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Volumn 22, Issue 4, 2008, Pages 423-443

The complexity of global security governance: An analytical overview

(1)  Kavalski, Emilian a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ANALYTICAL METHOD; GLOBALIZATION; GOVERNANCE APPROACH; POLICY STRATEGY; SECURITY;

EID: 53349097089     PISSN: 13600826     EISSN: 1469798X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13600820802366391     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (37)

References (170)
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    • A good instance of thismode of analysis is Bruce Russett's discussion of the causes of wars, where he labels the important events as causes, while serendipitous occurrences- for instance, the confused chauffer driving the Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914 - are marked out as surprises and, thereby, not as significant (in Cause, Surprise, and No Escape, Journal of Politics, 24, No. 1 (1962), pp. 3-22
    • A good instance of thismode of analysis is Bruce Russett's discussion of the "causes" of wars, where he labels the important events as "causes", while serendipitous occurrences- for instance, the confused chauffer driving the Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914 - are marked out as "surprises" and, thereby, not as significant (in "Cause, Surprise, and No Escape", Journal of Politics, Vol. 24, No. 1 (1962), pp. 3-22
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    • and Dylan Kissane, The Illusion of Anarchy, HRI Working Paper, No. 16 (2006)). Recently, commentators have reported that the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 was caused by an Iraqiémigré, who in his drive to fast-track his asylum application in Germany claimed to have information on Saddam Hussein's secret programme for weapons of mass destruction.
    • and Dylan Kissane, "The Illusion of Anarchy", HRI Working Paper, No. 16 (2006)). Recently, commentators have reported that the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 was "caused" by an Iraqiémigré, who in his drive to fast-track his asylum application in Germany claimed to have information on Saddam Hussein's secret programme for weapons of mass destruction.
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    • The subsequent transmission of this information by German authorities to US, British and Israeli intelligence services created a snowballing effect that convinced policy-makers of the need for a pre-emptive strike (see Bob Drogin, Curveball: Spies, Lies, and the Con Man Who Caused a War (New York: Random House, 2007)).
    • The subsequent transmission of this information by German authorities to US, British and Israeli intelligence services created a snowballing effect that convinced policy-makers of the need for a pre-emptive strike (see Bob Drogin, Curveball: Spies, Lies, and the Con Man Who Caused a War (New York: Random House, 2007)).
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    • In contrast, Keith Suter (in Global Order and Global Disorder (Westport: Praeger, 2003), p. 166) suggests that most warnings in the name of global security have proved to be false alarms. Apparently created to encourage global governance, these warnings are overstatements of problems. The world can survive without the global governance remedy.
    • In contrast, Keith Suter (in Global Order and Global Disorder (Westport: Praeger, 2003), p. 166) suggests that "most warnings in the name of global security have proved to be false alarms. Apparently created to encourage global governance, these warnings are overstatements of problems. The world can survive without the global governance remedy".
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    • On the development of global security governance both as an alternative to and a sub-category of global governance see Alice Ba and Matthew Hoffmann eds, London: Routledge
    • On the development of "global security governance" both as an alternative to and a sub-category of "global governance" see Alice Ba and Matthew Hoffmann (eds), Contending Perspectives on Global Governance (London: Routledge, 2005)
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    • The notion of cognitive structure is employed here not with the meaning that it has in psychology and neuroscience from where it originates, but in the sense that it has acquired in the study of international relations. Scott introduced the concept in the late 1950s as a matrix of attitudes toward external events. A decade later, Jervis argued that the insertion of the term into the study of world politics cannot be limited by the psycho-logic of its origins. He, thereby, defined it as a relation between incoming information and the receiver's already established images. In the early 1970s, Shapiro and Bonham referred to cognitive structures as maps of decision-making beliefs. Nearly 30 years later, Herrmann et al. interpreted the term simultaneously as a representation and a mental model of knowledge about a concept which influences the selection, interpreta
    • The notion of "cognitive structure" is employed here not with the meaning that it has in psychology and neuroscience (from where it originates), but in the sense that it has acquired in the study of international relations. Scott introduced the concept in the late 1950s as "a matrix of attitudes toward external events". A decade later, Jervis argued that the insertion of the term into the study of world politics cannot be limited by the "psycho-logic" of its origins. He, thereby, defined it as a "relation" between "incoming information" and the "receiver's already established images". In the early 1970s, Shapiro and Bonham referred to "cognitive structures" as "maps" of decision-making beliefs. Nearly 30 years later, Herrmann et al. interpreted the term simultaneously as a "representation" and a "mental model" of knowledge about a concept which influences the selection, interpretation, and memory of reality; while Adler and Barnett referred to it as "the shared system of intersubjective meanings". The most recent addition to this definitional genealogy of "cognitive structure" was made by Ken Booth, who referred to it as "the politics behind a conceptualisation". William Scott, "Rationality and Non-Rationality of International Attitudes", Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1958), p. 9
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    • For similar attempts see: James Rosenau, "New Dimensions of Security", Security Dialogue, Vol. 25, No. 3 (1994), pp. 255-281
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    • It has to be mentioned (although it is not at the centre of this investigation) that such a contention is premised on an understanding of power as a balance of practices, that is, whose and what practices inform patterns of security governance substitutes the conventional understandings of balance of power. The cognitive aspect of this understanding of power reveals that practices reflect the ways in which different kinds of knowledge constitute distinct political potentials. Power, in this context reflects the abilities of practices (and the ontological assumptions on which they are based) to diffuse in time and space. Thus, power as a balance of practices indicates the way in which theories translate into tactical action in the name of security. This understanding of power is informed by Emanuel Adler and Beverly Crawford, The Convergence of Civilisations Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006
    • It has to be mentioned (although it is not at the centre of this investigation) that such a contention is premised on an understanding of power as a balance of practices - that is, whose and what practices inform patterns of security governance substitutes the conventional understandings of balance of power. The cognitive aspect of this understanding of power reveals that practices reflect the ways in which different kinds of knowledge constitute distinct political potentials. Power, in this context reflects the abilities of practices (and the ontological assumptions on which they are based) to diffuse in time and space. Thus, power as a balance of practices indicates the way in which theories "translate into tactical action in the name of security". This understanding of power is informed by Emanuel Adler and Beverly Crawford, The Convergence of Civilisations (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006)
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    • It has remained an overlooked aspect in the security studies literature that James Der Derian in Antidiplomacy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992, p. 166), has Foucauldianised the notion of global life (and in so doing has indicated why it has remained on the side) by defining it as heterotopia - a disturbing term that secretly undermines language, because it makes it impossible to name this and that, because it shatters or tangles common names, because it destroys syntax in advance, and not only the syntax with which we construct sentences but also that less apparent syntax which causes words and things (next and also opposite to one another) to hold together.
    • It has remained an overlooked aspect in the security studies literature that James Der Derian in Antidiplomacy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992, p. 166), has "Foucauldianised" the notion of "global life" (and in so doing has indicated why it has remained on the side) by defining it as "heterotopia" - a disturbing term that secretly undermines language, because it makes it impossible to name this and that, because it shatters or tangles common names, because it destroys "syntax" in advance, and not only the syntax with which we construct sentences but also that less apparent syntax which causes words and things (next and also opposite to one another) to "hold together".
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    • It can be argued that the notion of global life brings together the analytical insights from Marshall McLuhan's observations on the mass-mediated global village in The Gutenberg Galaxy Toronto: University of Toronto Press
    • It can be argued that the notion of "global life" brings together the analytical insights from Marshall McLuhan's observations on the mass-mediated "global village" in The Gutenberg Galaxy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press)
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    • and the connectivity and all-inclusiveness of the term globality (Mike Featherstone, Genealogies of the Global, Time, Culture & Society, 23, Nos. 2/3 (2006), pp. 387-419).
    • and the connectivity and all-inclusiveness of the term "globality" (Mike Featherstone, "Genealogies of the Global", Time, Culture & Society, Vol. 23, Nos. 2/3 (2006), pp. 387-419).
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    • For an instance of a prescient empirical study (especially in the North American sense of this term) of the problem of establishing causality and predicting or controlling future events see Mark Blyth, Great Punctuations: Prediction, Randomness, and the Evolution of Comparative Political Science, American Political Science Review 100, No. 4 (2006), pp. 1-6.
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    • I am grateful to Reviewer 2 for this suggestion.
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    • Despite his criticism of complexity thinking, Waver unwittingly confirms its inkling that the cognitive structures of security need to be construed in terms that reflect the requirement to react as rarely as possible, and to avoid situations and relationships that would condemn one to suspend as it were, one's 'freedom' and initiative and to become a mere re-agent
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.