Food gifts, the household and the politics of exchange in early modern England

Past and Present

Volumn 199, Issue 1, 2008, Pages 41-70

  Heal, Felicity ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 47549116598     PISSN: 00312746     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/pastj/gtn002     Document Type: Article

References (182)

1. Richard III, III. iv. Quotation at 1. 34.
2. Collected Works of Thomas More, ii, The History of King Richard III, ed. Richard Standish Sylvester (New Haven, 1963),47.
3. The most convincing account of the fall of Lord Hastings is given by Charles T.Wood, 'Richard III, William, Lord Hastings and Friday the Thirteenth', in Ralph A. Griffiths and James Sherborne (eds.), Kings and Nobles in the Later Middle: A Tribute to Charles Ross (Gloucester, 1986). I am grateful to Alexander Grant for Drawing this to my attention.
4. The most important work for the early modern period is 'Natalie Zemon Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Oxford, 2000).
5. Also of significance for France is Sharon Kettering, Patrons, Brokers, and Clients in Seventeenth-Century France (New York and Oxford, 1986)
6. see also Sharon Kettering, 'Gift-Giving and Patronage in Early Modern France', French Hist., ii (1988).
7. For Italy, see Jane Fair Bestor, 'Marriage Transactions in Renaissance Italy and Mauss's Essay on the Gift', Past and Present, no 164 (Aug. 1999).
8. The medievalists have also pursued the topic: See Gadi Algazi, Valentine Groebner and Bernhard Jussen (eds.), Negotiating the Gift: Pre-Modern Figurations of Exchange (Göttingen, 2003)
9. Valentin Groebrier, Liquid Assets, Dangerous Gifts: Presents and Politics at the End of the Middle Ages, trans. Pamela E. Selwyn (Philadelphia, 2002)
10. Esther Cohen and Mayke B. de Jong (eds.), Medieval Transformations: Texts, Power, and Gifts in Context (Leiden, 2000)
11. Jutta M. Huesmann, 'Hospitality at the Court of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, c. 1435-1467' (Univ. of Oxford D.Phil. thesis, 2001).
12. or England the field was opened up more than a decade ago by Linda Levy Peck, in her Court Patronage and Corruption in Early Stuart England (London, 1990), and especially in her essay '"For a King Not to Be Bountiful Were a Fault": Perspective on Court Patronage in Early Stuart England', Jl Brit. Studies, XXV (1986).
13. For a discussion embracing a broader range of social history, see Ilana Krausman Ben-Amos, The Culture of Giving: Informal Support and Gift-Exchange in Early Modern England Cambridge, 2008).
14. There is a vast anthropological literature: Particularly significant recent collections are Aafke E. Komter (ed.), The Gift: An Interdisciplinary Perspective (Amsterdam, 1996)
15. Mark Osteen (ed.), The Question ofthe Gift: Essays across Disciplines (London, 2002).
16. The most important sociological contribution in the last decade is that of Helmuth Berking, Sociology of Giving, trans. Patrick Camiller (London, 1999)
17. see also the influential essay by Arjun Appadurai, 'Introduction: Commodities and the Politics of Value, in Arjun Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge, 1986).
18. Literary approaches are in general to be found in essays, but see also Lewis Hyde, The Gift: Imagination and the Erotic Life of Property (New York, 1979)
19. Lorna Hutson, The Usurer's Daughter: Male Friendship and Fictions of Women in Sixteenth-Century England (London, 1994)
20. Patricia Fumerton, Cultural Aesthetics: Renaissance Literature and the Practice of Social Ornament (Chicago, 1991).
21. Phebe Lowell Bowditch, Horace and the Gift Economy of Patronage Berkeley, (2001), uses gift theories in a much earlier literary context.
22. Marcel Mauss, The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies, trans. Ian Cunnison (London, 1969).
23. An important example of the shift is criticism of Mauss's key emphasis on the 'spirit of the gift', now more usually argued to be 'the spirit conveyes by the gift': Osteen (ed.), Question of the Gift, 4 (editor's introduction).
24. See, especially, Osteen (ed.), Question of the Gift, editor's introduction; Algazi, Groebner and Jusen (eds.), Negotiating the Gift editors' introduction.
25. This is argued with particular effectiveness by Igor Kopytoff, Τhe Cultural Biography of Things: Commoditization as Process', in Appadurai (ed.), Social Life of Things. A good example is the case of Bishop Sandys's clock. This had been bought by Edward VI, given as a gift to his tutor Sir John Cheke, and then apparently left to the bishop in a will. In 1563 Sandys turned it into a New Year gift for Sir William Cecil: In the process of transmission the clock had accumulated powerful syrn. bolic value attached to the Protestant succession: Original Letters illustrative of English History, 1st ser., ed. Henry Ellis, 3 vols. (London, 1824), ii, 195.
26. Davis, Gift in Sixteenth-Century, 14-15.
27. ibid., 23.
28. Berking, Sociology of Giving, 71 ff.
29. Felicity Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1990).
30. For the use of these multiplied food gestures in Algeria, see Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, 1977), 7-8.
31. It is interesting, however, that the major classical guide on the ethics of gifts argues that the gift should be as imperishable as possible, as a durable reminder of the giver: De beneficiis, in Seneca, Moral Essays, ed. and trans. John W. Basore, 3 vols. (London, 1928-35), iii, 39.
32. She describes commodities in general as 'good for thinking', and adds, 'treat them as a nonverbal medium for the human creative faculty': Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods: Towards an Anthropology of Consumption (London, 1979), 62.
33. Davis, Gift in Sixteenth-Century France, 57
34. Judith M. Bennett, 'Conviviality and Charity in Medieval and Early Modern England', Past and Present, no. 134 (Feb. 1992)
35. Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England (London, 1971), 661-4.
36. Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England, 304-12.
37. For an important example of how this operates in the relations between corporations and their patrons, see Catherine F. Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England: Corporate Boroughs, the Landed Elite, and the Crown, 1580-1640 (Stanford, 1999), esp. 15-21, 162-4.
38. See also Kettering, 'Gift-Giving and Patronage'.
39. On these for France, see Davis, Gift in Sixteenth-Century France, ch. 1.
40. For England, Christian attitudes are explored in Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England, 3-16
41. s The Boke Named the Governour (London, 1531, STC 7635) and in translations of Seneca's De beneficiis, see Felicity Heal, 'Concepts of Generosity in Early Modern England', in Jacqueline Hill and Colm Lennon (eds.). Luxury and Austerity (Dublin, 1999)
42. Peck, Court Patronage and Corruption in Early Stuart England, 12-29.
43. Desiderius Erasmus, Adagia, I. 3. 35, 20; IV. 1. 5; I. 3. 18, trans. Margaret Mann Phillips, in Collected Works of Erasmus (Toronto, 1982).
44. The Babees Book, ed. Frederick J. Furnivall (Early Eng. Text Soc., original ser., xxxii, London, 1868), 102.
45. r.
46. Henry Crosse, Vertues Common-Wealth (London, 1603, STC 6070), sigs. ki-kiii. These examples, and many others on the duties of giving, draw heavily on Seneca.
47. See, especially, Seneca, De beneficiis, ed. traus. Basore, iii, 116-25.
48. Household Accounts from Medieval England, ed. C. M. Woolgar, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1992), i, chs. 3-4.
49. It is interesting that a number of the most systematic records of household gifts are those kept in person by the head of household, rather than by officials: See, for example, the Hardwick volume kept by Bess in the later 1590s: Chatsworth Estate, Derbyshire, Hardwick Bk 8. For Sir William More's New Year gift lists, see Surrey History Centre, Woking (hereafter SHC), LM 1776.
50. Craig Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England (Basingstoke, 1998), esp. 129-51, offers the most important analysis of the system of credit and exchange based on social trust that characterized early modern England.
51. On the relationship between gifts and the specific market in services, see Davis, Gift in Sixteenth-Century France, ch. 4.
52. This essentially describes the situation in the great household of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. See The Household Papers of Henry Percy, Ninth Earl of Northumberland, 1564-1632, ed. G. R. Batho (Camden Soc., 3rd ser., xciii, London, 1962), pp. xxxiv xlii.
53. For the shift from earlier patterns of accounting, especially in relation to the role of the steward, see Household Accounts from Medieval England, ed. Woolgar, i, ch. 4.
54. For an excellent summary of the recording of foods in the household accounts, see Joan Thirsk, Food in Early Modern England: Phases, Fads and Fashions, 1500-1760 (London, 2007), 43-9. This volume appeared too late to be taken into account fully for this article.
55. Household Papers of Henry Percy, ed. Batho, 68-9; Alnwick Castle, Northumberland, MS U I.1, Kitchen Roll 1575.
56. Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy: 1558-1641 (Oxford, 1965), appendix XIV.
57. r.
58. SHC, LM 1776/1-30. These lists run from 1561 to 1591 in an almost unbroken sequence, and are then followed by a second series more fully integrated with More's general accounts: LM 1087/1 and 2. His son Sir George continued the practice, and there is fragmentary recording as late as 1648: LM 1776/33-5; LM 1327/11.
59. See the Willoughbys of Wollaton: Gifts are listed by manor, and a short category of 'strangers', that is outsiders, is added at the end: Nottingham University Library, Mi I, 17/1. There is a late example for the Warwickshire Leighs of Stoneleigh for the last twenty years of the seventeenth century: Shakespeare Birthplace Trust, Stratford-upon-Avon, DR 18/3/47/56.
60. Essex Record Office, Chelmsford, D/DP, A12; Huntington Library, San Marino, California, HAF Box 9 (8) - these accounts are for the end of the 1620s.
61. Essex Record Office, D/DP, A13. On the relationship between the tenant feast and the 'gestum' (i.e. the entertainment given to villeins in return for carrying services), see Heal, Hospitality in Early Modern England, 74-7.
62. Norfolk Record Office, Norwich (hereafter NRO), LEST P7.
63. Peter Bowden, 'Agricultural Prices, Farm Profits and Rents', in Joan Thirsk (ed.), Agrarian History of England and Wales, iv, 1500-1640 (Cambridge, 1967), 682-3.
64. Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy, 301-2, cites numerous examples but questions whether the practice was on the increase.
65. D. M. Palliser, The Age of Elizabeth: England under the Later Tudors, 1547-1603 (London, 1983), 154.
66. r-v. Sir Nicholas Bacon was one of those who solved most of his grain needs by taking corn etc. as part of his lease agreements with his larger farmers: Alan Simpson, The Wealth of the Gentry, 1540-1660 (Cambridge, 1963). 81-2.
67. National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth (hereafter NLW), Powis Castle MS 19938
68. Carreg-Lwvd, 1st ser., MS 2293. Some small rents could be entirely taken in kind: See the lease made by Dame Frances Harvey that required Thomas Wood to bring her two fat capons at Christmas and send a dish of fish each quarter day: Historical Manuscripts Commission (hereafter HMC), 7th Report, 593.
69. Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy, 300-1.
70. The Diaries of Lady Anne Clifford, ed. D. J. H. Clifford (Stroud, 1990), 102. It is possible that this was a collusive action designed to test the limits of Lady Anne's rights, since Mr Murgatroyd was a loyal friend and servant to her in later life - I owe this suggestion to Clive Holmes.
71. BL, Harlein MS 4782: It is interesting that this technique identified a number of individuals who owed rent in kind, but also gave 'free' gifts. Lady Alice Le Strange, who kept the family accounts for a whole generation from 1609, distinguished between rent, tithe and gift for a period from 1615, but when the accounts resume after a gap in 1630, she has ceased to do so: NRO, LEST P6-8.
72. NLW, Powis Castle MS 19938.
73. NLW, Carreg-Lwyd, 1st ser., MS 2293.
74. Donald Lupton, London and the Country Carbonadoed and Quartered (1632), in The Harleian Miscellany: A Collection of Scarce, Curious and Entertaining Pamphlets and Tracts Found in the Earl of Oxford's Library, ed. William Oldys, 12 vols. (London, 1744-6), ix, 326-7.
75. r.
76. William Perkins, Dialogue of the State of a Christian Man, in his Workes (Cambridge, 1603, STC 19647), 472.
77. For this repertoire of exchange in action, see Davis's comments on the Sire de Gouberville and his tenants: Davis, Gift in Sixteenth-Century France, 68-70.
78. The Correspondence of Lady Katherine Paston, 1603-1627, ed. Ruth Hughey (Norfolk Record Soc., xiv, London, 1941), 62. The letter is dated 18 November 1623.
79. Longleat, Misc., bk 2.
80. NRO, LEST P6-8.
81. Laquita M. Higgs, Godliness and Governance in Tudor Colchester (Ann Arbor, 1998),51.
82. NRO, LEST Q37
83. r.
84. v.
85. For an important discussion of food offerings and urban values, see Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, 20-1.
86. See also pp. 59-60 below.
87. Gervase Holles, Memorials of the Holles Family, 1493-1656, ed. A. C. Wood (Camden Soc., 3rd ser., 1v, London, 1937), 46.
88. v.
89. Early Stuart Household Accounts, ed. Lionel M. Munby (Hertfordshire Record Pubns, ii, [Hitchin], 1986), 175-7. Sir John Jennings of Sandridge, Hertfordshire, was later MP for St Albans; Lady Winwood of Ditton, Buckinghamshire, was a friend of the Sussexes; Robert Carey, first earl of Monmouth, lived at Denham, Buckinghamshire.
90. One of the best of the printed lists giving extensive details of this type of exchange is Selections from the Household Books of Lord William Howard of Naworth Castle, ed. George Ornsby (Surtees Soc., lxviii, Durham, 1878).
91. Though there is a remarkable comment in a letter of thanks from the queen to the earl of Hertford, transmitted by Lady Knightly, acknowledging the gift of a good doe, pheasant and bread: HMC, Bath iv, 159.
92. An exception is the evidence of gifts given to Wolsey in just one month of 1529, which include fourteen 'beeves', mainly from monastic houses: Letters and Papers (Foreign and Domestic) of the Reign of Henry VIII iv, pt 3, p. 2546. Veal was a more common offering.
93. NLW, Wynn MS 410. One common form of exchange between elite neighbours and kin was of seeds, or fruit trees and grafts. These often feature in seventeenth-century stewards' accounts as significant as food gifts, and gratitude for gifts of rare garden products is a common feature of gentry correspondence. They raise issues that are very similar to food exchange, but also interesting questions about changing tastes and priorities. Unfortunately there is no space to consider them separately here.
94. See Ken Albala, Eating Right in the Renaissance (Berkeley, 2002).
95. Thomas Elyot, The Castel of Helth (London, 1539, STC 7642.7)
96. Andrew Boorde, A Compendyous Regyment or a Dyetary of Helth, ed. F. J. Furnivall (Early Eng. Text Soc., extra ser., x, 1870)
97. Henry Buttes, Dyets Dry Dinner (London, 1599, STC 4207)
98. Thomas Moffett, Healths Improvement: Or, Rules Comprizing and Discovering the Nature, Method, and Manner of Preparing All Sorts of Food Used in This Nation (c. 1599) (London, 1655).
99. Boorde, Compendyous Regyment or a Dyetary of Helth, ed. Furnivall, 268, 270, 273.
100. Moffett, Healths Improvement, 97-8, makes some concession on quails, which taken young could be counted dainty.
101. Note the contrast here with the pattern revealed for a slightly earlier period in Chris Woolgar's study of three East Anglian households of the fourteenth century. No gifts of venison were recorded, indeed it is not mentioned in any of the accounts, and, beyond the ubiquitous capons, the most common offerings were swans and fish, including salted herring: Chris Woolgar, 'Diet and Consumption in Gentry and Noble Households: A Case Study from around the Wash', in Rowena E. Archer and Simon Walker (eds.), Rulers and Ruled in Late Medieval England: Essays Presented to Gerald Harriss (London, 1995).
102. Boorde, Compendyous Regyment or a Dyetary of Helth, ed. Furnivall, 274-5.
103. Roger B. Manning, Hunters and Poachers: A Social and Cultural History of Unlawful Hunting in England, 1485-1640 (Oxford, 1993), esp. chs. 1 and 5
104. Dan Beaver, 'The Great Deer Massacre: Animals, Honor, and Communication in Early Modern England', Jl Brit. Studies, xxxviii (1999).
105. For another good example of the status importance of the park, but the difficulty of maintaining it in the mid seventeenth century, see Sir Edward Dering's remembrancer book for his Kentish estates: Folger Shakespeare Lib., MS V.b.296.
106. Boorde, Compendyous Regyment or a Dyetary of Helth, ed. Furnivall, 275
107. Moffett, Healths Improvement, 74.
108. William Harrison, The Description of England: The Classic Contemporary Account of Tudor Social Life (1587), 2nd edn, ed. Georges Edelen (Washington DC, 1994), 255.
109. The Journal of Prior William More, ed. Ethel S. Fegan (Worcs. Hist. Soc., London, 1914).
110. Chatsworth Estate, Hardwick Bk 1
111. Alnwick, NIS U.I.1, Pursebearer's account, 1585-6.
112. HMC, Rutland, i, 115, 149, 224, 325, 329.
113. BL, Add. MS 27451, fos. 11-25
114. Add. Ch. 16554
115. Add. Roll 17745.
116. For an analysis of the recipients and their status, see Diarmaid MacCulloch, Suffolk and the Tudors: Politics and Religion in an English County, 1500 1600 (Oxford, 1986), 56-7.
117. HMC, Rutland, i, 267.
118. For the identity of the recipients, see ibid., iv, 394.
119. Beaver, 'Great Deer Massacre', 193-7.
120. See also Dan Beaver, '"Bragging and Daring Words": Honour, Property and the Symbolism of the Hunt in Stowe, 1590-1642', in Michael J. Braddick and John 'Walter (eds.), Negotiating Power in Early Modern Society: Order, Hierarchy and Subordination in Britain and Ireland (Cambridge, 2001).
121. Patterson, Urban Patronage in Early Modern England, esp. chs. 1 and 6.
122. See also Heal. Hospitality in Early Modern England, ch. 8.
123. Ian W. Archer, The Pursuit of Stability: Social Relations in Elizabethan London (Cambridge, 1991), 117.
124. The Loseley Manuscripts: Manuscripts and Other Rare Documents Illustrative of Some of the Minute Particulars of English History, Biography and Manners, from the Reign of Henry VIII to that of Fames I ed. Alfred John Kempe (London, 1835), 160.
125. 'Asking' was also a significant part of ordinary exchange in the village - leading to the tensions created by denial of a request that feature in witchcraft cases. See n. 14 above.
126. HMC, Various Collections, ii, 238-9, 248.
127. Stradling Correspondence: A Series of Letters ... Written in the Reign of Quenn Elizabeth, ed.J.M. Traherne (London, 1840), 26.
128. Folger Shakespeare Lib., MSS L.b.599-603, 605. The surviving letters are from the period 1579-87.
129. Berking, Sociology of Giving, 24, suggests that this 'resource deficit' intensifies the burden of gratitude that an inferior recipient carries.
130. The cost of receiving the judges was a source of tension, especially for those liable to be made sheriff, in this period. In 1574 the Privy Council ordered that sheriffs should be relieved of the charges of diet. However, the pressure to offer generous gifts continued, and was felt by most of the county elites directly involved in the assizes. The consequences are well documented, especially in the expenses notebooks of Peter Walmsly: "The Expenses of the Judges of Assize Riding the Western and Oxford Circuits, Temp. Elizabeth 1596-1601', ed. William Durrant Cooper, Camden Miscellany: Volume the Fourth (Camden Soc., 1st ser., lxxiii, London, 1859). The special account prepared by Sir John Wynn for entertaining the assize judges at Denbigh in 1606 offers an interesting comparison from the perspective of the sheriff. Each day about ten gifts were received, and the townsmen of Denbigh provided £5 towards the cost: NLW, Wynn MS 410.
131. Huntington Lib., Egerton MS EL; printed in The Egerton Papers: A Collection of Public and Private Documents, Chiefly Illustrative of the Times of Elizabeth and James I, ed. J. Payne Collier (Camden Soc., 1st ser., xii, London, 1840), 350-2.
132. Daniel Lysons and Samuel Lysons, Magna Britannia, 6 vols. (London, 1806-22), vi, 566-7.
133. 'An Account of Presents Received at the Wedding of Richard Polsted and Elizabeth More', ed. John Evans, Archaeologia, xxxvi (1855).
134. Similar lists survive for the first readings at the Inns of Court, the most notable of which is a listing by James Whitelocke in his Liber Famelicus. For his reading in 1619 he was given one stag, eightythree bucks and five warrants for game, plus many other 'gifts', but the rewards amounted to £130: Liber Famelicus of Sir James Whitelocke, a Judge of the Court of Kings Bench in the Reigns of James I and Charles I ed. John Bruce (Camden Soc., 1st ser., lxx, London, 1858), 70-3.
135. r.
136. Clifford Letters of the Sixteenth Century, ed. A. G. Dickens (Surtees Soc., clxxii, Durham, 1962), 106-7.
137. r.
138. Susan E. Whyman, Sociability and Power in Late-Stuart England: The Cultural Worlds of the Verneys, 1660-1720 (Oxford, 1999), 23-7.
139. Hainsworth points out that gifts to London could be used by household officials to conceal moneys they were required to transmit to their masters: D. R. Hainsworth, Lords and People: The Estate Steward and his World in Later Stuart England (Cambridge, 1992), 77-80.
140. Chatsworth Estate, Hardwick Bk 8, fo. 124.
141. Folger Shakespeare Lib., MS X.d.428, no. 39.
142. SHC, LM 6729/7/67, 7/107, 9/94.
143. John T. Noonan Jr, Bribes (New York, 1984), esp. chs. 11-12
144. Davis, Gift in Sixteenth-Century France, 148.
145. The Berkeley Manuscripts: The Lives of the Berkeleys, Lords of the Honour, Castle and Manor of Berkeley, in the County of Gloucester, from 1066 to 1618, ed. John Maclean, 3 vols. (Bristol and Gloucs. Archaeol. Soc., iv, Gloucester, 1883), ii, 287. The effectiveness of Henry's strategy might be questioned in view of his interminable, and not very successful, lawsuits.
146. r.
147. r.
148. Clifford Letters, ed. Dickens, 106-7.
149. The Lisle Letters, ed. Muriel St. Clare Byrne, 6 vols. (Chicago, 1981).
150. Also Charlotte V. Mann, '"My Lord Lysles Man": Service, Household and Identity in Sixteenth-Century Letters' (Univ. of Melbourne Ph.D. thesis, 2002), ch. 3.
151. On gifts and Elizabeth progresses, see Felicity Heal, 'Giving and Receiving on Royal Progress', in Jayne Elisabeth Archer, Elizabeth Goldring and Sarah Knight (eds.), The Progresses, Pageants and Entertainments of Queen Elizabeth I (Oxford, 2007)
152. Peck, Court Patronage and Corruption in Early Stuart England, chs. 7-8.
153. Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince, trans. George Bull (Harmondsworth, 1961), 29.
154. Among many examples of New Year giving, one would single out the only surviving Marian list, for 1557, that includes many food items and has such normal offerings as geese, capons, turkey hens and swans from some of the gentlewomen: BL, Add. MS 62525; SHC, LM 6729/7/122. This latter example is a fascinating case of gifts in motion - the queen passed the partridges to Elizabeth Woolley for her father Sir William More, who was sick, only to have them 'begged' from her by Sir Robert Cecil. It was, of course, More who was required to thank the queen.
155. v.
156. Privy Purse Expences of King Henry the Eighth: From November MDXXIX, to December MDXXXII, ed. Nicholas Harris Nicolas (London, 1827).
157. HMC, Salisbury, ii, 227.
158. Lisle Letters, ed. Byrne, iii, 395, 500; iv, 145, 306, 391-2; v, 281, 492.
159. Letters and Papers ... of the Reign of Henry VIII, xvi, 782.
160. Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, Daughter of King Henry the Eighth, afterwards Queen Mary, ed. Frederic Madden (London, 1831).
161. Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, 1558-1561, 1584-1586, ed. Simon Adams (Camden Soc., 5th ser., vi, Cambridge, 1995), 42, 49, 155.
162. For a similar analysis of Henry VIII's privy purse expenditure, see Thirst, Food in Early Modern England, 19-22.
163. Desiderata Curiosa: Or, A Collection of Divers Scarce and Curious Pieces, Relating Chiefly to Matters of English History, ed. Francis Peck, 2 vols. (London, 1779), i, 49.
164. HMC, Salisbury, v, 479.
165. Ibid., vii, 517.
166. Peck, Court Patronage and Corruption in Early Stuart England, 20-2.
167. Letters and Papers...of the Reing of Henry VIII, iv, pt 3, p. 5701.
168. Such small food offerings were still made by members of the royal household at New Year in the late 1630s: BL, Harleian Roll T 2. The royal gardener, John Rose, was painted (possibly by Hendrick Danckerts) presenting a pineapple to Charles II in the 1670s. The original painting is at Houghton House, Bedfordshire.
169. See, for example, George Goring sending Sir Robert Cecil 'country provisions' from Danny in Sussex in 1598: HMC, Salisbury, viii, 279.
170. For the gifts to the diplomatic corps, see Ceremonies of Charles I: The Note Books of John Finet Master of Ceremonies, 1628-1641, ed. Albert J. Loomie (New York, 1987), esp. 37-9.
171. But also see above, at n. 81, for the example of gifts given on the 1625 progress: Lysons and Lysons, Magna Britannia, vi, 566-7.
172. Peck, Court Patronage and Corruption in Early Stuart England, 161 ff., makes the most powerful case for this change.
173. Whitelocke, Liber Famelicus, 32.
174. A Royalist's Notebook: The Commonplace Book of Sir John Oglander, Kt., of Nunwell, Born 1585, Died 1655, ed. Francis Bamford (London, 1936), 4-5.
175. And Hainsworth suggests that by the later seventeenth century, when the economic climate was unfavourable to landlords, the New Year food gift as rent had become 'derisory': Hainsworth, Stewards, Lords and People 53.
176. Whyman, Sociability and Power, 87-8.
177. The Works of the Most Reverend Father in God, William Laud, ed. William Scott and James Bliss, 7 vols. (Oxford, 1847-60), vi, 379. I am most grateful to Clive Holmes for pointing out this letter.
178. Hainsworth, Stewards, Lords and People, 122.
179. Whyman, Sociability and Power, 23-33.
180. The Journal of Giles Moore, 1656-1679, ed. Ruth Bird (Sussex Record Soc., lxviii, Lewes, 1971)
181. 'The Account Book of Timothy Burrell', ed. Robert Willis Blencowe, Sussex Archaeol. Collections, iii (1850).
182. Shakespeare Birthplace Trust, DR 18/3/47/56.