Women between tradition and change: The justice and development party experience in Turkey

Middle Eastern Studies

Volumn 44, Issue 3, 2008, Pages 455-469

  Ci̧tak, Zana ^a   Tur, Ozlem ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

POLITICAL DISCOURSE; POLITICAL IDEOLOGY; POLITICAL PARTICIPATION; WOMENS ORGANIZATION; WOMENS STATUS;

EURASIA; TURKEY;

EID: 46649114788     PISSN: 00263206     EISSN: 17437881     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00263200802021616     Document Type: Article

References (82)

1. For a detailed account of the 2002 elections see S. Özel, 'Turkey at the Polls: After the Tsunami', Journal of Democracy, Vol.14 (2003), pp.80-94;
2. Z. Ö nis and F. Keyman, 'Turkey at the Polls: A New Path Emerges', Journal of Democracy, Vol.14 (2003), pp.95-107;
3. S. Cos ar and A. Özman, 'Centreright Politics in Turkey after the November 2002 General Election: Neo-liberalism with a Muslim Face', Contemporary Politics, Vol.10 (2004), pp.57-74.
4. For an evaluation of the emergence and subsequent experience in power of the JDP, see A. Insel, 'The AKP and Normalizing Democracy in Turkey', The South Atlantic Quarterly, Vol.102 (2003), pp.293-309;
5. S. Tepe, 'Turkey's AKP: A Model "Muslim-Democratic" Party?', Journal of Democracy, Vol.16 (2005), pp.69-82;
6. I.D. Daǧgi, 'Transformation of Islamic Political Identity in Turkey: Rethinking theWest and Westernization', Turkish Studies, Vol.6 (2005), pp.21-37;
7. M. Heper, 'The Justice and Development Party Government and the Military in Turkey', Turkish Studies, Vol.6 (2005), pp.215-31;
8. F. Atacan, 'Explaining Religious Politics at the Crossroad: AKP-SP', Turkish Studies, Vol.6 (2005), pp.187-99;
9. B. Toprak, 'Islamand Democracy in Turkey', Turkish Studies, Vol.6 (2005), pp.167-86;
10. Ş. Mardin, 'Turkish Islamic Exceptionalism Yesterday and Today: Continuity, Rupture and Reconstruction in Operational Codes', Turkish Studies, Vol.6 (2005), pp.145-65;
11. T.W. Smith, 'Between Allah andAtatárk: Liberal Islam in Turkey', The International Journal of Human Rights, Vol.9 (2005), pp.307-25;
12. M.J. Patton, 'The Economic Policies of Turkey's AKP Government: Rabbits from a Hat?', Middle East Journal, Vol.60 (2006), pp.513-36;
13. M. Činar, 'Turkey's Transformation under the AKP Rule', The Muslim World, Vol.96 (2006), pp.469-86,
14. G. Cavdar, 'Islamist New Thinking in Turkey: A Model for Political Learning?', Political Science Quarterly, Vol.121 (2006), pp.477-97;
15. M.H. Yavuz (ed.), The Emergence of a New Turkey: Democracy and the AK Parti (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2006).
16. There are a couple of studies that focus on the question of women and the JDP. See for example E. Sözen, 'Gender Politics of the JDP', inM.H. Yavuz (ed.), The Emergence of a New Turkey: Democracy and the AK Parti (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2006), pp.258-80;
17. S. Tepe, 'A Pro-Islamic Party? Promises and Limits of Turkey's Justice and Development Party', in M.H. Yavuz (ed.), The Emergence of a New Turkey: Democracy and the AK Parti (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2006), pp.107-35. Sultan Tepe's study, while not focusing exclusively on the woman question, provides the most comprehensive account available in the literature.
18. 21 in-depth interviews have been conducted with mostly women MPs and members of the Women's Branches in five cities (Sakarya, Ankara, Konya, Kirikkale and Čorum) from April to July 2006. This article covers the JDP government's record from November 2002 to April 2007.
19. For the proposal given at the Parliament to establish this commission, see http://www.tbmm.gov.tr/komisyon/toren̂ayeti/onerge.htm. For the activities of the commission see the daily Sabah, 10 March 2007. Fatma S ahin also gave information on this issue during an interview with the authors on 28 April 2006.
20. For information on the project, see http://iogm.meb.gov.tr/ pages.php?page=projects&id=4.
21. Nevertheless, the JDP refrained from inserting a provision in the Constitution on the necessity of 'positive discrimination' for women in order to ensure gender equality in line with CEDAW.
22. For details of the legal changes see the website of the Directorate General on the Status of Women: http://www.kssgm.gov.tr/.
23. While these educational activities including seminars on a wide range of subjects are presented as providing political education for women by the leadership of the party, they might also be considered as a way of socializing these women. Most women, particularly those who live in smaller provinces, have especially mentioned how these seminars, conferences, trips and charity works have helped them get to know each other and experience new things and visit new places. For most of the members of the JDP's Women Branches, providing social services and charity constitute an important part of their activities. Some members perceive these activities as their major function. In fact, having had previous experience in civil society organizations, some women see the women's branches as yet another, though more e.cient, way of reaching the poor and the needy. One of the most important functions of the women's branches is to campaign during the election period. Trying to get votes for the party is crucial to the JDP'sWomen Branches. However, unlike the Ladies' Commissions of the Welfare Party this is not the main reason of their existence. For a detailed study on Welfare Party's Ladies' Commissions, see Arat, Rethinking Islam and Liberal Democracy: Islamist Women in Turkish Politics (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005).
24. By the 'JDP women', the authors mainly refer to the women interviewed during the field research.
25. For the argument about the Welfare Party, see ibid.
26. However, even within the party elite, one could at times observe a relative absence of enthusiasm to women's participation in politics. The head of the Parliamentary Commission on the Constitution, Burhan Kuzu stated that the reality is 'unfortunately' di.erent: There is a negative perception in society vis-à-vis 'female MPs who come back home after midnight due to long working hours at the Parliament'. See 'Her yer Etiler deǧgil' [Everywhere is not Etiler], Milliyet (daily , 3 May 2004.
27. A similar argument has been made by Sultan Tepe. Tepe, 'A Pro-Islamic Party?', pp.123-5.
28. http://www.akparti.org.tr/haber.asp?haber_id=16632&kategori=1.
29. Interview with Selma Kavaf, 28 April 2006.
30. Some of the interviewees have been puzzled when asked whether it is not unjust to look for quality, e.ort and work only for women while there are many unquali.ed and unsuitable men who are engaged in politics. Nevertheless, one could observe an internalization of the discourse of the party on the matter of quotas by the women members.
31. This point was repeated by the JDP members during the interviews.
32. These two terms are often used interchangibly.
33. The JDP currently has 11 female MPs out of 363, reduced from an initial 13. According to the Internal Statute of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, there are no MPs with a headscarf. Thus, the JDP had to put on the election candidate list women without a headscarf. There are three women members out of the 20-member Central Executive Committee of the JDP and none of them wears a headscarf. There are 12 female members in the 51-member Central Legislative and Executive Committee and again 12 women out of 55 members of the Party's Founding Committee. About half of these female members in these last two committees wear a headscarf. Around 65 per cent of the heads of the Women's Branches wear a headscarf. This percentage increases in the lower echelons of the party.
34. Arat, Rethinking Islam and Liberal Democracy.
35. Čavdar, 'Islamist New Thinking in Turkey', p.485.
36. Case of Leyla Šahin vs. Turkey (Application no. 44774/98), 29 June 2004.
37. Etyen Mahc upyan, quoted in Y. Akdogan, 'The Meaning of Conservative Democratic Identity', in M.H. Yavuz (ed.), The Emergence of a New Turkey: Democracy and the AK Parti (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2006), p.58.
38. William Hale mentions Erdogan's statement in an interview in December 2002. W. Hale, 'Christian Democracy and the JDP: Parallels and Contrasts', in Yavuz (ed.), The Emergence of a New Turkey, p.66.
39. Erdoǧgan reiterated that 'such characterizations as an "'Islamic party" or as "'Muslim democrat" are not correct'. Tepe, 'A Pro-Islamic Party?', pp.118-19.
40. Hale, 'Christian Democracy and the JDP', pp.58-9. Hale discusses whether conservative democracy of the JDP could be called Muslim democracy and compared to the tradition of Christian democracy in Europe.
41. R.T. Erdoǧgan, 'Preface', in Y. Akdoǧgan, AK Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi [JDP and Conservative Democracy], 2004. Accessed at http://www.akparti.org.tr/muhafazakar.doc.
42. Tepe, 'A Pro-Islamic Party?', p.120.
43. Çinar, 'Turkey's Transformation Under the AKP Rule', p.471.
44. Akdoǧan, AK Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi.
45. Ibid.
46. Tepe, 'A Pro-Islamic Party?', p.120.
47. The JDP Party Programme, Heading 2.5. 'Democratization and Civil Society' can be accessed at http://www.akparti.org.tr.
48. 'Zina kadinin derdi' [Adultery is a women's problem], Sabah (daily), 1 September 2004.
49. 'Kadin Bakan Aks it: Zina suc u uygundur' [The Female Minister Akşit: The criminalization of adultery is appropriate], Sabah, 2 September 2004.
50. Italics are added by the authors. 'Kadinlara yakis madi' [This is not an appropriate behaviour for women], Sabah, 25 September 2004.
51. 'Ak Parti zinadan geri adim atmadi' [JDP did not step back from adultery bill], Sabah, 9 September 2004;
52. 'Karadenizli kadinlar inim inim inliyor' [Black Sea Women are deeply su.ering], Sabah, 14 September 2004;
53. 'Bakan: Zina ruh saǧliǧini bozar' [Minister: Adultery spoils spiritual health], Sabah, 12 September 2004;
54. 'Kadinin hakkini koruyoruz' [We are protecting women's rights], Sabah 8 September 2004.
55. Akdoǧan, AK Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi. The JDP's Party Programme under the heading 2.4 'Law and Justice' and 2.5 'Democratization and Civil Society'.
56. 'Avrupa'dan zina uyarisi' [Warning from the EU on adultery], Sabah 4 September 2004;
57. 'AB'den sert uyari' [Harsh warning from the EU], Sabah, 13 September 2004.
58. Akdoǧan, AK Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi.
59. 'Erdoǧan: Kadini özel alana hapseden baskici anlayişlar asla medeni olamaz' [Erdoǧan: Those oppressive ideas that imprison women to the private sphere can never be civilized], Zaman (daily), 20 February 2006.
60. Headscarf covering the hair, neck and shoulders.
61. The veil, covering the full body except for the face or sometimes even the face.
62. Akdoǧan, AK Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi.
63. Ibid.
64. Siyaset ve Kalite Yönetimi [Politics and Quality Management], Presidency of the JDP Women's Branches, n.d.
65. Akdoǧan, AK Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi.
66. Ibid.
67. 'Evlilik serti.kasi almayanin nikahi kiyilmayacak!' [Those with no marriage certi.cate will not be able to get married], Zaman, 21 August 2003. See also 'Bas bakanlik danis manindan gerdek gecesi kitabi' [First night book from the consultant of the prime minister], http://habervitrini.com/haber.asp?id=177422, 13 June 2005.
68. 'Kadinin hakkini koruyoruz' [We are protecting women's rights], Sabah 8 September 2004.
69. Interview by journalist Neşe Düzel, with A. Tas getiren, 'AB'yle sorun cinsellikten cikacak' [The problem with the EU will stem from sexuality], Radikal (daily), 13 September 2004;
70. A. Taş getiren, 'AK Parti'nin sikintisi' [JDP's nuisance], Yeni Şafak (daily), 23 September 2004.
71. See also D. Dursun, 'Zina öncelikle bir ahlak sorunudur' [Adultery is above all a moral issue], Yeni Şafak, 23 September 2004.
72. "Erdoǧan: Kadini özel alana hapseden baskici anlayis lar asla medeni olamaz', Zaman, 20 February 2006.
73. See also Erdo_cgan's various statements on the 'Alliance of Civilizations': 'Fransa'daki olaylar "'medeniyetler ittifaki" projesinin önemini gösterdi' [The events in France have shown the importance of the 'alliance of civilizations' project], Zaman, 7 November 2005;
74. 'Medeniyetler _Ittifaki'nda ilk adim' [The first step in the Alliance of Civilizations], Sabah, 27 November 2006;
75. 'Erdoǧan: Medeniyetler _Ittifaki šart' [Erdoǧan: The alliance of civilizations is a must], http://www.ntvmsnbc.com/news/ 360037.asp, 5 February 2006.
76. 'Ilk emri oku olan medeniyetteniz' [We belong to a civilization whose first command is 'Read'], Milliyet, 19 September 2006.
77. Italics added. http://www.akparti.org.tr/ haber.asp?haber_id=16632&kategori=1. Erdoǧan is referring to the hadith: 'The heaven is under mothers' feet'.
78. Akdoǧan, Ak Parti ve Muhafazakar Demokrasi.
79. Ibid.
80. Most of the interviewees pointed out the di.erent impact that women with and without headscarf have on men's sexual desires. It is all the more striking that with few exceptions, they have generally described the women without headscarf as those ''with short skirt and half-bare breasts' and 'selfdisplaying'.
81. The interviewees gave more or less the same examples: The Prophet's wife, Hatice was an important business woman; women were at the forefront in wars and were caring for the wounded; women were also consulted in political matters. Also, the JDP women point out the Prophet's Farewell Speech in which he 'entrusted women to men and men to women', and the hadith that states 'the heaven is under the feet of mothers'.
82. Interview by journalist Yasemin Bay with A. Bö hürler, 'Kadin meselesinde Türkiye daha Batili' [Turkey is more western in the women question], Milliyet, 21 February 2007.