Slimes and death-dealing dambos: Water, industry and the Garden City on Zambia's Copperbelt

Journal of Southern African Studies

Volumn 34, Issue 4, 2008, Pages 823-840

  Schumaker, Lyn ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

GARDEN CITY; MINE; MORTALITY; URBANIZATION;

AFRICA; COPPERBELT; SOUTHERN AFRICA; SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA; ZAMBIA;

HIPPOTRAGUS;

EID: 57249084088     PISSN: 03057070     EISSN: 14653893     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/03057070802456771     Document Type: Article

References (161)

1. A full account of this history is described in my book in progress, Snake Spirits and Garden Cities: Malaria Control and the Environmental State on Zambia's Copperbelt, 1925-2005.
2. See I. Phimister, Wangi Kolia: Coal, Capital and Labour in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1894-1954 (Harare, Baobab Books, 1994) and W.T. Kalusa, 'Aspects of African Health in the Mining Industry in Colonial Zambia: A Case Study of Roan Antelope Mine, 1920-1964' (MA thesis, University of Zambia, 1993).
3. African Highway: The Battle for Health in Central Africa (London, John Murray, 1953) was compiled by Watson from reports and articles written by the people involved in the various stages of the Copperbelt malaria control programme. He also wrote new chapters and a bridging commentary. Wherever possible I cross-reference material from the book with the original reports from archival sources and contemporary journals.
4. Zambia's Mining Industry: The First 50 Years (Public Relations Department, Roan Consolidated Mines, Ndola, Zambia, 1978), pp. 39-40.
5. C.F. Spearpoint, 'African Labour Affairs at the Roan Antelope Mine, 1927-1950', in Watson, African Highway, p. 13. For a similar description of transport problems in the 1920s
6. see H.C. Darby, 'Settlement in Northern Rhodesia', Geographical Review, 21, 4 (October 1931), pp. 570-73.
7. Roan's medical officer provides a vivid description of the poor sanitation and water supply in 1929.
8. See Zambia Consolidated Copper Mines Archives (hereafter ZCCM) 12.6.8A, J. Phillips, 'The Growth of our Organisation', First Annual Medical Report, 1930, Roan Antelope Medical Services; reprinted in Watson, African Highway, pp. 17-19.
9. Watson, African Highway, p. 23.
10. Compiled by W.T. Kalusa from the 1927 Northern Rhodesia Government Medical Report and Malcolm Watson's 1930 report to Roan Mine management.
11. See Kalusa, 'Aspects of African Health', pp. 26-7.
12. Spearpoint, 'African Labour Affairs', pp. 12-13.
13. Mining Developments in Northern Rhodesia (Rhodesian Anglo American, Ltd, Radford, Cadlington, Ltd, Johannesburg, 1929), p. 57. After the Ross Institute requested more complete records, the mine began collecting better statistics, first for Europeans. The death rate per thousand Europeans from all diseases for April 1929-March 1930 was 22.4, of which nearly half were due to malaria. The first year the mine kept better records for Africans was April 1930-March 1931, when the death rate per thousand was 32.3, compared with 13.2 for Europeans that year.
14. See Watson, African Highway, pp. 30, 77. By 1931 the death rate as a result of all causes for European employees was 9.6 per thousand and for African employees 18.8.
15. Ibid., pp. 68-70.
16. Spearpoint, 'African Labour Affairs', pp. 14-15
17. E.L. Berger, Labour, Race and Colonial Rule: The Copperbelt from 1924 to Independence (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1974), p. 13.
18. Some accounts say that stories of the snake predated Zgambo's death and were one of the reasons the mine found it difficult to recruit workers from nearby villages
19. see D. Hobson, Tales of Zambia (The Zambia Society Trust, London, 1996), p. 95, for an example. Hobson is a good source of popular white settler stories. Spearpoint claimed that white miners 'added trimmings' to the snake stories, further exacerbating African workers' fears
20. see 'The African Native', pp. 5-6. I have been alert to the possibility of these 'trimmings' being passed down in oral history of the snake episode.
21. Watson, African Highway, p. 29.
22. See M.P. Sutphen, 'Not What, but Where: Bubonic Plague and the Reception of Germ Theories in Hong Kong and Calcutta, 1894-1897', Journal of the History of Medicine, 52 (January 1997)
23. and M.P. Sutphen, 'Imperial Hygiene in Calcutta, Cape Town, and Hong Kong: The Early Career of Sir William Simpson (1855-1931)' (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1995).
24. See also P. Curtin, 'Medical Knowledge and Urban Planning in Tropical Africa', American Historical Review, 90, 3 (June 1985), pp. 594-613, pp. 610-12.
25. The term 'species sanitation' was coined by Nicholas Swellengrebel, who learned the method from Watson. Watson visited Sumatra in 1913 while he was employed in the Malay States, 1901 to 1928.
26. See Watson, African Highway, p. 5
27. S. Litsios, The Tomorrow of Malaria(Wellington, New Zealand Pacific Press, 1996), pp. 47-9;
28. D.J. Bradley, 'Watson, Swellengrebel and Species Sanitation: Environmental and Ecological Aspects', Parassitologia, 36, 1-2 (1994), pp. 137-48.
29. See Sutphen, 'Not What, But Where' and Curtin, 'Medical Knowledge'. For resistance to Watson's methods
30. see L. Schumaker, 'The Mosquito Taken at the Beer-Hall: Malaria Research and Control on Zambia's Copperbelt', in P.W. Geissler and C. Molyneux (eds), African Trial Communities: Ethnographies and Histories of Medical Research in Africa (Oxford and New York, Berghahn Publishers, 2008 (in press). Watson's view of malaria was not exclusively fixed on the mosquito, and he conducted experiments with new anti-malarial drugs, as well.
31. See Schumaker, 'Beer-Hall'. For a similar case, see Helen Tilley's discussion of colonial scientists' use of the tsetse fly as a 'shorthand designation' for the issues raised by sleeping sickness ('Ecologies of Complexity: Tropical Environments, African Trypanosomiasis, and the Science of Disease Control in British Colonial Africa, 1900-1940', Osiris, 19 (2004), pp. 167-81.
32. Watson, African Highway, pp. 6, 26, 35
33. and LSHTM, Ross Institute Annual Report for 1930.
34. Watson discusses the drainage works in several places in African Highway including pp. 25 and 37-9.
35. Watson, African Highway, pp. 17-18, 20.
36. ZCCM, NCCM/HO 11.8.5F, Part One, 1962, L.M. Rodgers, 'The Development of Medical and Health Services at the Roan Antelope'.
37. A.C. Fisher, '40 Years of Medicine on the Copperbelt', Horizon (December 1969), p. 5.
38. See discussion in Kalusa, 'Aspects of African Health', pp. 39-43.
39. See Berger, Labour, Race and Colonial Rule, p. 13
40. Watson, African Highway, p. 15
41. Kalusa, 'Aspects of African Health', p. 29 and my discussion of European stories in 'Beer-Hall".
42. Stone Munse (b. 1920, Chitambo Village, Lala ethnicity), Roan, Luanshya, 8 October 2006; James Sankwe Mantanki Kacembele (b. 1914, Ng'umbo ethnicity), Lake Bangweulu, Luapula Province, 21 October 2006.
43. For similar descriptions see B. Siegel, 'Mermaids and Water Spirits: The Copperbelt Chitapo', unpublished paper (cited with author's written permission).
44. See also, B. Siegel, Water Spirits and Mermaids: The Copperbelt Chitapo, in Henry J. Drewal (ed.), Sacred Waters: Art for Mami Wata (Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, forthcoming).
45. Harrison Mwewa Kosamu (b. 1922, Lala ethnicity), Mpongwe, 7 October 2006
46. Norice Samuel Maila (b. 1924, Lamba ethnicity), Masaiti, 7 October 2006.
47. Spearpoint was an eyewitness to Roan's mortality crisis and supplied the European account of the snake episode that influenced Watson.
48. See 'African Labour Affairs', pp. 12-16
49. 'The African Native', pp. 5-7.
50. Jackson Zgambo, Buntungwa, Luanshya, interviewed 9 May 2006 (b. 1943 on the Copperbelt) he is not a relative of Joseph Zgambo.
51. K.S. Rukavina, Jungle Pathfinder: The Biography of Chirupula Stephenson (London, Hutchinson & Co., 1951), p. 200
52. Hobson, Tales of Zambia, p. 95
53. Spearpoint, 'The African Native', p. 6.
54. John Ntenje (b. 1936 in Malawi), Roan, Luanshya, interviewed 9 May 2006.
55. ZCCM, File 10.8.5A, Letter 14 June 1949, Appendix B, Discovery of the Roan and Rietbok Claims by William Collier, 1930, Extract from an address given by Mr. A. Chester Beatty, Chairman of the Roan Antelope Copper Mines Limited before the New York Section of the A.I.M.E., October, 1931. ('Roan Antelope Mine History of', based on investigations carried out by the mine management in 1949).
56. Thanks to Terence Ranger for pointing out this parallel.
57. ZCCM File 10.8.5A, letter from J.E. Stephenson to The Roan Antelope, 4 November 1953. Although Chirupula defended Lamba chiefly rights in the 1950s, he had not been well-liked during his time as a BSAC administrator at Ndola. His African name translates as 'The Flogger', and he was also called mwana waSatana, 'the Devil's own'.
58. See B. Siegel, 'The "Wild" and "Lazy" Lamba: Ethic Stereotypes on the Central African Copperbelt, in L. Vail (ed.), The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (London, James Currey, 1989 ', pp. 354-56. Chirupula also expressed admiration for Chiwala's conquering exploits, seeing him and his slave-raiding companions as more intelligent and physically superior to central Africa's inhabitants.
59. See Lusaka, National Archives of Zambia (NAZ), J.E. Stephenson (1937), 'Muhammedan Early Days in the Copperbelt of Northern Rhodesia', National Archives Occasional Paper 1 (1972).
60. The Lamba dispossession is discussed in Siegel, 'Wild and Lazy'. The Lamba contest Chiwala's claims today, referring to him as a mere 'trader' who was never recognised locally as a legitimate chief (Evans Kasanjula, Masaiti, July 2007
61. Kasanjula is the ritual specialist for the Luanshya River snake today). During the colonial period some Lamba people, however, chose to live in the Swahili Reserve under Chiwala's chiefship.
62. An earlier Msiri/Mushili was a conquering Yeke incomer who married the daughter of the Lamba chief Katanga around 1850, in what would later become the Congo's Katanga Province (personal communication, Brian Siegel). This Msiri became head of the nineteenth-century Yeke empire that took tribute from Lamba chiefs such as Kabalu Mushili I, the chief with whom the BSAC attempted to make a treaty in 1890.
63. See Siegel, 'Wild and Lazy', p. 352. Chief Chipimpi, the first Lamba chief, is also sometimes mentioned in the snake stories (Stone Munse, Luanshya, 8 October 2006).
64. See C.M. Doke, The Lambas of Northern Rhodesia (London, George G. Harrap & Co., 1931), p. 36. According to Chirupula, shortly after the Luanshya snake episode Katanga who had performed the ritual and Mushili II disagreed about which of them had ritual control over the snake
65. see 'The Luanshya Snake', Northern Rhodesia Journal, 6, 1 (1965), p. 13.
66. One of the best recent discussions of the 'ritual power of the conquered' over the environment is T.O. Ranger's chapter, 'Women & Environment in African Religion: The Case of Zimbabwe', in W. Beinart and J. McGregor (eds), Social History & African Environments (Oxford, James Currey, 2003), pp. 76-8.
67. Doke, Lambas, p. 56.
68. Payments to Katanga's descendants lapsed some time after independence. The family have revived the issue, most recently in a letter dated 16 July 2002 (copy in author's possession). Siegel has provided the most thorough account of the Luanshya snake's provenance, concluding it was a type of water spirit.
69. See 'Water Spirits and Mermaids'.
70. Evans Kasanjula (Lamba/Ngoni ethnicity), Masaiti, July 2007.
71. These incidents are listed in the letter from Katanga's family, 16 July 2002 and fit the descriptions given by retired miners in Luanshya.
72. Letter from the Katanga family, 16 July 2004. These resemble descriptions of sacred sites around Victoria Falls; see J. McGregor, 'Landscape & Memory in the Zambezi Valley, Northwest Zimbabwe', in W. Beinart and J. McGregor (eds), Social History & African Environments pp. 100-1
73. J. McGregor, 'The Victoria Falls, 1900-1940: Landscape, Tourism and the Geographical Imagination', Special Issue on Space, Place and Identity: Historical Geographies of Southern Africa, JSAS, 29, 3 (2003), p. 722.
74. Norrice Samuel Maila (b. 1924, Katanga Village), Masaiti, 7 October 2006. This grandson of the Chief Katanga of the time remembers the excitement of the ritual in 1927 when he was a child of three, although other accounts place the ritual in 1928 after the death of Zgambo
75. see Spearpoint, 'African Labour Affairs', pp. 14-15.
76. See Siegel, 'Wild and Lazy'; focus-group discussion with retired miners, Chishi Island, 4 August 2004; interview with Jackson Kabwe, 10 May 2006, Luanshya; and the map, 'Roan Antelope Mine and Adjacent Damboes', in Watson, African Highway, facing p. 58.
77. See Schumaker, 'Beer-Hall'.
78. Siegel, 'Mermaids and Water Spirits'. See also Doke, The Lambas, p. 34.
79. J.I. Macnair (ed.), Livingstone's Travels (London, J.M. Dent & Sons, Ltd, 1954), pp. 73-4. Macnair cites Sir H. Johnson that 'Leeba' is the name of the 'extreme Upper Zambezi' (ibid., n. 1, p. 73
80. Macnair's reference is likely to refer to Sir Harry Johnston, 'Livingstone as an Explorer', Geographical Journal, 41, 5 (1913), pp. 423-46).
81. For a summary of the Zimbabwe literature see D. Potts, 'Environmental Myths and Narratives: Case Studies from Zimbabwe', in P. Stott and S. Sullivan (eds), Political Ecology (London, Edward Arnold, 2000), pp. 45-65. She defines them as 'seasonally waterlogged depressions, usually treeless, which are found at or near the head of a drainage network'.
82. For Zambia, the key colonial work is W. Allan, The African Husbandman (Edinburgh & London, Oliver & Boyd, 1965), including pp. 77-93 on the Lamba agricultural system. What constitutes a dambo environment is subject to debate today, but the colonial sources used in this article include within the term any marshy areas near the head of drainage networks, as well as marshy river valleys.
83. See A.P.G. Michelmore, 'Observations on Tropical African Grasslands', The Journal of Ecology, 27, 2 (1939), pp. 282-312, p. 283.
84. C.G. Trapnell and J. N. Clothier, The Soils, Vegetation and Agricultural Systems of North Western Rhodesia, Report of the Ecological Survey (Lusaka, Government Printer, 1957), p. 34 (originally published in 1937).
85. Watson, African Highway, p. 38. The quotation comes from a section written by Dalzell about his role in the early malaria control work, though the captions may have been written by Watson.
86. See H. Tilley, 'Africa as a "Living Laboratory": The African Research Survey and the British Colonial Empire: Consolidating Environmental, Medical, and Anthropological Debates, 1920-1940' (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 2001)
87. and L. Schumaker, Africanizing Anthropology: Fieldwork, Networks and the Making of Cultural Knowledge in Central Africa (Durham & London, Duke University Press, 2001), p. 69.
88. He also scrupulously included all European activities which enhanced mosquito-breeding, although he placed ultimate blame for the high level of malaria on the natural environment itself and Africans bringing the disease with them from their villages.
89. Watson, African Highway, pp. 37-9.
90. See Watson, African Highway, Plate 21 [Figure 1 in the current paper], 'Air View of Dalzell's Dambo (Before Draining)', opposite p.
91. For the Lamba removal to the reserves, see Siegel, 'Wild and Lazy', pp. 354-55.
92. Mining in Northern Rhodesia, p. 12.
93. See excerpts from contemporary reports published in Watson's African Highway, pp. 41-5, Plate 39 opposite p. 113, pp. 148-49, and Plate 51 opposite p. 155.
94. Watson, African Highway, Plate 41 opposite p. 115 and Plate 51 opposite p. 155.
95. Rhodes House, Bodleian Library, Oxford, Welensky Papers, File 55/9, C-Division, Box 55. On the effects of Copperbelt mining pollution on dambos,
96. see C.J. von der Heyden and M.G. New, 'Groundwater Pollution on the Zambian Copperbelt: Deciphering the Source and the Risk', Science of the Total Environment, 327 (2004), pp. 17-30
97. 'Natural Wetland for Mine Effluent Remediation? The Case of the Copperbelt' (paper for the Global Wetland Consortium, Conference on Environmental Monitoring of Tropical and Subtropical Wetlands, Maun, Botswana, 4-6 December 2002); http://www.globalwetlands.org/ conferenceBotswana2002.htm, retrieved 17 September 2007.
98. Bradley, Copper Venture, p. 22.
99. After the Second World War these oils contained DDT
100. see Watson, African Highway, p. 140
101. C. Payne, 'Malaria Control', The Roan Antelope (July 1957), p. 19
102. LSHTM, Ross Institute Annual Report for 1931, p. 20
103. Ross Institute Organising Secretary's Monthly Reports, 2 August 1932
104. see 24 September 1930 for Watson's negotiations with the railway companies to get lower freight charges for anti-malaria oils.
105. Watson, African Highway, p. 61.
106. Schumaker, 'Beer-Hall'. Slashing of maize in urban areas became government policy in 1944 under Chapter 537 of the Laws of Zambia, 'Extermination of Mosquitoes';
107. T. Watts and W.R. Bransby-Williams, 'Do Mosquitoes Breed in Maize Plant Axils?', Medical Journal of Zambia, 12, 4 (1978), p. 101.
108. Watts convinced Zambia's first president, Kenneth Kaunda, not to enforce maize-slashing in urban areas during his later anti-malaria initiative (T. Watts, personal communication).
109. A.D. King, 'Exporting Planning: The Colonial and Neo-Colonial Experience', in G.E. Cherry (ed.), Shaping an Urban World (London, Mansell Publishing, 1980)
110. R. Home, 'From Barrack Compounds to the Single-Family House: Planning Worker Housing in Colonial Natal and Northern Rhodesia', Planning Perspectives, 15 (2000), pp. 327-47
111. R. Home, Of Planting and Planning: The Making of British Colonial Cities (London, E & FN Spon, 1997), pp. 161-65
112. E. Mutale, 'Urban Management in Kitwe, Zambia', (PhD thesis, University of East London, 1999).
113. Kalusa, 'Aspects of African Health', pp. 117-19
114. Fisher, '40 Years of Medicine', p. 5.
115. Among the Lamba people living near the mine the deaths may have been caused by an influenza outbreak in 1926-27, accompanied by famine and 'kaffirpox'. (Siegel, 'Wild and Lazy Lamba', p. 369, n. 33).
116. Watson, African Highway, p. xiv for a reference to 'death-dealing' dambos, which he also describes as 'lifegiving' when reformed by malaria control measures.
117. M. Watson, Prevention of Malaria in the Federated Malay States (London, John Murray, 1921; First Edition, 1911). Watson's vision of African development based on transfer of models from elsewhere in the world shares much with the visions that inspired colonial government-sponsored development and conservation efforts.
118. See W. Beinart, 'Soil Erosion, Conservationism and Ideas about Development: A Southern African Exploration', JSAS, 11, 1 (1984), pp. 52-83
119. J. McCracken, 'Experts and Expertise in Colonial Malawi', African Affairs, 81, 322 (January 1982), pp. 101-16
120. D. Anderson, 'Depression, Dust Bowl, Demography and Drought: The Colonial State and Soil Conservation in East Africa during the 1930s', African Affairs, 83, 332 (1984), pp. 321-43.
121. Unknown author, 'Malaria Control on the Copperbelt', Horizon (February 1960), p. 10.
122. LSHTM, Ross Institute of Tropical Hygiene Departmental Reports 1935-1940, 11 May 1937. Governments and other malariologists tended to be sceptical of this type of malaria control because of some spectacular failures.
123. See Watson, African Highway, p. 26
124. S. Litsios, The Tomorrow of Malaria (Wellington, New Zealand Pacific Press, 1996), pp. 40-1. By the post-war period excitement over the prospects of DDT distracted attention from environmental methods of malaria control.
125. Watson, African Highway, p. 223 [on p. 225 he gives the date as 1943].
126. Ibid., p. 223.
127. Siegel, 'Wild and Lazy', p. 355.
128. Watson's cautious approach was in contrast to that of other late colonial and postcolonial 'experimental' development schemes.
129. See C. Bonneuil, 'Development as Experiment: Science and State Building in Late Colonial and Postcolonial Africa, 1930-1970', Osiris (2nd Series), 15 (2000), pp. 258-81.
130. Watson, African Highway, pp. 226-29.
131. See also M. Watson, 'Malaria and Nutrition', Journal of the Royal African Society, 36, 145 (October 1937), pp. 405-20.
132. Watson, African Highway, pp. 228, 250.
133. See E.W. Herbert for copper smelting rituals in Africa, Red Gold of Africa: Copper in Precolonial History and Culture (Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1984).
134. See Bradley's description of the 'Copper-eaters' in Copper Venture, pp. 34-6. One centre was Chief Katanga's copper-trading fair in the 1840s in what would later become the Congo's Katanga Province.
135. See Government, Art. IX, 'Narrative of Said bin Habeeb, an Arab Inhabitant of Zanzibar', Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society, 15 (1860), pp. 146-48. Thanks to Brian Siegel for this reference.
136. Evidence of this process can be gleaned from B. Siegel's 'Bomas, Missions, and Mines: The Making of Centers on the Zambian Copperbelt', African Studies Review, 31, 3 (1988), pp. 61-84.
137. The key story of the founding of the royal clan features a sacred lake surrounded by taboos and associated with the previous ruling clan.
138. See Doke, The Lambas, pp. 32-34.
139. See K.B. Wilson, 'Aspects of the History of Vlei Cultivation in Southern Zimbabwe' (Paper for the 'Dambo Research Project' Workshop, 7-8 August 1986)
140. '"Water Used to be Scattered in the Landscape": Local Understandings of Soil Erosion and Land Use Planning in Southern Zimbabwe', Environment and History, Special Issue on Zimbabwe, 1, 3 (1995): 281-96.
141. See Siegel, 'Mermaids and Water Spirits', p. 10,
142. Doke, The Lambas, pp. 303, 315, 318-19
143. Wilson, 'Aspects of the History of Vlei Cultivation', pp. 6-7
144. Siegel, 'Mermaids and Water Spirits'.
145. Ranger, 'Women & Environment', p. 84. Chalwe, the sister of Katanga, was central to the 1927-28 ritual; she was a 'queen mother', who controlled planting times and the fertility of the soil (Evans Kasanjula (Lamba/Ngoni ethnicity) and John Mufuna (Lamba ethnicity), Masaiti, July 2007).
146. Doke, The Lambas, p. 18.
147. Chiwala's successor received some compensation, as well as a separate Swahili reserve, while Lamba Chief Mushili and his people had to make do with a mere 20 per cent of their previous territory.
148. See Siegel, 'Wild and Lazy', pp. 354-5.
149. Evans Kasanjula (Lamba/Ngoni ethnicity), Masaiti, July 2007.
150. Watson, African Highway, pp. 26-8.
151. Ibid., p. 15.
152. ZCCM, Annual Report of the Medical Department, Roan Antelope Mine, 1930, J. Philips, 'The Growth of our Organisation'; excerpted in Watson, African Highway, 1953, p. 19.
153. See S. Sturdy, 'The Industrial Body', in R. Cooter and J. Pickstone (eds), Medicine in the Twentieth Century (Amsterdam, Harwood Press, 2000), pp. 217-342.
154. Watson, African Highway, p. 59.
155. Watson, 'Malaria and Nutrition'.
156. Watson, 'Private Enterprise and Public Profit', in African Highway, pp. 206-18. Parts of Watson's book function as a hagiography of A. Chester Beatty, who strongly opposed the British welfare state after the Second World War.
157. See A.J. Wilson, The Life & Times of Sir Alfred Chester Beatty (London, Cadogan Publications, 1985).
158. Community-wide DDT spraying was re-introduced in 2000 through public-private partnerships under the WHO's global Roll Back Malaria initiative.
159. See B. Sharp, P. Van Wyk, J.B. Sikasote, P. Banda and I. Kleinschmidt, 'Malaria Control by Residual Insecticide Spraying in Chingola and Chililabombwe, Copperbelt Province, Zambia', Tropical Medicine & International Health, 7, 9 (2002), pp. 732-36.
160. See also the discussion of Zambia and the Roll Back Malaria campaign in R.M. Packard, The Making of a Tropical Disease: A Short History of Malaria (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007).
161. For effects of the privatisation of water and sanitation services on the Copperbelt, see A. Malama and B.M. Kazimbaya-Senkwe, 'Privatisation from Above and from Below: A Comparative Analysis of the Privatisation of Water and Sanitation and Solid Waste Management Services in the City of Kitwe' (2004), available at http://www.uic.edu/cuppa/cityfutures/papers/ webpapers/cityfuturespapers, retrieved 17 September 2007.