Race' in Colonial Peru (1580s-1720s)" (PhD diss., Univ. of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2001), 28. Schwartz notes that español likewise came to designate a cultural, rather than birth-centered, identity
101. See Kimberly Gauderman, Women's Lives in Colonial Quito: Gender, Law, and Economy in Spanish America (Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 2003), 104, and personal communication. Surnames slowly emerged in indigenous Andean communities throughout the sixteenth century and rarely followed a single standardized pattern
102. See Graubart, With Our Labor and Sweat, 108-109
103. "Son muy haraganes y jugadores y ladrones, que no hazen otra cosa, cino de borrachear y holgar, tañer y cantar, no se acuerdan de Dios ni del rrey ni de ningún seruicio ni bien ni mal de ellos ni tiene humildad ni caridad, dotrina, sino que tiene toda soberuia. . . . Anda como ruffians y saltiadores, getanos de Castilla. . . . Y es gran daño de los demás pobres yndios." Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno, ed. John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1980), 803 (f. 857). The language is similar to that used by Europeans to dismiss Spanish criollos, in part because of theories of the impact of tropical climates and environments upon bodies
104. See Alberro, Del gachupín al criollo, 41, 46; as well as Jorge Cañizares Esguerra, who argues that there also existed a biological-racial explanation for difference among nations in the colonies
105. Jorge Cañizares Esguerra, "New World, New Stars: Patriotic Astrology and the Invention of Indian and Creole Bodies in Colonial Spanish America, 1600-1650," American Historical Review 104, no.1 (Feb. 1999): 33-68
106. In much the same way, Guaman Poma criticizes mestizos and prefers bozal African slaves to criollo slaves. On Guaman Poma's peculiar vision of indigenous society and the conquest, see Rolena Adorno, Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru, 2nd ed. (Austin: Univ. of Texas, 2000)
107. It seems likely that criollo was applied to indigenous people in many locales, but certainly not all. For example, in a collection of colonial wills from Chile, locally born Indians are called "naturales" but not "criollos" except in one case, an unusual will written in the third person by a scribe (perhaps an immigrant from Lima himself) who refers to the testator as "criollo of this land" (criollo desta tierra). Julio Retamal Avila, Testamentos de "Indios" en Chile Colonial: 1564 - 1801 (Santiago: Universidad Andrés Bello, 2000)
108. AGN, Testamentos de Indios (hereafter cited as TI), leg. 1
109. Carta de venta, ARLL, PN 181 Morales Melgarejo, 1610, f. 349v
110. Testamento de Barbola, ARLL, PN 82 Alcántara y otros, 1602-1713, reg. 4 (Pedro Juárez), f. 4, 1608
111. See Burns, "Notaries, Truth, and Consequences," 358
112. Testamento de Diego Sedeño, 1609, AGN, TI, leg. 1. Lima was originally known as la Ciudad de los Reyes, the City of the Kings
113. On this phenomenon see Mangan, Trading Roles, 91-92
114. Testamento de Francisca Ana de la Magdalena, AGN, TI, leg. 1A, 1600
115. Testamento de Ysabel, AGN, PN 33 Esquivel, 1570, f. 215
116. Testamento de María Capan, AGN, TI, leg. 1, 1596
117. Testamento de Elvira Coyti, AGN, TI, leg. 1, 1596
118. Osorio, "El callejón de la soledad," 198-200
119. The 1613 census of Lima makes this integration eminently clear, as its analysts have shown: Paul Charney, "El indio urbano: Un análisis económico y social de la población india de Lima en 1613," Historica 12, no.1 (1988): 5-33
120. María Antonia Durán, "Lima en 1613: Aspectos urbanos," Anuario de Estudios Americanos 49 (1992): 171-188
121. Testamento de Catalina Hallo, AGN, PN 29 de la Cueva, 1580, f. 662
122. Olinda Celestino and Albert Meyers, Las cofradías en el Perú: Región central (Frankfurt: Vervuert, 1991), chap. 2
123. Trujillo's cofradías seem not to have been segregated by ethnicity in this period. In Lima, segregation did not come fully until after 1650, when lines were drawn not only between blacks, Indians, and Spaniards but even within the African-descent community on the basis of color. Paul Charney notes the particularities of Lima's Indian cofradías in "A Sense of Belonging: Colonial Indian Cofradías and Ethnicity in the Valley of Lima, Peru," The Americas 54, no.3 ( Jan. 1998): 384ff
124. See also Christine Hünefeldt, Paying the Price of Freedom: Family and Labor among Lima's Slaves, 1800-1854 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1994), chap. 3
125. and Celestino and Meyers, Las cofradías en el Perú, chaps. 7-19
126. For example, Miguel de Contreras, Padrón de los indios de Lima en 1613, ed. Noble David Cook (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Seminario de Historia Rural Andina, 1968), 104. Contreras painstakingly noted place of origin, since the tributaries logged in his census would owe payment to their natal cacique
127. In addition to the works cited in note 3 above, this question is taken up by Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean 1492-1797 (New York: Routledge, 1986)
128. Karen Vieira Powers, "A Battle of Wills: Inventing Chiefly Legitimacy in the Colonial North Andes," in Kellogg and Restall, Dead Giveaways
129. Susan E. Ramírez, The World Upside Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in Sixteenth-Century Peru (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press, 1996)
130. and Ramírez, "From People to Place and Back Again."
131. For this reason, while I endorse Dana Leibsohn and Carolyn Dean's critique of the use of jargon like hybridity for describing the "inherently heterogeneous" cultures that resulted from colonial contact, I disagree with their assertion that urban colonial subjects did not see themselves as participating in a new world, at least one different from that of their rural relatives. Dean and Leibsohn, "Hybridity and Its Discontents: Considering Visual Culture in Colonial Spanish America," Colonial Latin American Review 12, no.1 (2003): 5