메뉴 건너뛰기




Volumn 89, Issue 2, 2009, Pages 765-793

Can enhanced oversight repair "the broken branch"?

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords


EID: 67649582950     PISSN: 00068047     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Conference Paper
Times cited : (18)

References (136)
  • 1
    • 67649621906 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 1 THOMAS MANN and NORMAN ORNSTEIN, THE BROKEN BRANCH: HOW CONGRESS IS FAILING AMERICA and HOW to GET IT BACK on TRACK (2006).
    • 1 THOMAS MANN and NORMAN ORNSTEIN, THE BROKEN BRANCH: HOW CONGRESS IS FAILING AMERICA and HOW to GET IT BACK on TRACK (2006).
  • 2
    • 67649606712 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 2 Richard Fenno, If as Ralph Nader Says, Congress Is The Broken Branch, How Come We Love Our Congressmen So Much?, in CONGRESS in CHANGE: EVOLUTION and REFORM 277, 277-78 (Norman J. Ornstein ed., 1975) (observing that while ninety-six percent and eighty-five percent of House and Senate incumbents, respectively, won reelection, only twenty-five percent of the electorate gave Congress a positive rating).
    • 2 Richard Fenno, If as Ralph Nader Says, Congress Is "The Broken Branch, " How Come We Love Our Congressmen So Much?, in CONGRESS in CHANGE: EVOLUTION and REFORM 277, 277-78 (Norman J. Ornstein ed., 1975) (observing that while ninety-six percent and eighty-five percent of House and Senate incumbents, respectively, won reelection, only twenty-five percent of the electorate gave Congress a positive rating).
  • 3
    • 67649579720 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 3 CBS News Poll, The Bailout, the Economy and the Campaign (Oct. 1, 2008), http://www.cbsnews.com/htdocs/pdf/SEP08D-BAILOUT.pdf.
    • 3 CBS News Poll, The Bailout, the Economy and the Campaign (Oct. 1, 2008), http://www.cbsnews.com/htdocs/pdf/SEP08D-BAILOUT.pdf.
  • 4
    • 67649597838 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 4 ROBERT C. BYRD, LOSING AMERICA: CONFRONTING a RECKLESS and ARROGANT PRESIDENCY 39 (2004).
    • 4 ROBERT C. BYRD, LOSING AMERICA: CONFRONTING a RECKLESS and ARROGANT PRESIDENCY 39 (2004).
  • 5
    • 67649594768 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 5 See, e.g., DAVTO W. ROHDE, PARTIES and LEADERS in the POSTREFORM HOUSE 11-13 (1991);
    • 5 See, e.g., DAVTO W. ROHDE, PARTIES and LEADERS in the POSTREFORM HOUSE 11-13 (1991);
  • 7
    • 67649606713 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 6 See, e.g., WALTER OLESZEK, CONGRESSIONAL PROCEDURES and the POLICY PROCESS 324-35 (2007);
    • 6 See, e.g., WALTER OLESZEK, CONGRESSIONAL PROCEDURES and the POLICY PROCESS 324-35 (2007);
  • 8
    • 67649588125 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • BARBARA SINCLAIR, UNORTHODOX LAWMAKING: NEW LEGISLATIVE PROCESSES in the U. S. CONGRESS 3-7 (1997) [hereinafter SINCLAIR, UNORTHODOX LAWMAKING].
    • BARBARA SINCLAIR, UNORTHODOX LAWMAKING: NEW LEGISLATIVE PROCESSES in the U. S. CONGRESS 3-7 (1997) [hereinafter SINCLAIR, UNORTHODOX LAWMAKING].
  • 9
    • 67649603738 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 7 See, e.g., GARY W. COX and MATTHEW D. MCCUBBINS, LEGISLATIVE LEVIATHAN: PARTY GOVERNMENT in the HOUSE 17 (1993);
    • 7 See, e.g., GARY W. COX and MATTHEW D. MCCUBBINS, LEGISLATIVE LEVIATHAN: PARTY GOVERNMENT in the HOUSE 17 (1993);
  • 10
    • 84924500519 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • GARY W. COX and MATTHEW D. MCCUBBINS, SETTING the AGENDA: RESPONSIBLE PARTY GOVERNMENT in the U. S. HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES 2 (2005) [hereinafter Cox and MCCUBBINS, SETTING the AGENDA] (asserting that a majority party's ability to set the agenda, rather than its ability to garner sufficient votes, is an important source of its legislative power).
    • GARY W. COX and MATTHEW D. MCCUBBINS, SETTING the AGENDA: RESPONSIBLE PARTY GOVERNMENT in the U. S. HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES 2 (2005) [hereinafter Cox and MCCUBBINS, SETTING the AGENDA] (asserting that a majority party's ability to set the agenda, rather than its ability to garner sufficient votes, is an important source of its legislative power).
  • 11
    • 67649600245 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 8 STANLEY BACH and STEPHEN S. SMITH, MANAGING UNCERTAINTY in the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES: ADAPTATION and INNOVATION in the SPECIAL RULES 41-42 (1988) (describing the use of special rules allowing party leaders to compromise outside of committees);
    • 8 STANLEY BACH and STEPHEN S. SMITH, MANAGING UNCERTAINTY in the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES: ADAPTATION and INNOVATION in the SPECIAL RULES 41-42 (1988) (describing the use of special rules allowing party leaders to compromise outside of committees);
  • 12
    • 67649609848 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • DONALD R. WOLFENSBERGER, WOODROW WILSON INT'L CTR. for SCHOLARS, A REALITY CHECK on the REPUBLICAN HOUSE REFORM REVOLUTION at the DECADE MARK 18 (2005), available at http://www.wilsoncenter.org/news/docs/repub-rev- essay.pdf.
    • DONALD R. WOLFENSBERGER, WOODROW WILSON INT'L CTR. for SCHOLARS, A REALITY CHECK on the REPUBLICAN HOUSE REFORM REVOLUTION at the DECADE MARK 18 (2005), available at http://www.wilsoncenter.org/news/docs/repub-rev- essay.pdf.
  • 13
    • 67649576152 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 9 For a thorough analysis of the full range and increasing frequency with which such procedures have been employed, see SINCLAIR, UNORTHODOX LAWMAKING, supra note 6, at 3-7 (outlining how the legislative process in practice diverges from the legislative process in theory);
    • 9 For a thorough analysis of the full range and increasing frequency with which such procedures have been employed, see SINCLAIR, UNORTHODOX LAWMAKING, supra note 6, at 3-7 (outlining how the legislative process in practice diverges from the legislative process in theory);
  • 14
    • 67649585859 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • STEVEN S. SMITH, CALL To ORDER: FLOOR POLITICS in the HOUSE and SENATE 1-2 (1989) (discussing the increased importance of floor decision-making in Congress).
    • STEVEN S. SMITH, CALL To ORDER: FLOOR POLITICS in the HOUSE and SENATE 1-2 (1989) (discussing the increased importance of floor decision-making in Congress).
  • 15
    • 67649618567 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 10 ZELIZER, supra note 5, at 16 (recounting the rise of extremely powerful Speakers of the House).
    • 10 ZELIZER, supra note 5, at 16 (recounting the rise of "extremely powerful" Speakers of the House).
  • 16
    • 67649606711 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 11 These are the twin pillars of conditional party governance theories. Rohde, supra note 5, at 31-34; see JOHN H. ALDRICH, WHY PARTIES? THE ORIGIN and TRANSFORMATION of POLITICAL PARTIES in AMERICA 194 (1995). On increasing polarization, see generally NOLAN MCCARTY, KEITH T. POOLE and HOWARD ROSENTHAL, POLARIZED AMERICA: The DANCE of IDEOLOGY and UNEQUAL RICHES (2006);
    • 11 These are the twin pillars of conditional party governance theories. Rohde, supra note 5, at 31-34; see JOHN H. ALDRICH, WHY PARTIES? THE ORIGIN and TRANSFORMATION of POLITICAL PARTIES in AMERICA 194 (1995). On increasing polarization, see generally NOLAN MCCARTY, KEITH T. POOLE and HOWARD ROSENTHAL, POLARIZED AMERICA: The DANCE of IDEOLOGY and UNEQUAL RICHES (2006);
  • 18
    • 67649594767 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 12 SARAH A. BINDER and STEVE S. SMITH, POLITICS or PRINCIPLE? FILIBUSTERING in the UNITED STATES SENATE 2 (1997).
    • 12 SARAH A. BINDER and STEVE S. SMITH, POLITICS or PRINCIPLE? FILIBUSTERING in the UNITED STATES SENATE 2 (1997).
  • 19
    • 67649600246 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 13 Id
    • 13 Id.
  • 20
    • 67649609855 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 14 Id. at 1; GREGORY J. WAWRO and ERIC SCHICKLER, FILIBUSTER: OBSTRUCTION and LAWMAKING in the U. S. SENATE 1-6 (2006).
    • 14 Id. at 1; GREGORY J. WAWRO and ERIC SCHICKLER, FILIBUSTER: OBSTRUCTION and LAWMAKING in the U. S. SENATE 1-6 (2006).
  • 21
    • 67649597826 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 15 See, e.g., DONALD R. WOLFENSBERGER, CONGRESS and the PEOPLE: DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY on TRIAL 6-7 (2000);
    • 15 See, e.g., DONALD R. WOLFENSBERGER, CONGRESS and the PEOPLE: DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY on TRIAL 6-7 (2000);
  • 22
    • 67649615765 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Gerald B. H. Solomon and Donald R. Wolfensberger, The Decline of Deliberative Democracy in the House and Proposals for Reform, 31 HARV. J. on LEGIS. 321, 321-22 (1994).
    • Gerald B. H. Solomon and Donald R. Wolfensberger, The Decline of Deliberative Democracy in the House and Proposals for Reform, 31 HARV. J. on LEGIS. 321, 321-22 (1994).
  • 23
    • 67649606702 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 16 See Cox and MCCUBBINS, SETTING the AGENDA, supra note 7, at 224; Andrea C. Campbell, Gary W. Cox and Mathew D. McCubbins, Agenda Power in the U. S. Senate, 1877-1986, in PARTY, PROCESS and POLITICAL CHANGE in CONGRESS: NEW PERSPECTIVES on the HISTORY of CONGRESS 146, 164 (David W. Brady and Mathew D. McCubbins eds., 2002);
    • 16 See Cox and MCCUBBINS, SETTING the AGENDA, supra note 7, at 224; Andrea C. Campbell, Gary W. Cox and Mathew D. McCubbins, Agenda Power in the U. S. Senate, 1877-1986, in PARTY, PROCESS and POLITICAL CHANGE in CONGRESS: NEW PERSPECTIVES on the HISTORY of CONGRESS 146, 164 (David W. Brady and Mathew D. McCubbins eds., 2002);
  • 24
    • 34547370337 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Sean Gailmard and Jeffery A. Jenkins, Negative Agenda Control in the Senate and House: Fingerprints of Majority Party Power, 69 J. POL. 689, 689 (2007).
    • Sean Gailmard and Jeffery A. Jenkins, Negative Agenda Control in the Senate and House: Fingerprints of Majority Party Power, 69 J. POL. 689, 689 (2007).
  • 25
    • 67649621892 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 17 MANN and ORNSTEIN, supra note 1, at 226-39
    • 17 MANN and ORNSTEIN, supra note 1, at 226-39.
  • 26
    • 67649576139 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 18 See, e.g., JAMES L. SUNDQUIST, THE DECLINE and RESURGENCE of CONGRESS 38 (1981).
    • 18 See, e.g., JAMES L. SUNDQUIST, THE DECLINE and RESURGENCE of CONGRESS 38 (1981).
  • 27
    • 67649603004 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 19 Id
    • 19 Id.
  • 28
    • 67649624553 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 20 See DAVID EPSTEIN and SHARYN O'HALLORAN, DELEGATING POWERS: A TRANSACTION COST POLITICS APPROACH to POLICY MAKING UNDER SEPARATE POWERS 11 (1999) (Congress delegates less and constrains more under divided government.). However, for a more nuanced view, see Craig Volden, A Formal Model of the Politics of Delegation in a Separation of Powers System, 46 AM. J. POL. Sci. 111, 111 (2002) (exploring the delegation of power under both unified and divided governments).
    • 20 See DAVID EPSTEIN and SHARYN O'HALLORAN, DELEGATING POWERS: A TRANSACTION COST POLITICS APPROACH to POLICY MAKING UNDER SEPARATE POWERS 11 (1999) ("Congress delegates less and constrains more under divided government."). However, for a more nuanced view, see Craig Volden, A Formal Model of the Politics of Delegation in a Separation of Powers System, 46 AM. J. POL. Sci. 111, 111 (2002) (exploring the delegation of power under both unified and divided governments).
  • 29
    • 67649615751 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 21 Charles A. Lofgren, War-Making Under the Constitution: The Original Understanding, 81 YALE L. J. 672, 701 (1972) (concluding that Americans originally understood Congress to have at least a coordinate, and probably the dominant, role in initiating all but the most obviously defensive wars, whether declared or not).
    • 21 Charles A. Lofgren, War-Making Under the Constitution: The Original Understanding, 81 YALE L. J. 672, 701 (1972) (concluding that "Americans originally understood Congress to have at least a coordinate, and probably the dominant, role in initiating all but the most obviously defensive wars, whether declared or not").
  • 30
    • 84869301509 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 22 U. S. CONST, art. I, § 8, els. 11-13.
    • 22 U. S. CONST, art. I, § 8, els. 11-13.
  • 31
    • 84869301508 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 23 Id. at art. II, § 2, cl. 1.
    • 23 Id. at art. II, § 2, cl. 1.
  • 32
    • 67649621891 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 24 THE FEDERALIST no. 69, at 3 (Alexander Hamilton) (Jacob E. Cooke ed., 1961). Of necessity, this is an oversimplification of the vigorous debate on the constitutional distribution of war powers. For a more complete discussion, see generally JOHN HART ELY, WAR and RESPONSIBILITY: CONSTITUTIONAL LESSONS of VIETNAM and ITS AFTERMATH (1993) (discussing the state of war powers post-Vietnam);
    • 24 THE FEDERALIST no. 69, at 3 (Alexander Hamilton) (Jacob E. Cooke ed., 1961). Of necessity, this is an oversimplification of the vigorous debate on the constitutional distribution of war powers. For a more complete discussion, see generally JOHN HART ELY, WAR and RESPONSIBILITY: CONSTITUTIONAL LESSONS of VIETNAM and ITS AFTERMATH (1993) (discussing the state of war powers post-Vietnam);
  • 33
    • 67649576135 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • MICHAEL J. GLENNON, CONSTITUTIONAL DIPLOMACY (1990) (examining the division of war powers through legal precedent);
    • MICHAEL J. GLENNON, CONSTITUTIONAL DIPLOMACY (1990) (examining the division of war powers through legal precedent);
  • 34
    • 67649621504 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Louis HENKIN, FOREIGN AFFAIRS and the UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION (1996) (examining the distribution of foreign affairs powers under the Constitution);
    • Louis HENKIN, FOREIGN AFFAIRS and the UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION (1996) (examining the distribution of foreign affairs powers under the Constitution);
  • 35
    • 67649594750 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • HAROLD HONGJU KOH, THE NATIONAL SECURITY CONSTITUTION: SHARING POWER AFTER the IRAN- CONTRA AFFAIR (1990) (arguing that the Iran-Contra Affair was a result of ineffective national security laws);
    • HAROLD HONGJU KOH, THE NATIONAL SECURITY CONSTITUTION: SHARING POWER AFTER the IRAN- CONTRA AFFAIR (1990) (arguing that the Iran-Contra Affair was a result of ineffective national security laws);
  • 36
    • 67649609837 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • JOHN YOO, THE POWERS of WAR and PEACe: THE CONSTITUTION and FOREIGN AFFAIRS AFTER 9/11 (2005) (revisiting the issue of the distribution of foreign policy powers between Congress and the President and advocating for flexibility in times of war);
    • JOHN YOO, THE POWERS of WAR and PEACe: THE CONSTITUTION and FOREIGN AFFAIRS AFTER 9/11 (2005) (revisiting the issue of the distribution of foreign policy powers between Congress and the President and advocating for flexibility in times of war);
  • 37
    • 67649579719 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Lofgren, supra note 21 (exploring the executive's war powers as understood by the founders).
    • Lofgren, supra note 21 (exploring the executive's war powers as understood by the founders).
  • 39
    • 67649591688 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Louis FISHER, PRESIDENTIAL WAR POWER, at xii (1995) [hereinafter FISHER, PRESIDENTIAL WAR POWER] (commenting on the strength of presidential war powers after World War II).
    • Louis FISHER, PRESIDENTIAL WAR POWER, at xii (1995) [hereinafter FISHER, PRESIDENTIAL WAR POWER] (commenting on the strength of presidential war powers after World War II).
  • 40
    • 67649585851 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 26 FISHER, PRESIDENTIAL WAR POWER, supra note 25, at 84
    • 26 FISHER, PRESIDENTIAL WAR POWER, supra note 25, at 84.
  • 41
    • 67649591684 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 27 Id. at 118
    • 27 Id. at 118.
  • 42
    • 84869326405 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 28 50 U. S. C. §§ 1541-1548 (2000) (setting the procedure by which the President and Congress can engage the U. S. in hostilities abroad).
    • 28 50 U. S. C. §§ 1541-1548 (2000) (setting the procedure by which the President and Congress can engage the U. S. in hostilities abroad).
  • 43
    • 84869282063 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 29 Id. § 1544.
    • 29 Id. § 1544.
  • 44
    • 67649609838 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 30 Authorization for Use of Military Force, Pub. L. No. 107-40, 115 Stat. 224 (2001).
    • 30 Authorization for Use of Military Force, Pub. L. No. 107-40, 115 Stat. 224 (2001).
  • 45
    • 67649615755 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 31 Id
    • 31 Id.
  • 46
    • 84869282062 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 32 Detainee Treatment Act of 2005, 42 U. S. C. §§ 2000dd to 2000dd-l (2000) (No individual in the custody or under the physical control of the United States Government... shall be subject to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.).
    • 32 Detainee Treatment Act of 2005, 42 U. S. C. §§ 2000dd to 2000dd-l (2000) ("No individual in the custody or under the physical control of the United States Government... shall be subject to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.").
  • 47
    • 67649621901 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 33 Statement on Signing the Department of Defense, Emergency Supplemental Appropriations to Address Hurricanes in the Gulf of Mexico, and Pandemic Influenza Act, 41 WEEKLY COMP. PRES. DOC. 1919 (Dec. 30, 2005).
    • 33 Statement on Signing the Department of Defense, Emergency Supplemental Appropriations to Address Hurricanes in the Gulf of Mexico, and Pandemic Influenza Act, 41 WEEKLY COMP. PRES. DOC. 1919 (Dec. 30, 2005).
  • 48
    • 67649576146 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 34 See, e.g., PHILLIP J. COOPER, BY ORDER of the PRESIDENT: THE USE and ABUSE of EXECUTIVE DIRECT ACTION, at xi (2002);
    • 34 See, e.g., PHILLIP J. COOPER, BY ORDER of the PRESIDENT: THE USE and ABUSE of EXECUTIVE DIRECT ACTION, at xi (2002);
  • 49
    • 67649594760 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • THE POLITICS of DIRECT PRESIDENTIAL
    • WILLIAM G. HOWELL, POWER WITHOUT PERSUASION: THE POLITICS of DIRECT PRESIDENTIAL ACTION 183 (2003);
    • (2003) ACTION , vol.183
    • HOWELL, W.G.1    WITHOUT PERSUASION, P.2
  • 50
    • 0033244395 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Kenneth R. Mayer, Executive Orders and Presidential Power, 61 J. POL. 445, 445 (1999).
    • Kenneth R. Mayer, Executive Orders and Presidential Power, 61 J. POL. 445, 445 (1999).
  • 51
    • 67649594759 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 35 See EPSTEIN and O'HALLORAN, supra note 20, at 34; Terry M. Moe and Scott A. Wilson, Presidents and the Politics of Structure, 57 LAW and CONTEMP. PROBS. 1, 26 (1994);
    • 35 See EPSTEIN and O'HALLORAN, supra note 20, at 34; Terry M. Moe and Scott A. Wilson, Presidents and the Politics of Structure, 57 LAW and CONTEMP. PROBS. 1, 26 (1994);
  • 52
    • 0033465758 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Terry M. Moe and William G. Howell, The Presidential Power of Unilateral Action, 15 J. L. ECON. and ORG. 132, 140 (1999);
    • Terry M. Moe and William G. Howell, The Presidential Power of Unilateral Action, 15 J. L. ECON. and ORG. 132, 140 (1999);
  • 53
    • 67649618743 scopus 로고
    • The Industrial Organization of Congress; or, Why Legislatures, Like Firms, are not Organized as Markets, 96
    • Barry R. Weingast and William J. Marshall, The Industrial Organization of Congress; or, Why Legislatures, Like Firms, are not Organized as Markets, 96 J. POL. ECON. 132, 136 (1989).
    • (1989) J. POL. ECON , vol.132 , pp. 136
    • Weingast, B.R.1    Marshall, W.J.2
  • 54
    • 67649588120 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 36 DAVID W. BRADY and CRAIG VOLDEN, REVOLVING GRIDLOCK: POLITICS and POLICY from CARTER to CLINTON 7 (1998);
    • 36 DAVID W. BRADY and CRAIG VOLDEN, REVOLVING GRIDLOCK: POLITICS and POLICY from CARTER to CLINTON 7 (1998);
  • 55
    • 67649602999 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • KEITH KREHBIEL, PIVOTAL POLITICS: A THEORY of U. S. LAWMAKING 22 (1998) (commenting that two super-majoritarian procedures, the presidential veto and the Senate filibuster, limit the legislative majority's power to pass legislation).
    • KEITH KREHBIEL, PIVOTAL POLITICS: A THEORY of U. S. LAWMAKING 22 (1998) (commenting that two super-majoritarian procedures, the presidential veto and the Senate filibuster, limit the legislative majority's power to pass legislation).
  • 56
    • 67649579714 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 37 INS v. Chadha, 462 U. S. 919, 959 (1982).
    • 37 INS v. Chadha, 462 U. S. 919, 959 (1982).
  • 57
    • 67649624557 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 38 Eric Schickler, Institutional Development of Congress, in THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH 35, 40 (Paul J. Quirk and Sarah A. Binder eds., 2005).
    • 38 Eric Schickler, Institutional Development of Congress, in THE LEGISLATIVE BRANCH 35, 40 (Paul J. Quirk and Sarah A. Binder eds., 2005).
  • 58
    • 67649591692 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 39 For a more detailed analysis of congressional oversight in the Roosevelt era, see SUNDQUIST, supra note 18, at 133-39.
    • 39 For a more detailed analysis of congressional oversight in the Roosevelt era, see SUNDQUIST, supra note 18, at 133-39.
  • 59
    • 67649576140 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 40 This is a key component of McCubbins and Schwartz's argument about fire alarm oversight. If bureaucrats know that interest groups or the public will sound the fire alarm if the agency strays too far from congressional and interest group preferences, then they will be reluctant to do so and the observable result is little active congressional oversight. See Matthew D. McCubbins and Thomas Schwartz, Congressional Oversight Overlooked: Police Patrols Versus Fire Alarms, 28 AM. J. POL. SCI. 165, 176 (1984).
    • 40 This is a key component of McCubbins and Schwartz's argument about fire alarm oversight. If bureaucrats know that interest groups or the public will sound the fire alarm if the agency strays too far from congressional and interest group preferences, then they will be reluctant to do so and the observable result is little active congressional oversight. See Matthew D. McCubbins and Thomas Schwartz, Congressional Oversight Overlooked: Police Patrols Versus Fire Alarms, 28 AM. J. POL. SCI. 165, 176 (1984).
  • 60
    • 67649600229 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 41 NAT'L COMM'N on TERRORIST ATTACKS UPON the U. S., THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT 419 (2004) [hereinafter 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT] (recommending a strengthening of congressional oversight of intelligence and homeland security and recognizing that this may be among the most difficult and important recommendations to implement).
    • 41 NAT'L COMM'N on TERRORIST ATTACKS UPON the U. S., THE 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT 419 (2004) [hereinafter 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT] (recommending a strengthening of "congressional oversight of intelligence and homeland security" and recognizing that this "may be among the most difficult and important" recommendations to implement).
  • 61
    • 67649594761 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 42 Id
    • 42 Id.
  • 63
    • 67649594754 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 44 JOEL D. ABERBACH, KEEPING a WATCHFUL EYE: THE POLITICS of CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT 35-47 (1990) (surveying the trends in congressional oversight and finding a sharp increase in oversight in the early 1970s);
    • 44 JOEL D. ABERBACH, KEEPING a WATCHFUL EYE: THE POLITICS of CONGRESSIONAL OVERSIGHT 35-47 (1990) (surveying the trends in congressional oversight and finding a sharp increase in oversight in the early 1970s);
  • 64
    • 67649576145 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Joel D. Aberbach, What's Happened to the Watchful Eye?, 29 CONG. and PRESIDENCY 3, 5 (2002). For another study challenging the conventional view of Congress's abdication of its oversight role, see Jack M. Beermann, Congressional Administration, 43 SAN DIEGO L. REV. 61, 68 (2006) (arguing that Congress has exercised oversight in many ways, both formal and informal, and not just by conducting oversight hearings).
    • Joel D. Aberbach, What's Happened to the Watchful Eye?, 29 CONG. and PRESIDENCY 3, 5 (2002). For another study challenging the conventional view of Congress's abdication of its oversight role, see Jack M. Beermann, Congressional Administration, 43 SAN DIEGO L. REV. 61, 68 (2006) (arguing that Congress has exercised oversight in many ways, both formal and informal, and not just by conducting oversight hearings).
  • 65
    • 67649576154 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 45 See, e.g., MANN and ORNSTEIN, supra note 1, at 157.
    • 45 See, e.g., MANN and ORNSTEIN, supra note 1, at 157.
  • 66
    • 67649588118 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 46 Aaron Wildavsky, The Two Presidencies, 4 TRANS- ACTION 7, 7 (1966). See generally BARBARA HINCKLEY, LESS THAN MEETS the EYE: FOREIGN POLICY MAKING and the MYTH of the ASSERTIVE CONGRESS (1994);
    • 46 Aaron Wildavsky, The Two Presidencies, 4 TRANS- ACTION 7, 7 (1966). See generally BARBARA HINCKLEY, LESS THAN MEETS the EYE: FOREIGN POLICY MAKING and the MYTH of the ASSERTIVE CONGRESS (1994);
  • 67
    • 67649618559 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • ANDREW RUDALEVTOE, THE NEW IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY: RENEWING PRESIDENTIAL POWER AFTER WATERGATE (2005);
    • ANDREW RUDALEVTOE, THE NEW IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY: RENEWING PRESIDENTIAL POWER AFTER WATERGATE (2005);
  • 68
    • 67649615757 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • THE PRESIDENT, the CONGRESS and the MAKING of FOREIGN POLICY (Paul E. Peterson ed., 1994).
    • THE PRESIDENT, the CONGRESS and the MAKING of FOREIGN POLICY (Paul E. Peterson ed., 1994).
  • 69
    • 67649615763 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 47 See DOUGLAS KRINER, AFTER the RUBICON: CONGRESS, PRESIDENTS and the CONDUCT of MILITARY ACTION (forthcoming) (manuscript at 213, on file with author);
    • 47 See DOUGLAS KRINER, AFTER the RUBICON: CONGRESS, PRESIDENTS and the CONDUCT of MILITARY ACTION (forthcoming) (manuscript at 213, on file with author);
  • 70
    • 67649597832 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • William Howell and Douglas Kriner, Congress, the President, and the Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, in CONGRESS RECONSIDERED 311, 319 (Lawrence Dodd and Bruce Oppenheimer eds., 2009) [hereinafter Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front].
    • William Howell and Douglas Kriner, Congress, the President, and the Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, in CONGRESS RECONSIDERED 311, 319 (Lawrence Dodd and Bruce Oppenheimer eds., 2009) [hereinafter Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front].
  • 72
    • 67649573416 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 49 This data is taken from Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 324
    • 49 This data is taken from Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 324.
  • 73
    • 67649621903 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 50 Id
    • 50 Id.
  • 74
    • 67649606704 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 51 Id. In previous work, Howell and Kriner coded both positive and critical hearings and examined the influence of each on popular support for the war effort. Id. at 324-31. Because the focus of this Essay is on legislative responsibility and oversight as a tool by which Congress can retain an important check on presidential action in the military arena, I focus here exclusively on critical oversight. Moreover, Howell and Kriner's multivariate regression model showed no evidence of a statistically significant correlation between positive hearings and public support for the war. Id. at 329.
    • 51 Id. In previous work, Howell and Kriner coded both positive and critical hearings and examined the influence of each on popular support for the war effort. Id. at 324-31. Because the focus of this Essay is on legislative responsibility and oversight as a tool by which Congress can retain an important check on presidential action in the military arena, I focus here exclusively on critical oversight. Moreover, Howell and Kriner's multivariate regression model showed no evidence of a statistically significant correlation between positive hearings and public support for the war. Id. at 329.
  • 75
    • 67649621894 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 52 See, e.g., Oversight Hearing on Waste, Fraud and Abuse in U. S. Government Contracting in Iraq Before the S. Democratic Policy Comm., 109th Cong. 1 (2005) (statement of Sen. Dorgan) ([T]here is a serious problem here in the Congress with a lack of oversight hearings.).
    • 52 See, e.g., Oversight Hearing on Waste, Fraud and Abuse in U. S. Government Contracting in Iraq Before the S. Democratic Policy Comm., 109th Cong. 1 (2005) (statement of Sen. Dorgan) ("[T]here is a serious problem here in the Congress with a lack of oversight hearings.").
  • 76
    • 67649621502 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 53 151 CONG. REG H4833 (daily ed. June 21, 2005) (statement of Rep. Waxman).
    • 53 151 CONG. REG H4833 (daily ed. June 21, 2005) (statement of Rep. Waxman).
  • 77
    • 67649573418 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 54 For the critical importance of the Iraq War in both the House and Senate 2006 elections, see Christian R. Grose and Bruce I. Oppenheimer, The Iraq War, Partisanship, and Candidate Attributes: Explaining Variation in Partisan Swing in the 2006 U. S. House Elections, 32 LEGIS. STUD. Q. 531, 550 (2007), and Douglas L. Kriner and Francis X. Shen, Iraq Casualties and the 2006 Senate Elections, 32 LEGIS. STUD. Q. 507, 523 (2007), respectively.
    • 54 For the critical importance of the Iraq War in both the House and Senate 2006 elections, see Christian R. Grose and Bruce I. Oppenheimer, The Iraq War, Partisanship, and Candidate Attributes: Explaining Variation in Partisan Swing in the 2006 U. S. House Elections, 32 LEGIS. STUD. Q. 531, 550 (2007), and Douglas L. Kriner and Francis X. Shen, Iraq Casualties and the 2006 Senate Elections, 32 LEGIS. STUD. Q. 507, 523 (2007), respectively.
  • 78
    • 67649573419 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 55 Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 326 (identifying fifty critical hearings during Republican rule from 2003-2006 compared with sixty-five hearings during the first fifteen months of Democratic control).
    • 55 Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 326 (identifying fifty critical hearings during Republican rule from 2003-2006 compared with sixty-five hearings during the first fifteen months of Democratic control).
  • 79
    • 62449194113 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Democrats' Momentum is Stalling
    • 56, May 5, at
    • 56 Jonathan Weisman and Lyndsey Layton, Democrats' Momentum is Stalling, WASH. POST, May 5, 2007, at A1.
    • (2007) WASH. POST
    • Weisman, J.1    Layton, L.2
  • 80
    • 67649624556 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 57 BRADY and VOLDEN, supra note 36, at 157-58
    • 57 BRADY and VOLDEN, supra note 36, at 157-58.
  • 81
    • 67649618563 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 58 Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 326
    • 58 Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 326.
  • 82
    • 67649606710 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 59 Id
    • 59 Id.
  • 83
    • 67649606707 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 60 To illustrate the difference, consider two hearings in the 109th and 110th Congresses on the Department of Defense's health care and transitional assistance programs for veterans. Compare Seamless Transition: Hearing Before the Subcomm. on Oversight and Investigations of the H. Comm. on Veterans' Affairs, 109th Cong. (2006) [hereinafter Seamless Transition], with Hearing to Receive Testimony on the Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs Disability Rating Systems and the Transition of Servicemembers from the Department of Defense to the Department of Veterans Affairs: Joint Hearing Before the Comm.
    • 60 To illustrate the difference, consider two hearings in the 109th and 110th Congresses on the Department of Defense's health care and transitional assistance programs for veterans. Compare Seamless Transition: Hearing Before the Subcomm. on Oversight and Investigations of the H. Comm. on Veterans' Affairs, 109th Cong. (2006) [hereinafter Seamless Transition], with Hearing to Receive Testimony on the Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs Disability Rating Systems and the Transition of Servicemembers from the Department of Defense to the Department of Veterans Affairs: Joint Hearing Before the Comm.
  • 84
    • 67649621895 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • On Armed Servs. and the Comm. on Veterans' Affairs, 110th Cong. (2007) [hereinafter Disability Rating Systems]. In some places, the 109th congressional hearing did raise ways in which the Department of Defense program could be improved. Seamless Transition, supra, at 2 (statement of Rep. Gus Bilirakis, Chairman, Subcomm. on Oversight and Investigations of the Comm. on Veterans' Affairs) (commenting that more can be done to smooth the transition from military to civilian life). However, the fundamentally more aggressive and critical approach to oversight of this program under divided government is readily apparent from a quick comparison of the opening statements by Chairman Bilirakis (R-FL) in the 109th Congress and Chairman Levin (D-MI) in the 110th Congress.
    • On Armed Servs. and the Comm. on Veterans' Affairs, 110th Cong. (2007) [hereinafter Disability Rating Systems]. In some places, the 109th congressional hearing did raise ways in which the Department of Defense program could be improved. Seamless Transition, supra, at 2 (statement of Rep. Gus Bilirakis, Chairman, Subcomm. on Oversight and Investigations of the Comm. on Veterans' Affairs) (commenting that "more can be done" to smooth the transition from military to civilian life). However, the fundamentally more aggressive and critical approach to oversight of this program under divided government is readily apparent from a quick comparison of the opening statements by Chairman Bilirakis (R-FL) in the 109th Congress and Chairman Levin (D-MI) in the 110th Congress.
  • 85
    • 67649576148 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Compare id. (statement of Rep. Gus Bilirakis, Chairman, Subcomm. on Oversight and Investigations of the Comm. on Veterans' Affairs) (recalling a visit to Walter Reed Army Medical Center and applauding the Departments of Defense and Veterans' Affairs for their efforts to achieve seamless transition), with Disability Rating Systems, supra, at 1-3 (statement of Sen. Carl Levin, Chairman, Comm. on Armed Servs.) (listing the challenges to achieving a seamless transition, including the difficulty some wounded veterans have getting into VA programs).
    • Compare id. (statement of Rep. Gus Bilirakis, Chairman, Subcomm. on Oversight and Investigations of the Comm. on Veterans' Affairs) (recalling a visit to Walter Reed Army Medical Center and applauding the Departments of Defense and Veterans' Affairs for "their efforts to achieve seamless transition"), with Disability Rating Systems, supra, at 1-3 (statement of Sen. Carl Levin, Chairman, Comm. on Armed Servs.) (listing the challenges to achieving a seamless transition, including the difficulty some wounded veterans have getting into VA programs).
  • 86
    • 60950586116 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • For an Opaque White House, a Reflection of New Scrutiny
    • 61, Mar. 7, at
    • 61 Peter Baker, For an Opaque White House, a Reflection of New Scrutiny, WASH. POST, Mar. 7, 2007, at A1.
    • (2007) WASH. POST
    • Baker, P.1
  • 87
    • 67649606705 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 62 All models were re-estimated using negative binomial event count models and autoregressive Poisson models with very similar results.
    • 62 All models were re-estimated using negative binomial event count models and autoregressive Poisson models with very similar results.
  • 88
    • 67649579705 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 63 All significance tests are one-tailed; all models report robust standard errors.
    • 63 All significance tests are one-tailed; all models report robust standard errors.
  • 89
    • 67649609828 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 64 This method follows that of previous attempts to identify positive and negative rally events. See PAUL BRACE and BARBARA HINCKLEY, FOLLOW the LEADER: OPINION POLLS and the MODERN PRESIDENTS 183-85 (1992) (describing the method for classifying and coding events);
    • 64 This method follows that of previous attempts to identify positive and negative "rally" events. See PAUL BRACE and BARBARA HINCKLEY, FOLLOW the LEADER: OPINION POLLS and the MODERN PRESIDENTS 183-85 (1992) (describing the method for classifying and coding events);
  • 90
    • 0036303156 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Paul Gronke and John Brehm, History, Heterogeneity, and Presidential Approval: A Modified ARCH Approach, 21 ELECTORAL STUD. 425, 433 (2002) (updating the Brace and Hinckley series and developing a more detailed coding method).
    • Paul Gronke and John Brehm, History, Heterogeneity, and Presidential Approval: A Modified ARCH Approach, 21 ELECTORAL STUD. 425, 433 (2002) (updating the Brace and Hinckley series and developing a more detailed coding method).
  • 92
    • 46449091463 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 66 Douglas Kriner and Liam Schwartz, Divided Government and Congressional Investigations, 33 LEG. STUD. Q. 295, 295 (2008).
    • 66 Douglas Kriner and Liam Schwartz, Divided Government and Congressional Investigations, 33 LEG. STUD. Q. 295, 295 (2008).
  • 93
    • 67649585852 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 67 Id. at 297
    • 67 Id. at 297.
  • 94
    • 67649606706 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 68 Id
    • 68 Id.
  • 95
    • 67649609846 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 69 See, e.g., Randall L. Calvert, Matthew D. McCubbins and Barry R. Weingast, A Theory of Political Control and Agency Discretion, 33 AM. J. POL. SCI. 588, 589 (1989) (showing that agencies do not operate independent of the legislature);
    • 69 See, e.g., Randall L. Calvert, Matthew D. McCubbins and Barry R. Weingast, A Theory of Political Control and Agency Discretion, 33 AM. J. POL. SCI. 588, 589 (1989) (showing that agencies do not operate independent of the legislature);
  • 96
    • 67649600233 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • John Ferejohn and Charles Shipan, Congressional Influence on Bureaucracy, 6 J. L. ECON. and ORG. 1, 1 (1990) (investigating congressional influence on bureaucracy);
    • John Ferejohn and Charles Shipan, Congressional Influence on Bureaucracy, 6 J. L. ECON. and ORG. 1, 1 (1990) (investigating "congressional influence on bureaucracy");
  • 97
    • 0000508965 scopus 로고
    • Structure and Process, Politics and Policy: Administrative Arrangements and the Political Control of Agencies, 75
    • expanding on the contention that the legislature controls agencies
    • Matthew D. McCubbins, Roger G. Noll and Barry R. Weingast, Structure and Process, Politics and Policy: Administrative Arrangements and the Political Control of Agencies, 75 VA. L. REV. 431, 432 (1989) (expanding on the contention that the legislature controls agencies);
    • (1989) VA. L. REV , vol.431 , pp. 432
    • McCubbins, M.D.1    Noll, R.G.2    Weingast, B.R.3
  • 98
    • 67649602996 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Terry M. Moe, An Assessment of the Positive Theory of 'Congressional Dominance, ' 12 LEG. STUD. Q. 475, 480 (1987) (criticizing the theory of congressional dominance);
    • Terry M. Moe, An Assessment of the Positive Theory of 'Congressional Dominance, ' 12 LEG. STUD. Q. 475, 480 (1987) (criticizing the theory of congressional dominance);
  • 99
    • 0000796326 scopus 로고
    • Bureaucracy Discretion or Congressional Control? Regulatory Policymaking by the Federal Trade Commission, 91
    • examining legislative control of agencies
    • Barry Weingast and Mark Moran, Bureaucracy Discretion or Congressional Control? Regulatory Policymaking by the Federal Trade Commission, 91 J. POL. ECON. 765, 765 (1983) (examining legislative control of agencies).
    • (1983) J. POL. ECON , vol.765 , pp. 765
    • Weingast, B.1    Moran, M.2
  • 100
    • 67649615756 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 70 See, e.g., Moe, supra note 69, at 487 (questioning the efficacy of budgetary mechanisms as a check on bureaucratic discretion).
    • 70 See, e.g., Moe, supra note 69, at 487 (questioning the efficacy of budgetary mechanisms as a check on bureaucratic discretion).
  • 101
    • 67649579704 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 71 See, e.g., RICHARD HOFSTADTER, THE IDEA OF A PARTY SYSTEM: THE RISE OF LEGITIMATE OPPOSITION in the UNITED STATES, 1780-1840, at 1 (1969).
    • 71 See, e.g., RICHARD HOFSTADTER, THE IDEA OF A PARTY SYSTEM: THE RISE OF LEGITIMATE OPPOSITION in the UNITED STATES, 1780-1840, at 1 (1969).
  • 102
    • 67649600238 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 72 Id. at 1
    • 72 Id. at 1.
  • 103
    • 67649624555 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 73 THE FEDERALIST no. 51 (James Madison), supra note 24, at 1 (emphasis added).
    • 73 THE FEDERALIST no. 51 (James Madison), supra note 24, at 1 (emphasis added).
  • 107
    • 67649582741 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 77 See Moe, supra note 69, at 487
    • 77 See Moe, supra note 69, at 487.
  • 108
    • 67649602998 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 78 Id
    • 78 Id.
  • 109
    • 67649621501 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 79 See supra Part LB.
    • 79 See supra Part LB.
  • 110
    • 67649576147 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 80 DAVID R. MAYHEW, AMERICA'S CONGRESS: ACTIONS in the PUBLIC SPHERE, JAMES MADISON THROUGH NEWT GINGRICH, at x (2000) (By 'public sphere' I mean a realm of shared American consciousness in which government officials and others make moves before an attentive stratum of the public, and in which society's preference formation, politics, and policymaking all substantially take place; they are substantially endogenous to it.).
    • 80 DAVID R. MAYHEW, AMERICA'S CONGRESS: ACTIONS in the PUBLIC SPHERE, JAMES MADISON THROUGH NEWT GINGRICH, at x (2000) ("By 'public sphere' I mean a realm of shared American consciousness in which government officials and others make moves before an attentive stratum of the public, and in which society's preference formation, politics, and policymaking all substantially take place; they are substantially endogenous to it.").
  • 111
    • 67649609840 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 81 Id. at 62, 66-70.
    • 81 Id. at 62, 66-70.
  • 112
    • 67649621896 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 82 Id. at 18
    • 82 Id. at 18.
  • 113
    • 67649597831 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 83 See, e.g., JONATHAN MERMIN, DEBATING WAR and PEACE: MEDIA COVERAGE of U. S. INTERVENTION in the POST-VIETNAM ERA 5-6 (1999) (expounding on the indexing hypothesis by adding correlation and marginalization versions);
    • 83 See, e.g., JONATHAN MERMIN, DEBATING WAR and PEACE: MEDIA COVERAGE of U. S. INTERVENTION in the POST-VIETNAM ERA 5-6 (1999) (expounding on the indexing hypothesis by adding correlation and marginalization versions);
  • 114
    • 84985097339 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • W. Lance Bennett, Toward a Theory of Press-State Relations in the United States, 40 J. COMM. 103, 106 (1990).
    • W. Lance Bennett, Toward a Theory of Press-State Relations in the United States, 40 J. COMM. 103, 106 (1990).
  • 115
    • 67649624554 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 84 See MERMIN, supra note 83, at 16 (focusing on television in order to examine the notion that television coverage of war and human suffering can actually pressure the government to use military force).
    • 84 See MERMIN, supra note 83, at 16 (focusing on television in order to examine the notion that "television coverage of war and human suffering" can actually pressure the government to use military force).
  • 116
    • 54549113341 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 85 See, e.g., Timothy Groeling and Matthew A. Baum, Crossing the Water's Edge: Elite Rhetoric, Media Coverage, and the Rally-Round-the-Flag Phenomenon, 70 J. POL. 1065, 1081-82 (2008) (finding that the following factors influence public support: party affiliation, debaters' party affiliation, costliness of the messages communicated to the public, and media coverage (or lack thereof) of particular speakers and messages).
    • 85 See, e.g., Timothy Groeling and Matthew A. Baum, Crossing the Water's Edge: Elite Rhetoric, Media Coverage, and the Rally-Round-the-Flag Phenomenon, 70 J. POL. 1065, 1081-82 (2008) (finding that the following factors influence public support: party affiliation, debaters' party affiliation, "costliness of the messages communicated to the public, " and media coverage (or lack thereof) of "particular speakers and messages").
  • 117
    • 67649576149 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 86 Id. at 1072 (We collected data on all congressional comments on the president and the executive branch during 61-day windows surrounding each rally event, from 30 days before to 30 days after the announcement or initiation of the major U. S. force deployment associated with each event.).
    • 86 Id. at 1072 ("We collected data on all congressional comments on the president and the executive branch during 61-day windows surrounding each rally event, from 30 days before to 30 days after the announcement or initiation of the major U. S. force deployment associated with each event.").
  • 119
    • 67649594756 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 88 But see id. at 1080-81 (responding to criticism of reverse causality).
    • 88 But see id. at 1080-81 (responding to criticism of reverse causality).
  • 120
    • 84922760572 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 89 William G. Howell and Douglas L. Kriner, Bending so as Not to Break: What the Bush Presidency Reveals About the Politics of Unilateral Action, in THE POLARIZED PRESIDENCY of GEORGE W. BUSH 96, 123 (George C. Edwards III and Desmond S. King eds., 2007);
    • 89 William G. Howell and Douglas L. Kriner, Bending so as Not to Break: What the Bush Presidency Reveals About the Politics of Unilateral Action, in THE POLARIZED PRESIDENCY of GEORGE W. BUSH 96, 123 (George C. Edwards III and Desmond S. King eds., 2007);
  • 121
    • 67649618747 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Political Elites and Public Support for War 7 , unpublished manuscript, on file with author
    • William Howell and Douglas Kriner, Political Elites and Public Support for War 7 (2009) (unpublished manuscript, on file with author).
    • (2009)
    • Howell, W.1    Kriner, D.2
  • 122
    • 67649594755 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 90 Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 327. Data was initially taken from GARY C. JACOBSON, A DIVIDER, NOT a UNITER: GEORGE W. BUSH and the AMERICAN PEOPLE (2006). Several polling outfits asked virtually identicallyworded questions. Multiple polls in each month were averaged; the question was only not asked in four of the sixty-two months since March 2003; for these months, the value was linearly interpolated.
    • 90 Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 327. Data was initially taken from GARY C. JACOBSON, A DIVIDER, NOT a UNITER: GEORGE W. BUSH and the AMERICAN PEOPLE (2006). Several polling outfits asked virtually identicallyworded questions. Multiple polls in each month were averaged; the question was only not asked in four of the sixty-two months since March 2003; for these months, the value was linearly interpolated.
  • 123
    • 67649621893 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 91 For a multivariate analysis of this data, see Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 324-30. Even after controlling for a host of factors including American casualties, positive and negative events, the state of the economy, and progress in Iraqi reconstruction, Howell and Kriner observe a strong negative correlation between days of critical oversight and war support. Id. at 329. However, Howell and Kriner do not conduct an instrumental variable analysis to account for endogeneity. Absent this, we cannot know whether increasing congressional oversight is causing decreased public support for the war, or whether turning tides of public opinion are emboldening greater criticism of the war in Congress.
    • 91 For a multivariate analysis of this data, see Howell and Kriner, Iraq War's Domestic Political Front, supra note 47, at 324-30. Even after controlling for a host of factors including American casualties, positive and negative events, the state of the economy, and progress in Iraqi reconstruction, Howell and Kriner observe a strong negative correlation between days of critical oversight and war support. Id. at 329. However, Howell and Kriner do not conduct an instrumental variable analysis to account for endogeneity. Absent this, we cannot know whether increasing congressional oversight is causing decreased public support for the war, or whether turning tides of public opinion are emboldening greater criticism of the war in Congress.
  • 124
    • 67649579707 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 92 All significance tests are one-tailed; all models report robust standard errors. indicates predicted values of days of oversight obtained from a first stage equation using the number of days Congress was in session in the given month as the instrumental variable.
    • 92 All significance tests are one-tailed; all models report robust standard errors. " indicates predicted values of days of oversight obtained from a first stage equation using the number of days Congress was in session in the given month as the instrumental variable.
  • 125
    • 34248593854 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 93 As multiple prior analyses of casualties and public opinion have noted, any measure of cumulative casualties is almost perfectly correlated with time. See Adam Berinsky, Assuming the Costs of War: Events, Elites, and American Public Support for Military Conflict, 69 J. POL. 975, 980-82 (2007);
    • 93 As multiple prior analyses of casualties and public opinion have noted, any measure of cumulative casualties is almost perfectly correlated with time. See Adam Berinsky, Assuming the Costs of War: Events, Elites, and American Public Support for Military Conflict, 69 J. POL. 975, 980-82 (2007);
  • 126
    • 0039243572 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Scott Gartner and Gary Segura, War, Casualties, and Public Opinion, 42 J. CONFLICT RESOL. 278, 280 1998, Thus, it is virtually impossible to draw conclusions about whether cumulative casualties are producing the observed erosion of popular support, or some other factor that is highly correlated with time
    • Scott Gartner and Gary Segura, War, Casualties, and Public Opinion, 42 J. CONFLICT RESOL. 278, 280 (1998). Thus, it is virtually impossible to draw conclusions about whether cumulative casualties are producing the observed erosion of popular support, or some other factor that is highly correlated with time.
  • 127
    • 67649582740 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 94 Kriner and Schwartz, supra note 66, at 314
    • 94 Kriner and Schwartz, supra note 66, at 314.
  • 128
    • 67649600234 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 95 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT, supra note 41, at 419
    • 95 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT, supra note 41, at 419.
  • 129
    • 67649609839 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 96 Id. at 420 (Under the terms of existing rules and resolutions the House and Senate intelligence committees lack the power, influence, and sustained capability to meet this challenge.).
    • 96 Id. at 420 ("Under the terms of existing rules and resolutions the House and Senate intelligence committees lack the power, influence, and sustained capability to meet this challenge.").
  • 130
    • 67649588121 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 97 Id
    • 97 Id.
  • 131
    • 67649600236 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 98 See MANN and ORNSTEIN, supra note 1, at 155.
    • 98 See MANN and ORNSTEIN, supra note 1, at 155.
  • 132
    • 67649615758 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 99 THE FEDERALIST no. 51 James Madison, supra note 24, at 1
    • 99 THE FEDERALIST no. 51 (James Madison), supra note 24, at 1.
  • 133
    • 67649576150 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 100 See id. at 157-58.
    • 100 See id. at 157-58.
  • 134
    • 67649600235 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 101 See supra note 52 and accompanying text.
    • 101 See supra note 52 and accompanying text.
  • 135
    • 67649609847 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 102 See 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT, supra note 41, at 420.
    • 102 See 9/11 COMMISSION REPORT, supra note 41, at 420.
  • 136
    • 67649576151 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 103 See, e.g., ZELIZER, supra note 5, at 8-10.
    • 103 See, e.g., ZELIZER, supra note 5, at 8-10.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.