Skills, trust, and changing consumer preferences: The decline of Antwerp's craft guilds from the perspective of the product market, c.1500-c.1800

International Review of Social History

Volumn 53, Issue 2, 2008, Pages

  De Munck, Bert ^a  

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EID: 55849134763     PISSN: 00208590     EISSN: 1469512X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0020859008003428     Document Type: Review

References (221)

1. Gary Richardson, "A Tale of Two Theories: Monopolies and Guilds m Medieval England and Modern Imagination", Journal of the History of Economic Thoughts, 23:2 (2001), pp. 217-242;
2. idem, "Guilds, Laws, and Markets for Manufactured Merchandise in Late Medieval England", Explorations in Economic History, 41 (2004), pp, 1-25.
3. Stephen R. Epstein, "Craft Guilds, Apprenticeship, and Technological Change in Pre-Industnal Europe" Journal of Economic History, 58 (1998), pp. 684-713;
4. Richardson, "A Tale of Two Theories", p. 237.
5. John R. Munro, "Urban Regulation and Monopolistic Competition in the Textile Industries of the Late-Medieval Low Countries", in Erik Aerts and John R. Munro (eds), Textiles of the Low Countries in European Economic History (Leuven, 1990), pp. 41-50;
6. idem, "Medieval Woollens: The Western European "Woollen Industries and their Struggles for International Markets, c.1000-1500", in David Jenkins (ed.), The Cambridge History of Western Textiles, I, (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 228-324, 378-86 (ch. 5);
7. Bo Gustafsson, "The Rise and Economic Behaviour of Medieval Craft Guilds", in idem (ed,), Power and Economic Institutions. Reinterpretations in Economic History (Aldershot, 1991), pp. 69-106.
8. For a state of the art, see Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (ed.), Das Ende der Zünfte. Ein europäischer Vergleich (Göttingen, 2002).
9. See for example Carlo M. Cipolla, "The Economic Decline of Italy", in Brian Pullan (cd.), Crisis and Change in the Venetian Economy (London, 1968), pp. 127-145, 135;
10. also Jan de Vnes and Ad van der Woude, The First Modem Economy: Success, Failure, and Perseverance of the Dutch Economy, 15oo-1815 (Cambridge, 1997).
11. See for example Peter Kriedte, Peasants, Landlords and Merchant Capitalists: Europe and the World Economy, 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1983);
12. Peter Musgrave, The Early Modern Economy (Basingstoke, 1999)
13. Ibid., pp. 71-73, 89, 133.
14. Also Carlo M. Cipolla, Before the Industrial Revolution: European Society and Economy, 1000-1700 (London, 1976), pp. 239-244.
15. Robert, S. Duplessis, Transitions to Capitalism in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 35-36, no, 113, 118, 120-120, 126-128, 225.
16. Steven L. Kaplan, "L'apprentissage au XVIIIe siècle: le cas de Paris", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 40 (1993), (special number on Apprentissages XVIe-XXe siècles), pp. 436-479, 436, assumes that craft guilds were ultimately "flooded" by the labour market, arguing metaphorically that, thanks to the guilds, "la communauté n'est pas complètement débordée par cc que nous appelons le marché" [the community is not completely inundated by what we call the market].
17. Steven L. Kaplan, "Les corporations, les 'faux owners' et le faubourg Saint-Antoine au XVIIIe siècle", Annales ESC, 43 (1988), pp. 353-378;
18. Liana Vardi, "The Abolition of the Guilds during the French Revolution", French Historical Studies, 15 (1988)5 pp. 704-717;
19. Duplessis, Transitions to Capitalism, pp. 230-255.
20. In England, the decline of statutory apprenticeship in the eighteenth century is to be considered. Cf. K.D.M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660-1900 (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 228-269.
21. Cf. e.g. Josef Ehmer, "Zünfte in Österreich in der frühen Neuzeit", in Haupt, Das Ende der Xünfte, pp. 87-126, 112-126;
22. Daniela Frigo, "Die itahenischen Zünfte am Ende des Ancien Régimes: Stand, Probleme und Perspektiven der Forchung", in ibid., pp. 197-214, 208-214;
23. Corine Maitte, "Le réformisme éclairé et les corporations: l'abolition des Arts en Toscane", Revue d'histoire moderne et conternporaine, 49 (2002), pp. 56-88.
24. From a political point of view, discourses associated with the guilds (republicanism and communalism) are seen even now as lying at the root of the first parliamentary and constitutional democracies; Peter Blickle, "Kommunalismus, Parlamentarismus, Republikanismus", Historischc Zeitschrift, 242 (1986), pp. 529-556; Quentm Skinner and Martin Van Gelderen, Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage (Cambridge, 2002), 2 vols.
25. William H. Sewell, Work and Revolution in France: Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 190-191;
26. Steven L. Kaplan, "Social Classification and Representation in the Corporate World of Eighteenth-Century France: Target's 'Carnival'", in idem and Cynthia Koepp (eds), Work in France: Representations, Meaning, Organization, and Practice (Ithaca, NY, 1986), pp. 176-228.
27. See, among others, Avner Greif, Paul Milgrom and Barry R. Weingast, "Coordination, Commitment and Enforcement: The Case of the Merchant Guild", in Jack Knight and Itai Sened (eds), Explaining Social Institutions (Ann Arbor, MI, J995), pp. 27-56;
28. Ulrich Pfister, "Craft Guilds and Proto-Industnalization in Europe, 16th to 18th centuries", in E.C. Nonez, (ed.), Guilds, Economy and Society, Proceedings B1, Twelfth International Economic History Congress, Madrid (Seville, 1998), pp. 11-25;
29. Richardson, "A Tale of Two Theories"; Philippe Minard, "Les corporations en France aux XVIIIe siède: métiers et institutions", in Steyen L, Kaplan and Philippe Minard (eds), La France, malade du corporatisme? XVIIIe-XXe siècles (Paris, 2004), pp. 39-51;
30. Peter Stabel, "Guilds in Late Medieval Flanders: Myths and Realities of Guild Life in an Export Oriented Environment", Journal of Medieval History, 30(2004), pp. 187-212.
31. Carpenters, cabinetmakers, gold and silversmiths, tinsmiths and plumbers, tanners and shoemakers, and (to a lesser degree) cloth dressers and diamond cutters will be examined m detail. Other crafts will be included via existing studies, the most important of which are Alfons K.L. Thijs, Van "werkwinkel" not "fabriek". De textielnijverheid te Antwerpen (einde 15de-begin 19de eeuw) (Brussels, 1987) for the textile sector, and Harald Deceulaer, Puriforme pdtronen en een verschillende snit, Sociddl-economische, institutionele en culturele trdnsforntdties in de kledingsector in Antwerpen, Brussel en Gent, 1585-1800 (Amsterdam, 2001) for the garment industry. As they were in the vanguard in institutionally substituting the apprenticeship system (by the Medical College in 1621 and by the Art Academy in 1663), the medical professions and artistic trades will be considered as well. See Bert De Munck, "Le produit du talent ou la production de talent? La formation des artistes à PAcadémie des beaux-arts à Anvers aux XVII et XVIII siecles", Paedagogica Historica, 37 (2001), pp. 569-607;
32. and idem, "Medische praktijken, Conflicten rond competence in de Antwerpse medische sector, 17de en 18de eeuw", Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 27(2001), pp. 459-484.
33. The image is very much based on research on booming cities such as London and Vienna and does not apply to the declining metropolis, Antwerp. Cf. Joan Lane, Apprenticeship in England, 1600-1914 (London, 1996);
34. Annemarie Steidl, Auf nach Wien! Die Mobilitat des mitteleu-ropáuiscben Handwerks im 18. und 19. Jdhrhundert am Beispiel der Haupt- und Residenzstddt (Munich, 2003).
35. See also Steven L. Kaplan, La fin des corporations (Paris, 2001).
36. Herman van der Wee, The Growth of the Antwerp Market and the European Economy (Fourteenth-Sixteenth Centuries) (The Hague, 1963), 2 vols; Bruno Blondé and Michael Limberger, "De gebroken welvaart", in Geschiedenis vdn Brdbant, van het hertogdom tot heden (Leuven, s.d.), pp. 307-311;
37. Ilja Van Damme, "Het vertrek van Mercurius: historiografische en hypothetische verkenningen van het economisch wedervaren van Antwerpen in de tweede helft van de zeventiende ceuw", NEHA-Jddrboek voor economiscbe, bedrijfs- en techniekgeschiedenis (2003), pp. 6-39.
38. See, among others, Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and J.H. Plumb (eds). The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century England (London, 1982);
39. John Brewer and Roy Porter (eds), Consumption and the World of Goods (London [etc.], 1993);
40. Ann Bermmgham and John Brewer (eds). The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text (London [etc.], 1995). For Antwerp, see Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen, 2001 (ch. 5);
41. Bruno Blondé, "Tableware and Changing Consumer Patterns: Dynamics of Material Culture in Antwerp, 17th-18th centuries", in Johan Veeckman (ed.), Majolica and Glass from Italy to Antwerp and Beyond: The Trdnsfer of Technology in the 16th-Early 17th Century (Antwerp, 2002), pp. 295-311;
42. Ilja Van Damme, "Changing Consumer Preferences and Evolutions in Retailing: Buying and Selling Consumer Durables in Antwerp (c.1648-c.1748) ", in Bruno Blonde, Peter Stahel, Jon Stobart and Ilja Van Damme (eds), Buyers and Sellers: Retail Circuits and Practices in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Turnhout, 2006), pp. 199-223;
43. Bruno Blondé and Ilja Van Damme, Een crisis als uitdaging? Kleinhandelsevoluties en verbruiksver-andenngen te Antwerpen (ca, 1648-ca. 1748), Tijdschrift voor sociale en economiscbe geschiedenis, 4 (2007), pp. 61-88, 66-76,
44. Herman Van Der Wee., "Industrial Dynamics and the Process of Urbanization and De-Urbanization in the Low Countries from the late Middle Ages to the Eighteenth Century", in idem (ed.), The Rise and Decline of Urban Industries in Italy and the Low Countries (Late Middle Ages-Early Modern Times) (Leuven, 1988), pp. 307-381;
45. Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Different Paths of Development: Capitalism in the Northern and Southern Netherlands during the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period", Review 20 (1997), pp. 211-242;
46. idem, "Exportgewerbe, Zünfte und kapitalistische Entwicklungen in den Nördlichen und Südlichen Niederlanden im späten Mittelalter und der Frühen Neuzeit", in Wilfried Reininghaus (ed.), Zunftlandschoften in "Deutschland und den Niederlanden im Vergleich (Wcsfalen-Lippe, 2000), (Schriften der Historischen Kommission für Westfalen), pp. 45-70.
47. Specifically for Antwerp: Alfons K.L. Thijs, "Antwerp's Luxury Industries; The Pursuit of Profit and Artistic Sensitivity", in Jan Van Der Stock (ed.), Antwerp, Story of a Metropolis, 16th-17th Century (Antwerp, 1993) pp. 105-113.
48. For a quantitative analysis of the incidence of craft guilds, see Bert De Munck, Piet Lourens, and Jan Lucasscn, "The Guilds in the Northern and the Southern Netherlands: A Comparative Perspective", in Catharina Lis, Jan Lucassen, Maarten Prak, and Hugo Soly (eds), Craft Guilds in the Early Modern Low Countries: Work, Power and Representation (London, 2006) pp. 32-73,
49. 20, Hubert Van Houttc, Histoire économique de la Belgique à la fin de l'Ancien Régime (Ghent, 1920), pp. 54-116.
50. At least in the northern Netherlands; cf. Jan Lucassen, "Het Welvaren van Leiden (1659-1662); de wording van ecn cconomischc theorie over gilden en ondernemerschap" in Boudien de Vries et al. (eds), De kracht der zwakken (Amsterdam., 1992), pp. 13-48;
51. Karel Davids, "From De La Court to Vreede: Regulation and Self-Regulation In Dutch Economic Discourse from c.1600 to the Napoleontic Era", Journal of European Economic History, 30 (2001), pp. 245-289.
52. Cf. Jean-Jacques Heirwegh, "Les corporations dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens (1738-1784)" (unpublished doctoral thesis, Université Libre dc Bruxelles 1981),
53. Cathanna Lis and Hugo Soly, "Ambachtsgilden in vergelijkend perspectief: dc Noordelijke en de Zuidelijke Nederlanden, 15de-18de eeuw" in idem (eds), Werelden van verschil Ambacbtsgilden in de lage landen (Brussels, 1997)5 pp. 17-18;
54. idem, "Different Paths of Development"; idem, "Export Industries, Craft Guilds and Capitalist Trajectories," in Lis, Lucassen, Prak, and Soly, Craft Guilds in the Early Modern Low Countries, pp. 119-123.
55. Thijs, Van werkwinkel" tot "fabriek," pp. 219-257.
56. See also Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen, pp. 144-145.
57. 25, Cf. Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Die Zünftc in den Österreichischen Niederlanden", in Haupt, Das Ende der Zünfte, pp. 155-180.
58. Lis and Soly, "Export Industries", p. 119.
59. City Archives Antwerp (hereafter CAA), Guilds and Trades (hereafter GT) 4112, 3 December 1477, fo. 39r-43V, arts 16 and 33; GT 4112bis, p. 50 (copy).
60. CAA, GT 4112, 24 November 1603, fos 86v-87V; GT 4112, 30 January 16o6, fos 94v-95r.
61. CAA, GT 4334, fo. 1ff; GT 4335, 14 June 1497, fo. 2v.
62. CAA, GT 4334, to. 22; GT 4335, 24 December 1519, fo, 26v ff.
63. CAA, GT 4334, fo. 22v; GT 4335, 4 June 1522. See also GT 4334, fos 71r-72V; GT 4335, 25 March 1621, fos 92v-94r.
64. J. Van Deun, "Het Antwerpse tinnegietersambacht in het Ancien Régime", in Keur van tin uit de havensteden Amsterdam, Antwerp en en Rotterdam (Amsterdam [etc.], 1979), pp. 40-42.
65. In their founding ordinance in 1454 the gold and silversmiths explicitly stated "that all good alien journeymen, wherever they come from, who want to earn their living in Antwerp, with a master for a daily wage, by contract or by piece, should be allowed to do so without further due"; Ordinance 24 February 1454, art, 2, published m P. Génard, "Notice sur la corporation des orfèvrcsd' Anvers," Annales de l'Académie d' Arcbéologze de Belgique, 45, 4e series, Tome V, pp. 312-317 [hereafter Ordinance 24 February 1454].
66. In an ordinance of 1574, it was stated that unfree journeymen could work for a regular master, provided that they worked and lived under his roof; CAA, GT 4002, 22 November 1574, fo, 65r (sec also GT 4485, no. 3, fo. 14V), The diamond cutters stipulated in their founding ordinance of 1582 that "every alien journeyman wanting to work here will have to do it with a free master and when asked have his name written down at the guild chamber within three days"; Ordinance 25 October 1582, published m D, Schluglek, Geschiedenis van het Antwerpsche diamantslijpersambacbt (Antwerp, 1935), p. 16, art. 25 [hereafter Ordinance 25 October 1582]. The shoemakers had a similar ruling in 1606; CAA, GT 4112, 30 January 1606, fos 94V-95; GT 4112, fos 86v-87V, 24 November 1603, In the garment industry restrictions on workshop size were rare. For the hosiery makers and the tailors, there is evidence that masters employed unfree workers, who sewed from their own homes; Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen, pp. 109, 137, 144-145, 300.
67. Van Deun, "Het Antwerpse tinnegietersambacht", pp. 40-42; CAA, GT 4264,1 March 1545 (1546).
68. In the sixteenth century, master cloth dressers tried to circumvent ceilings on the number of employees and workbenches ("scheerdissen"), registering them under their sons' names (registering the latter in turn as masters). Preventing this, the guild prescribed a minimum age for master sons; CAA, GT 4029, 7 October 1536, art, 9 (extract); GT 4028, 13 May 1562, pp. 53-54, Regulations like these mostly lacking in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
69. 36, Thijs, Van "werkwinkel" tot "fabriek," pp, 219-257; Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen, pp. 162-163;
70. Bert De Munck, "Meritocraten aan het werk. Deregulering van de arbeidsmarkt bij de Antwerpse timmerlieden in de 18de eeuw", in Bruno Blondé, Bert De Munck, and Filip Vermeylen (eds), Doodgewoon. Mensen en hun dagelijks leven in de geschiedenis. Liber Amicorum Alfons K.L. Thijs (Antwerp, 2005), (Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis, 87 (2004), 1-2), pp. 87-106.
71. CAA, GT4345, 6July 1756, art. 27; GT 4345, 16 July 1756, of. 1off; GT 4345, fo. 26-26v.
72. CAA, GT 4004, 13 April 1660, tos 81v-82r; GT 4334, fos 88-88v; GT 4335, fos 114V-115 (copy); GT 4335, 9 December 1743, to. 134V ff.
73. CAA, GT 4112, 3 December 1477, fo. 39r ff, arts 16 and 33; GT 4112bis, p. 50 (copy).
74. CAA, GT 4112, 24 November 1603, fos 86v-87V; GT 4112, 30 January 1606, fos 94V-951".
75. CAA, GT 4334, to, 1ff; GT 4335, 14 June 1497, fo. 2v, The gold and silversmiths had a similar rule in 1524; CAA, GT 4488, fo. 1151, 24 November 1524, art. 8.
76. CAA, GT 4334, tos 56V-58v; GT 4335, 20 November 1606, 73V ff.
77. In 1497 a master was not allowed to hire a new apprentice when he agreed to acquit the contract of the apprentice he had. This implies that the maximum number of apprentices regulated the number of new journeymen or (more likely) the number of new masters, instead of, for instance, the quality of training.
78. There were of course exceptions, for example in the silk industry, where journeymen and small masters protested against masters engaging more apprentices than allowed (two in their case) in 1684, Thijs, Van werkwinkel" tot "fabriek," p. 400.
79. CAA, GT 4183, GT 4184 and GT 4185, account books of the Coopers" Guild.
80. Ilse Salien, "Op de Ieest geschoeid'. Sociaal-economische geschiedenis van het oude en nenwe schoenmakersambacht te Brussel in het Ancien Régime" (unpublished licentiate thesis, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, 1999), pp. 51-53.
81. Van Deun, "Het Antwerpse tinnegietersambacht", pp. 40-42; CAA, GT 4264,1 March 1543 (1544); CAA, Privilegiekamer [hereafter PK] 710, 5 February 1618, fos 107r-107v,
82. 48, CAA, GT 4241, "Boeck der opgeschreven incomclingen in het hooftambacht vande Meersche" (1711-1794),
83. CAA, GT 4112, 16 November 1394 (1395), fo. 71r; CAA, GT 4112, 3 December 1477, fos 39r-43V, arts 16 en 33; GT 4112bis, p. 50, (copy).
84. CAA-s GT 4121, account book of the Shoemakers' Guild.
85. As was, for example, the case in the Guilds of Carpenters, Wood-Cutters and Millers in Leuven, especially after 1770; Marina Laureys, "Bijdrage tot de sociale geschiedenis van het Leuvense ambachtelijke milieu. Het ambacht van de timmerlieden, de houtbrekers en de molenmakers (1700-1795)" (unpublished licentiate thesis, K U Leuven, 1980), pp. 129-132.
86. Bert De Munck, Technologies of Learning: Apprenticeship in Antwerp frotn the 15th Century to the End of the Ancien Régime (Turnhout, 2007), ch. 4.2.
87. CAA, GT 4334, fo. 1ff; GT 4335, 14 June 1497 (copy); CAA, GT 4334, fos 31-33; GT 4335,
88. March 1543 (1544) (copy).
89. CAA, GT 4341, 31 March 1543, arts 5-6; GT 4345, 6 July 1756, fo. 9ff, arts 3-4-
90. CAA, GT 4264, 12 November 1523; GT 4264, 25 June 1705.
91. CAA, GT 4337, 6 November 1745, fo. 39, art. 13; Bart Willems, "Loon naar werken? Sociale mobiliteit in het Antwerpse kuipersambacht (1585-1793)", Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis, 82 (1999), pp. 40-44.
92. It is not always clear whether guilds tried to lower entrance barriers at their own initiative or at the instigation of local and/or central authorities. For more factual information, see Van Houtte, Histoire é conomique, pp. 67-69.
93. For a more comprehensive analysis of the "inclusiveness" of the Antwerp guilds, see De Munck, Technologies of Learning, ch. 2.3, and idem, "Construction and Reproduction: The Training and Skills of Antwerp Cabinetmakers in the 16th and 17th Centuries", in Bert De Munck, Steven L. Kaplan and Hugo Soly (eds), Learning on the Shop Floor; Historical Perspectives on Apprenticeship (London [etc.], 2007), pp. 85-110.
94. On this subject I disagree with Peter Stabel, who claims that guilds in late medieval Flanders were relatively open institutions, but that they tended to restrict access when they became increasingly focused on luxury industries and urban and regional supply from the sixteenth century onward; Stabel, "Guilds in Late Medieval Flanders", pp. 194-196.
95. Perhaps successfully as their total number of apprentices did approach the limit. With an apprenticeship duration of two years, a maximum of one apprentice per master (with the stipulation that the second could be hired after one year and nine months; CAA, GT 4334, fos 56V-58V; GT 4335, 20 November 1606, 73V ff) and an average of 16 masters paying annual dues, cabinetmakers could hire 460 apprentices between 1691 and 1760. The total number actually hired was 412.
96. CAA, GT 4334, fos 1-5V; GT 4335, 14 June 1497 (copy).
97. CAA, GT 4334, fos 7v-9v; GT 4335, 6 August 1515; GT 4334, fos 31-33; GT 4335, 31 March 1543 (1544) (copy); GT 4334, fos 50-51; GT 4335, 26 July 1595 (copy); GT 4334, fos 64-66v; GT 4335, 28 April 1621 (copy); GT 4004, fos 6r-7r, 29 April 1647; GT 4334, fos 81v-82v; GT 4335 (copy),
98. CAA, GT 4335, 22 and 31 January, and 7 February 1735, 9 December 1743, fo. 134V ff, Cf. De Munck, "Construction and Reproduction, pp, 92-95,
99. CAA, GT 4264, 2 November 1712; PK 793, fo. 259;GT 4112, 17 Febtuary 1746, fo. 163r, art. 5; CAA, GT 4341, 9 March 1746, arts 4 and 9; GT 4264, 22 October 1770.
100. Masters' sons gradually paid higher entrance fees as well, also in relative terms (compared to those who were not masters' sons). See De Munck, Technologies of Learning, ch, 2.3.
101. B. Ballaux, "De Mcchclse huidenvettenij in het Ancien Régime: van exportindustrie tot nijverheid van regionaal belang", Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis, 82 (1999), pp. 25-26.
102. Van Houtte, Histoire économique, p. 97.
103. Ibid., p. 84; D. Schlugleit, De Antwerpse goud- en zilversmeden in het corporatief stelsel (1382-1789) (Wetteren, 1969), pp. 210-220;
104. S. Stacino, "Her Brusselse goud- en zilversme-denambacht onder Oostenrijks bewind (r8de eeuw)" (unpublished licentiate thesis, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, 1998), pp. 24-25, Cf.
105. J.R. Kellett, "The Breakdown of Guild and Corporation Control over the Handicraft and Retail Trade in London", Economic History Review, 10 (1958), pp. 381-394.
106. CAA, GT 4006, Guild survey of 1738, published and annotated by Frans Smekens, De verzamelde geschriften van Frans Smekens (Borgerhout, s.d.), pp. 62-67, (Bijlage II-Ambachten. Toestand in 1738). For Ghent the figure was 2,113 apprenticces, or 4.8 per cent of the total population (50,000);
107. General State Archives Brussels, Council of Finance, 4320, II, and City Archives Ghent, Series 156, Nr 3. For Brussels it was 542 apprentices for a population of 66,500, or 0.8 per cent; Karin Van Honacker, "De politieke cultuur van de Brusselse ambachten in de achttiende eeuw: conservatisme, corporatisrne of opportunisme?", in Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly (eds), Werken volgens de regels, Ambdchten in Brabant en Vldaanderen, 1500-1800 (Brussels, 1994), pp. 223-225.
108. See Steve Rappaport, "Reconsidering Apprenticeship in Sixteenth-Century London", in John Monfasam, Ronald G. Musto, and Eugene F. Rice (eds), Renaissanec Society and Culture: Essays in Honor of Eugene F. Rice Jr (Ithaca, NY [etc.], 1991), pp. 240-241, 239-261.
109. See also Steve Rappaport, Worlds within Worlds; Structures of Life in Sixteenth-Century London (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 232-234, 29 Iff;
110. and Ian W. Archer, The Pursuit of Stability: Social Relations in Elizabethan London (Cambridge, 1991), esp. chs 4 and 6.
111. Epstein, "Craft Guilds"; Gustafsson, "The Rise and Economic Behaviour",
112. CAA, GT 4345, Contrarie Redenen, fo. 67ff, 1762; GT 4345, fo. 102ff, Advies 22 October, 1770. See also De Munck, "Mentocraten aan het werk.
113. Thijs, Van "werkwinkel" tot "fabriek", p. 369. In the silk industry, masters did not find enough journeymen because of the very low wages they were prepared to pay them (pp. 374-375, 397).
114. 72, CAA, GT 4001, to. 53, copy in GT 4030, fos 53-53v.
115. CAA, GT 4345, fo. 102ff, 22 October 1770; GT 4345, Memorie, fo. 123V.
116. In the construction industry, for example, journeymen often claimed a right of preference at a certain minimum wage, Johan Dambruyne., "De Gentse bouwvakambachten in sociaal-economisch pcrspectief (1540-1795)"in Lis and Soly, Werken volgens de regels, pp. 51-105, 87;
117. De Munck, "Mentocraten aan het werk". See also Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen, p, 294 for the hosiery makers; and Catharina Lis and Hugo Soly, "De macht van 'vrije arbeiders': collectieve acties van hoedenmakersgezellen in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (zestiende-negentiende eeuw)", in idem, Werken volgens de regels, pp. 15-50, for the hat makers.
118. Apparently, it didn't exist in craft guilds as diverse as the gold and silversmiths, the diamond cutters, the shoemakers, the cabinetmakers, the pewterers, and plumbers and so on. See for example: 24 February 1454, art 2 (gold and silversmiths); Ordinance 25 October 1582, art, 25 (diamond cutters); CAA, GT 4112, 30 January 1606, fos 94V-95; GT 4112, fos 86v-87V, 24 November 1603 (shoemakers).
119. See for example CA A, GT 4264, 1 March 1543 (1544); GT 4002, 22 November 1574, fo. 65r; GT 4485, nr, 3, fo, 14V; GT 4116, 1 June 1669,
120. e slècle à leur abolition", Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaime, 54 (2007), pp. 116-144.
121. See for example 25 October 1582, arts 30-34 (diamond cutters); Schlugleit, De Antwerpse goud- en zilversmeden, pp. 139ff, 242-248; CAA, Process dossiers (hereafter P), A 562, 1651-1652; GT 4485, no. 2, 9 February 1557, fos 13-13V (gold and silversmiths); GT 4264, 1 March 1543 (1544) (pewtercrs and plumbers),
122. CAA, GT 4028, 20 September 1696., art. 10 (cloth dressers); GT 4485, nrs 15, 13, and 27 September 1688, fos 33r-33V (gold and silversmiths).
123. CAA, GT 4002, 22 November 1574, fo. 65r (gold and silversmiths). See also GT 4485, nr. 3, fo. 14V; GT 24 November 1603, fos 86v-87V; GT 4112, 30 January 1606, fos 94V-95r (shoemakers). In other occasions this seems to have been allowed. In 1497 a master cabinetmaker could explicitly employ his journeymen "inside or outside his house"; CAA, GT 4334, fo. 1ff; GT 4335, 14 June 1497, fo. 2v. The same was ruled for the ebony workers in 1621: CAA, GT 4334, fos 65r-66v; GT 4335, 28 April 1621, 83V ff, art. 9. And large master entrepreneurs among the hosiery makers commissioned work to non-guild based artisans who worked from their own premises; Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen, pp. 144-145.
124. A trial piece was first mentioned in 1497 for the Antwerp cabinetmakers, in 1523 for the tinsmiths, in 15 24 for the gold and silversmiths, in 15 43 (probably) for the carpenters, and in 1583 for the shoemakers and tanners.
125. 25 October 1582, p, 16, art, 20; CAA, GT 4488, 24 November 1524, art, 9, fos 115V-116; GT 4335. 31 March 1543.
126. The Antwerp carpenters in the sixteenth century, for example, prescribed two different trial pieces, one for new journeymen and one for new masters; CAA, GT 4341, 31 March 1543, arts 5-6. The same applies for the cloth dressers and masons, Cf. Etienne Scholliers, "Vrije en onvrije arbeiders, voornamelijk te Antwerpen in de 16dc eeuw", Bijdragen voor de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 11 (1956), pp 285-322, 288, 291-292,
127. One example is the famous Guillaume Forchondt, who succeeded in becoming a master ebony worker without being able to handle a plane, as some ebony workers (who were working for him) stated in a lawsuit filed against him by the guild; CAA, Proceedings A 868, 31 September 1648; Insolvente Boedelkamer 728/2, P 1637. See also Ria Fabri, De 17de-eeuwse Antwerpse kunstkast. Typologische en historische aspecten (Brussels, 1991), p. 115.
128. CAA, GT 4001, 2 August 1493, fos 128-129 (carpenters); GT 4488, fo. 82; GT 4485, no. 1, 24 January 1543, fos11r-12V; GT 4001, fos 187V-188; GT 4002, 22 November 1574, fo. 64V; GT 4485, no. 3, fa. 14V; GT 4488, fos 76-78, 82 (gold and silversmiths); GT 4337, 19 July 1694, fo. 36 (cabinetmakers); GT 4028, 20 September 1696, p. 123, arts 7, 8, and 10 (cloth dressers). See also Deceulaer, Pluriforme patronen, p, 162.
129. CAA, GT 4334, fos 7v-9v; GT 4335, 6 August 1515 (copy). Compare this with the shoemakers and tanners, where a master piece was required because some persons were admitted to the guild that afterwards appeared to be unable to make proper and honourable pieces"; CAA, GT 4112, 18 April 1583, fos
130. CAA, GT 4264, 1 March 1543 (1544); GT 4004, 4 July 1651, fas 42V-43V (pewterers and plumbers); GT 4488, 24 January 1543, fos 76r and 78r (gold and silversmiths); GT 4028, 20 September 1696, art, 1 (cloth dressers),
131. The notaries' archives contain contracts in which a merchant agrees to "learn" with a master cloth dresser in return for exclusiveness in the finishing of all his cloth for the master (on top of a "learning fee" of several hundred guilders); CAA, Notary Archives (hereafter N) 2913, 9 February 1752.
132. Schlugleit, De Antwerpse goud- en zilvenmeden, pp. 242-248.
133. See, in particular, François Eymard-Duvernay, "Conventions de qualité et formes de coordination", Revue Économique, 40 (1989), pp. 329-359,
134. and, idem, "Coordination des échanges par l'entreprise et quahté des biens", in André Orléan (ed.), Analyse économique des conventions (Paris, 1994), pp, 331-358; Pierre-Yves Gomez, Qualité et économic des conventions (Pans, 1994);
135. and the dossier on "La qualité", in Sociologie du Travail, 44 (2002).
136. See also the pioneering work of George A. Akerlof, "The Market for Lemons: Qualitative Uncertainty and the Market Mechanism", Quarterly Journal of Economies, 84 (1970), pp, 488-500;
137. and Joseph S0tigliz, "The Causes and Consequences of the Dependence of Quality on Price", Journal of Economic Literature, 25 (1987), pp. 1-48.
138. "[...] un système d'attentes réciproques concernant les compétences et les comportements des autres"; Robert Salais and Michael Storper, Les mondes de production (Paris, 1993), p. 31.
139. Cf. Luc Boitanski and Laurent Thévenot, De la justification, Les économies de la grandeur (Paris, 1991).
140. Cf. Dc Munck, Technologies of Learning, chs 2. 2 and 6.
141. Schlugleit, De Antwerpse goud- en zdversmeden, pp. 20-21, 42-45, 78, 134;
142. P. Baudouin, P. Caiman, and D. Goethals, Edelsmeedkunst in België. Profaan zilver XVIde-XVIlde-XVIII de eeuw (Tielt, 1988), p. 13;
143. Van Deun, "Het Antwerpse tinnegietersambacht", pp. 35-62;
144. Edmond Geudens, Het hoofdambacht der meerseniers, II: Burgerdeugd (Antwerp, 1904), pp. 110-112.
145. CAA, GT 4334, fo, 66; GT 4335, 28 April 1621, (copy).
146. CAA, GT 4112, 3 May 1593; GT 4112 bis, fos 86-88, Alsoo [...], (copy).
147. CAA-s GT 4112, fos 25 V-26; GT 4112bis, to, 27, 16 September 1517 (copy); another copy in GT 4116.
148. Van Deun, "Het Antwerpse tinnegietersambacht", pp. 35-62.
149. CAA, GT 4112, 3 May 1593, fos 74-75; 4112bis, fos 86-88; Van Deun, "Het Antwerpse tinnegietersambacht," pp. 40ff.
150. For additional information, see De Munck, Technologies of Learning, ch.6.3; and "'La qualité du corporatisme".
151. 101, P. Génard, Wapenboek der Antwerpsche gemeente- instellingen, sedert de vroegsie tijden tot op onze dagen (Antwerp, 1883).
152. See Bert De Munck, "Erfgoed is van alle tijden. Ambachten en hun beeldcultuur in het Ancien Régime", in André Vandewalle (ed.), Te Wapen! Heraldiek, teken van gezag en identiteit (Bruges, 2004), pp. 29-45.
153. According to Hélène Vérin, "La réduction en art et la science pratique au XVIe siècle", in Elisabeth Chatel, Robert Salais, Dorothée Rivaud-Danset (eds), Institutions et conventions, Ld réflexivite de laction économique (Paris, 1998), pp. 119-145, the relation between theory and practice changed drastically as a result of attempts to mechanize intellectual capacities and to reduce practical knowledge. This tendency did not result in a natural science applied to certain techniques, but in a practical science (science pratique) concerning the conception and production of artefacts,
154. Zirka Zaremba, Filipczak, Picturing Art in Antwerp 1550-1700 (Princeton, NJ, 1987), pp. 11-19;
155. A. Lipsmeier, "Technik, Kunst und Berufsbildung. Aphorismen zu einem alten bcrüfspädagogischen Them a in aktucllcr Sicht, Jahresbericbt des Instituts für Berüfpädagogik der Universität Karlsruhe, 1985/86, pp. 13-24, 16.
156. See also C. Duvivier, "Contestation entre la confréne des maçons et les sculpteurs d'Anvers (1606)", Revue d'Histoire et Archéologie, 3 (1861), pp. 91-94.
157. L. Galesloot, Documents relatifs à la formation et la publication de l'ordonnance de Marie-Thérèse du 20 friars-13 novembre 1773 qui affranchit les peinires, les sculpteurs et les arcbitectes, aux Pays-Bus, de l'obligation des se faire inscrire dans les corps de métiers (Antwerp, 1867).
158. Cf. Nicolas Pevsner, Academies of Art: Past and Present (New York, 1973). For the southern Netherlands: G.A. De Wilde, Geschiedenis onzer Academiën van Beeldende Kunsten (Leuvcn, 1941).
159. CAA, Collegiael Actenboek, 1663, fo. 5; and De Munck, "Le produit du talent",
160. For the increasing importance of design tools and procedures in early Netherlandish painting, see Arnout Balis, "Working it Out: Design Tools and Procedures in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Flemish Art", in Hans Vheghe, Arnout Balis, and Carl Van de Velde (eds), Concept, Design and Execution in Flemish Painting (Turnhout, 2000), pp. 129-151.
161. Elizabeth Honig, "The Beholder as Work of Art: A Study in the Location of Value in Seventeenth-Century Flemish Painting", in Reindert Falkenburg, Jan de Jong, Herman Roodcnburg, and Frits Scholten (eds), Image and Self-Image in Netherlandish Art, 1550-1750 (Zwolle, 1995), pp. 253-293. 109-28 April 1620 was the official date. Cf. C. Broeckx, Hisioire du Collegium Medicum Antverpiense (Antwerp, 1858), passim.
162. CAA, GT 4515, fo. 2, 6 June 1659 (printed version In GT 4513); Wetten ende regulen van bet Collegie der medicynen by een vergaert door last vande Heeren Borgemeesters en wet alhier 12 April 1659; published m Broeckx, Histoire du Collegium Medicum, pp. 81-82,
163. See also CA, GT 4513, 7 July 1713; GT 4513, Intendit, 15 November 1713; GT 4513, Ampliatie, art. 8. 111. CAA, GT 4077, fo. 19, 1641; GT 4077, fo. 125ff, Grieven, 20 May 1756; Requeste vande Apotekers (ten ntyne heeren den Borgemeesiere Schepene ende Raedt der siadi Antwerpen, See Broeckx, Histoire du Collegium Medicum, p. 144.
164. De Munck, "Medische praktijken"
165. "T'is emmers zeker dat de leerjaren zyn gelyck aen de leerscholen voor de wetenschappen [...]"; CAA, GA 4490, s.d. quoted in Schlugleit, De Aniwerpse goud- en zilversmeden, p. 320.
166. See the two doctoral theses on the Antwerp retail sector defended recently at the University of Antwerp: Ilja Van Damme, "Antwerpse klanten en kleinhandelaars tussen continuïteit en vernieirwing, ca. 1648-1748" (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Antwerp, 2006);
167. and Laura Van Aert, "Leven of overleven? Winkelhouden in crisistijd: de Antwerpse meerseniers, ca. 1648- ca. 1748" (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Antwerp, 2007).
168. See also Bruno Blondé and Hilde Greefs, "Werk aan de winkel: de Antwerpse meerseniers: aspecten van kiemhandei en verbruik in do 17de en 18de eeuw", in De lokroep van bet bedrijf: handelaars, ondernemers en hun samenleving van de zestiende tot de twintigste eeuw. liber amicorum Roland Baetens (Antwerp, 2001), (Bijdragen tot de gescbiedenis, 84, 1-3), pp. 207-229;
169. Laura Van Aert and Ilja Van Damme, "Retail Dynamics of a City in Crisis: The Mercer Guild in Pre-Industnal Antwerp (c.1648-c.1748)", in Bruno Blondé, Eugénie Boot, Natacha Coquery, and Laura Van Aert (eds), Retailers and Consumer Changes in Early Modern Europe: England, France, Italy and the Low Countries (Tours, 2005), pp. 143-147; Blondé and Van Damme, "Een crisis als uitdaging?"
170. De Munck, "Medische praktijken", and idem, "La quahté du corporatisme"; Van Damme, Antwerpse klanten en kleinhandelaars, pp. 438-448.
171. This clearly appears im the well-known inquiry dating from 1738, which was used, for example, by the gold and silversmiths to eomplain about unincorporated production in the country; CAA, GT 4006, fo. 33r, fo. 37r, fo. 63r.
172. Maarten Prak, "Individual, Corporation and Society: the Rhetoric of Dutch Guilds (18th c.)", in Marc Boone and Maarten Prak (eds), Individual, Corporate, and judicial Status in European Cities (Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Period), (Leuven [etc.], 1996), pp. 255-280.
173. Génard, Wapenboek der Antwerpsche gemeente-instellingen. Cf. J., Gailliard, De ambachten en neringen van Brugge, of beschryving hunner opkoomst, bloei, werkzaemheden, gebruiken en voorregten (Bruges, 1854).
174. Cf. Yves Vanden Berghe, Jacobijnen en traditionalisten. De reacties van Bruggelingen in de revolutietijd (1780-1794) (Brussels, 1972), p. 67.
175. Van Houtte, Histoire economique, p. 96ff.
176. Bruno Blondé and Carolien de Staelen, "Zilver in Antwerpen. Drie eeuwen particulier zilverbezit in context", (forthcoming). See also Blondé and Van Damme, "Een crisis als uitdaging?", pp. 66-76 and 81-83.
177. Joan Thirsk, Economic Policy and Projects: The Development of a Consumer Society in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1978), ch. 5.
178. Pierre Jeannin, "Distinction des compétences et niveaux de qualifications: les savoirs négociants dans l'Europc moderne", in Franco Angiolini and Daniel Roche (eds), Cultures et formations négociantes dans l'Europe moderne (Paris, 1995), pp. 363-397.
179. 124, Pierre Claude Reynard, "Manufacturing Quality in the Pre-Industrial Age: Finding Value in Diversity", Economic History Review, 53 (2000), pp. 493-516, 496.
180. 125, Schlugleit, Geschiedenis van het Antwerpsche diamantslijpersambacht, pp. 148-149,
181. See for example: CAA, N Michiel Rongens, 6 October 1649; De Gazette van Antwerpen (GVA) 1742, no. 78; GVA, 28 July 1746, no. 54; N 4524, no. 72, 20 June 1760.
182. Quoted in Schlugleit, De Antwerpse goud- en zilversmeden pp. 232-233; see also p. 270ff.
183. CAA, GT 4265, Duplicque. D. Schlugleit, "De zilverhandel van de Meerse en de ordonnantiën van de goudsmeden te Antwerpen m de zestiende eeuw", Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis, 30 (1939), p. 51.
184. Schlugleit, De Antwerpse goud- en zilversmeden, pp. 142, 155, speaks of a "crisis of authority" that would have accelerated in the seventeenth century.
185. See also Alfons Thijs, "Religion and Social Structure: Religious Rituals in Pre-Industrial Trade Associations in the Low Countries", in Prak, Lis, Lucassen and Soly, Craft Guilds in the Early Modern Low Countries, pp. 157-173.
186. Thanks to the work of Mevr. G. Van Hemeldonck, who kindly lent me her notes, we can trace some examples for the gold and silversmiths: CAA, N 3484, 2 March 1650; fo. 122; N 699, 2 May 1654; N 699, 30 December 1655; N 699, 3 September 1657; N 492, 16 March 1662; Proces S 1073 (1662); N 3835, 1 August 1684; N 657, 10 October 1693.
187. Some examples: CAA, GT 4334, 14 June 1497, fo. IV, art. 2; GT 4335, (copy), fo, rr; GT 4334, fos 8r-8v; GT 4335, 6 August 1515; GT 4337, 9 April 1686, fos 34-34V (cabinetmakers); GT 4264, 25 June 1705 (plumbers).
188. CAA, GT 4264, 12 November 1523; GT 4264, 25 June 1705.
189. For the art sector, see Honig, "The Beholder as Work of Art".
190. See Salien, '"Op de leest geschoeid"', p. 58.
191. Danny Pepermans, "Sociaal-economische studie van het schoenmakers- en schoenlappers-ambacht te Mechelen in de Nieuwe Tijd" (unpublished licentiate thesis, Vrije Universiteir Brussel, 1999), pp. 61-62.
192. One could also wonder why, in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Vienna, guild-based silk weavers, in contrast to women, still had to learn how to make patterns, and why, as a result, girls had to learn three years and boys five or six; Steidl, Auf nach Wien!, p. 251.
193. Catarina Lis and Hugo Soly, "Corporatisme, onderaanneming en loonarbeid. Flexibilisering en deregulering van de arbeidsmarkt in Westeuropese steden (veertiende tot achttiende eeuw)", Tijdschrift voor sociale geschiedenis, 20 (1994), pp. 365-390; and, "Export Industries", pp. 119-123.
194. In the sixteenth century, Antwerp was a European centre for prints and models. Designers like Cornells Floris II (1514-1575), Balthasar Vanden Bos (alias Sylvius) (1518-1580), Hans Vredeman de Vries (1527-1604), and Hans 1. Collaert published prints and models for tableware and ornaments. Apart from these reproducible designs, artisans commissioned product design from sculptors and painters. The most famous was Peter Paul Rubens, but painters like Sebastiaen Vrancx (1573-1647) and Adnaen Van Stalbempt (1580-1662), and sculptors like Michiel Vander Voort 1 (1667-1737) and Guillielmus Ignatius Kerrickx (1682-1745) also devised models upon request; Baudouin, Colman, and Goethals, Edelsmeedkunst in België, pp. 19-20.
195. For some examples of these models, see F. Baudouin (ed.), Tekeningen uit de 17de en 18de eeuw. De Verzameling van Merck (s.l., Koning Boudewijn Stichting, s.d.). Even among artisans of the same guild there was a certain "division of labour" with, for instance, (more experienced, gifted or skilled) goldsmiths conceiving models for other goldsmiths; see P. Baudouin, "Verkenning van de Antwerpse edelsmeedkunst in de zeventiende eeuw", in Antwerpen in de XVIIe eeuw (Antwerp, 1989), pp. 387-404, p. 390-391.
196. Domimek Dendooven, "De Brugse academie in de achttiende eeuw", 2 vols (unpublished licentiate thesis, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, 1994), p. 263; De Munck, "Le produit du talent".
197. 140, Heirwegh, Les corporations, p. 110.
198. Schlugleit, "De zilverhandel van de Meerse", pp. 41-44.
199. 142, "Le voyageur dans les Pays-Bas autrichiens, ou lettres sur l'état actuel de ces pays" [The traveller in the Austrian Netherlands or letters about the present state of these countries] considered the privileges of the traditional guilds to be detrimental, in contrast to the activities of merchants and retailers. The laissez-faire principle was in fact translated into the unlimited activities of vendeurs de tout, faiseurs de rien; Cited in Heirwegh, Les corporations, pp. 108-115,
200. An Kint, "The Ideology of Commerce: Antwerp in the Sixteenth Century", in Bruno Blondé Anke Greve, and Peter Stabel (eds), International Trade in the Low Countries (14th-16th Centuries): Merchants, Organisation, Infrastructure (Leuven, 2002), pp. 213-222; Van Damme, "Het vertrek van Mercurius.
201. Hans-Ulrich Thamer, "On the Use and Abuse of Handicrafr: Journeymen Culture and Enlightened Public Opinion in 18th and 19th Century Germany", in Steven L, Kaplan (ed,), Understanding Popular Culture: Europe from the Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century (New York, 1984), pp. 275-300, For the southern Netherlands, see Heirwegh, Les corporations.
202. "[...] qu'on ne sauroit disconvenir qu'ily ait de l'indécence à confondre les arts libèraux avec les arts mécaniques; le pinceau le plus savant avec la brossc grossire de l'ouvner qui pose des couleurs sur un mur ou sur une porte"; Galesloot, Documents, p, 17, Compare "with Alexander Cowan, "Not Carrying Out the Vile and Mechanical Arts': Touch as a Measure of Social Distinction in Early Modern Venice", in Alexander Cowan and Jill Steward (eds), The City and the Senses: Urban Culture since 1500 (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 39-59,
203. 146, Cf, Philippe Minard, La fortune du Colheriisrne, État et Industrie dans la France des Lumières (Paris, 1998), p. 160; Maitte, "Le réfonnise éclairé", pp. 66-68.
204. CAA, GT 4002, 25 October 1582, fos 2O2r-209r. Cf. Schlugleit, Geschiedenis van het Antwerpsche diamantslijpersambacht, p. 12ff.
205. Blondé and Greefs, "Werk aan dc wmkel", pp. 211-213;
206. Van Aert and Van Damme, "Retail Dynamics ot a City m Crisis", pp. 149-150.
207. Cf. John Styles, "Manufacturing, Consumption and Design in 18th-Century England", in Brewer and Porter, Consumption and the World of Goods, pp. 527-554;
208. and "Product Innovation in Early Modern London", Past and Present, 168 (2000), pp. 124-170;
209. Maxine Berg, "From Imitation to Invention: Creating Commodities in Eighteenth-Century Britain", Economic History Review, 55 (2002), pp. 1-30.
210. For the gold and silversmiths, see Baudouin, "Verkenning van de Antwerpse edelsmeed-kunst", pp. 390-391, 395;
211. Baudouin, Colman, and Goethals, Edelsmeedkunstin België, pp. 19-20.
212. Carolyn Sargentson, Merchants and Luxury Markets: The Marchands Merciers of Eighteenth-Century Paris (London, 1996), pp. 12-13, and ch. 3;
213. and "The Manufacture and Marketing of Luxury Goods. The Marchands Merciers of late 17th and 18th-Century Paris", in Robert Fox and Anthony Turner (eds), Luxury Trades and Consumerism in Ancien Régime Paris (Aldershot [etc.], 1998), pp. 99-139;
214. Van Damme, Antwerpse klanten en kleinhdndelaars, esp. chs 5 and 6; and Blondé and Van Damme, "Een crisis als uitdaging?", pp. 86-91.
215. Cf. Nancy Cox, The Complete Tradesman: A Study of Retailing, 1550-1820 (Aldershot, 2000), ch. 1 and pp. 176-180.
216. Compare this with the mistrust toward retailing in sixteenth-century Venice; James E. Shaw, "Retail, Monopoly, and Privilege: The Dissolution of the Fishmongers' Guild of Venice", Journal of Early Modern History, 6 (2002), pp. 396-427.
217. See n. 114.
218. Note also the growing (symbolic) importance of large masters - at the expense of the craft guilds - in De Munck, "Construction and Reproduction".
219. Of. Georges Friedmann, Où va le travail humain? (Paris, 1963);
220. idem, Problemes humains du machinisme industriel (Paris, 1968);
221. Georges Friedmann and Pierre Naville, Traite de sociologie du truvail (Paris, 1964-1970), 2 vols; Harry Braverman, Labour and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century (London, 1974).