From domestic to global solidarity: The dialectic of the particular and universal in the building of social solidarity

Journal of Social Philosophy

Volumn 38, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 131-147

  Schwartz, Joseph M ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 51249160056     PISSN: 00472786     EISSN: 14679833     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9833.2007.00370.x     Document Type: Conference Paper

References (61)

1. See Michael Sandel, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982);
2. and Richard Rorty, Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), particularly chap. 9,
3. "Solidarity," 189-98.
4. See Charles Beitz, Political Theory and International Relations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999);
5. and Thomas Pogge, Realizing Rawls (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
6. For a recent, balanced evaluation of cutbacks in various European welfare states, see Jonas Pontusson, Inequality and Prosperity: Social Europe versus Liberal America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005).
7. Two useful analyses of the rise of global neo-liberalism are Jeff Faux, The Global Class War (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 2006);
8. and Robert Kuttner, Everything for Sale: The Virtues and Limits of Markets (New York: Alfed A. Knopf, 1997).
9. See Peter Kropotkin, Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution (New York: New York University Press, 1972).
10. See Carol Gould, "Conceptualizing Women's Human Rights," Globalizing Democracy and Human Rights (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), chap. 6;
11. Nancy Fraser, "Women, Welfare and the Politics of Need Interpretation," Unruly Practices (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), chap. 7;
12. and Anne Phillips, "Fraternity," Democracy and Difference (University Park, PA: The Penn State University Press, 1993), chap. 1.
13. Norman Geras, "Richard Rorty and the Righteous Among the Nations," in Solidarity in the Conversation of Humankind: The Ungroundable Liberalism of Richard Rorty (London: New Left Books, 1995), chap. 1.
14. Amy Gutmann, Identity in Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), 35-37.
15. Timothy Brennan makes a similar point by means of a dense post-Marxist critique of the limits of post-structuralist political theory. He holds that a shared political value can constitute a form of identity and community. See Timothy Brennan, Wars of Position: The Cultural Politics of Left and Right (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006).
16. See Anthony Appiah, Cosmpolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers (New York: W.W. Norton, 2006);
17. and Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny (New York: W.W. Norton, 2006), esp. chap. 8,
18. "Multiculturalism and Freedom."
19. Michael Walzer, "Security and Welfare," Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality (New York: Basic Books, 1983), chap. 3;
20. and Michael Walzer, "Politics in the Welfare State," in Essential Works of Socialism, ed. Irving Howe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1986), 454-79.
21. See Michael Walzer, On Toleration (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), 37-51, 66-71.
22. Walzer, Spheres of Justice, 84-90.
23. Rorty rests his "contingent" ethics on a seeming universal human aversion to suffering and humiliation. See Rorty, Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity, 189-98.
24. See Seyla Benhabib, The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents and Citizens (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
25. Charles Taylor, "Cross-Purposes: The Liberal-Communitarian Debate," in Liberalism and the Moral Life, ed. Nancy L. Rosenblum (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 159-82.
26. Iris Marion Young, Justice and the Politics of Difference (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), esp. chap. 1,
27. "Displacing the Distributive Paradigm."
28. James Morone, The Democratic Wish: Popular Participation and the Limits of American Government (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998).
29. See Michael Sandel, Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996), esp. chap. 8,
30. "Liberalism and the Keynesian Revolution," 250-73.
31. For this critique of Sandel, see Amy Gutmann, "Communitarian Critics of Liberalism," Philosophy and Public Affairs 14, no. 3 (1985): 308-22.
32. For paradigmatic works, see Wendy Brown, States of Injury (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995);
33. Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge, 1990);
34. and William E. Connolly, The Ethos of Pluralization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995).
35. Judith Butler, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence (London: Verso, 2004), esp. chap. 2,
36. "Violence, Mourning, Politics," 19-49 and chap. 5,
37. "Precarious Life," 128-51.
38. See Anna Shola Orloff, "The Political Origins of America's Belated Welfare State," in The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, eds. Anna Shola Orloff, Theda Skocpol, and Margaret Weir (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), 37-80.
39. See Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).
40. See Ira Katznelson, City Trenches: Urban Politics and the Patterning of Class in the United States (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981).
41. See Jill Quadagno, The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994).
42. For the classic statement of this view, see Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1955).
43. For the most thorough empirical and historical exploration of the factors behind "American exceptionalism," see Seymour Martin Lipset and Gary Marks, It Did Not Happen Here: Why Socialism Failed in the United States (NewYork: W.W. Norton and Co, 2000). The major problem with this work is its failure to examine the role racism played in preventing a coherent social democratic and labor politics from developing in the United States.
44. See William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor From Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980).
45. See Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 2005).
46. Theda Skocpol, Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civic Life (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003).
47. See William Julius Wilson, When Work Disappears (New York: Knopf, 1996).
48. I develop the argument that follows in the next two paragraphs in Joseph M. Schwartz, The Future of Democratic Equality: Rebuilding Social Solidarity in a Fragmented United States (New York: Routledge, forthcoming, Fall 2007).
49. Nearly twenty years ago, Thomas and Mary Byrne Edsall analyzed how Ronald Reagan used white working-class resentment toward affirmative action and means-tested social welfare programs to hive off sufficient "Reagan Democrats" (white workers who traditionally voted Democratic) to construct a new Republican presidential majority. See Thomas and Mary Byrne Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: Norton, 1991).
50. Pontusson, in Inequality and Prosperity, provides the most up-to-date and balanced evaluation of the evidence.
51. In particular, see chap. 8, "Welfare States in Retrenchment," 182-203.
52. For clear ethnographic evidence that the lives of low-wage single-parent working mothers with children are not qualitatively better (for them or their children) than single mothers not in the formal labor market (who almost invariably must subsidize inadequate Temporary Aid to Needy Families (TANF) with work-off-the-books), see Kathyrn Edin, Making Ends Meet: How Single Mothers Survive Welfare and Low-Wage Work (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1997).
53. Joan Tronto, Moral Boundaries: A Political Argument for an Ethic of Care (New York: Routledge, 1993).
54. Lydia Polgreen, "War's Chaos Steals Congo's Young by the Millions," The New York Times, July 30, 2006.
55. Luis Inacio da Silva, "Speech at the Plenary Meeting of the 61st Un General Assemby," New York, September 19, 2006, http://www.brazil.org.uk/ newsandmedia/sp20060919.html.
56. For a rigorous outline of a democratic politics of multiculturalism, see Gould, Globalizing Democracy, esp. chap. 5,
57. "Cultural Identity, Group Rights, and Social Ontology," and chap. 6,
58. "Conceptualizing Women's Human Rights."
59. See Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontents (New York: W.W. Norton, 2002);
60. George Soros, The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered (New York: Public Affairs, 1998);
61. and Felix Rohatyn's numerous recent essays over the past decade in The New York Review of Books.