The place of tudor england in the messianic vision of philip ii of spain: The prothero lecture

Transactions of the Royal Historical Society

Volumn 12, Issue , 2002, Pages 167-221

  Parker, Geoffrey ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 46649103902     PISSN: 00804401     EISSN: 14740648     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0080440102000063     Document Type: Article

References (183)

1. * I am very grateful for suggestions, references and corrections to Carter Findley, Matthew Goldish, Jane Hathaway and Matthew Keith at the Ohio State University; to Bethany Aram, Paul Arblaster, Cristina Borreguero Beltran, Cornell Fleischer, Barbara Flemming, Jan Lechner, Patricia Seed, Sanjay Subrahmanyam and Robert Verdonk, who attended a symposium on ‘Messianic Visions’ sponsored in October 2000 at Antwerp by the Fundación Duques de Soria; and to Nicholas Canny, Pauline Croft, Wim de Groot, Norman Housley, AnnJannetta, Santiago Martinez Hernandez, John Morrill, Glyn Redworth, Stafford M. Poole, Wendell Smith, Nancy van Deusen and, above all, Juan Tazon. Maurizio Arfaioli provided wonderful assistance in securing and interpreting some Italian sources at short notice. I also learned a lot from the excellent thesis of Luz María Santamarta Lozano, ‘Don Guerau de Spes en la Corte Isabelina: La documentation diplomatica y el conflicto anglo-español (1568-1571)’ (PhD thesis, University of Oviedo, 2001).
2. A note on terminology is in order. Although ‘messiah’, from the Hebrew mashah (to anoint) and mashiah (the anointed one), appears in the Bible, recorded use of the adjective ‘messianic’ only dates from the nineteenth century in English, French and Italian; and from the twentieth century in Dutch, German and Spanish. For an excellent discussion of ‘apocalyptic’ and other terms see the introduction to Tudor Apocalypse: Sixteenth-Century Apocalypticism, Millennarianism and the English Reformation from John Bale to John Foxe and Thomas Brightman, ed. R. Bauckham (The Courtenay Library of Reformation Classics, vin, Abingdon, 1978).
3. V. Minorsky, ‘The poetry of Shah Isma'il I’, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 10.4 (1939-42), 1006a-1053a, at pp. 1042a and 1049a, translated from the original Turkish. The Shah's claims were indeed extreme. ‘Khidr’ is the mysterious ‘green man’ associated by Muslims with Moses, Elijah and Alexander the Great - a sort of leprechaun of human dimensions associated with ushering in the Mahdi. For Muslims, Jesus was merely a prophet and not the Son of God; but since Muhammad was the ‘Seal of the Prophets’, Ismail's claim to be another would outrage most other Muslims.
4. See S. Subrahmanyam, ‘Du Tage au Gange au XVIe siècle: une conjoncture millenariste a l'echelle eurasiatique’, Annales: histoire, sciences sociales, 61 (2001), 51-84, at 57-8
5. C. Fleischer, ‘Mahdi, Messiah and the Last Roman Emperor: Ottoman Sovereignty and the Intersection of Muslim, Christian and Jewish Apocalyptic’ (forthcoming), 35
6. and J. Hathaway, A Tale of Two Factions: Myth, Memory, and Identity in Ottoman Egypt and Yemen (forthcoming), ch. 7. Another ‘messiah’ of this period, Sayyid Muhammed of Jaunpur, declared himself to be the Mahdi in 900 ah/1494 ce and gained many followers in north-west India until his death a decade later (Subrahmanyam, ‘Du Tage au Gange au XVIe siecle’, 67-8). I am deeply grateful to Professors Fleischer, Hathaway and Subrahmanyam for sharing their path-breaking work with me in advance of publication.
7. Fleischer, ‘Mahdi, Messiah’, 53; Hathaway, A Tale
8. G. Necipoglu, ‘Suleyman the Magnificent and the Representation of Power in the Context of Ottoman-Hapsburg- Papal Rivalry’, in Suleyman the Second and his Time, ed. H. Inalcik and C. Kafadar (Istanbul, 1993), 163–194
9. and B. Flemming, ‘Public Opinion under Sultan Suleyman’, in Suleyman the Second and his Time, 49–57.
10. See also C. Fleischer, ‘The Lawgiver as Messiah: The Making of the Imperial Image in the Reign of Suleiman’, in Soliman le magnifique et son temps, ed. G. Veinstein (Paris, 1992), 159-177
11. B. Flemming, ‘Sahib-kirân und Mahdî: Türkische Endzeiterwartungen im ersten Jahrzehnt der Regierung Suleymans’, in Between the Danube and the Caucasus, ed. G. Kara (Budapest, 1987), 43-62
12. and R. Finlay, ‘Prophecy and Politics in Istanbul: Charles V, Sultan Suleyman, and the Habsburg Embassy of 1533-1534’, Journal of Early Modern History, 2.1 (1998), 1-31.
13. H. Lenowitz, The Jewish Messiahs, from the Galilee to Crown Heights (Oxford, 1998), 120–3
14. prints several accounts of the meeting between Molcho and Charles. See also M. Idel, Messianic Mystics (New Haven and London, 1998), 144-152
15. S. T. Nalle, ‘The Millennial Moment: Revolution and Radical Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain’, in Toward the Millennium: Messianic Expectations from the Bible to Waco, ed. P. Schafer and M. R. Cohen (Leiden, 1998), 151-171, at 153-9
16. and M. Goldish, ‘Patterns in Converso Messianism’, in Millenarianism and Messianism in Early Modern European Culture: Jewish Messianism in the Early Modern World, ed. M. Goldish and R. H. Popkin (Dordrecht, 1998), 41-63, at 46-7 and 53-4. Note that Hebrew also renders ‘messiah’ as ‘Ben-David’ - or Solomon.
17. Details from La tryumphante entrée de Charles, prince des Espagnes, en Bruges, ed. S. Anglo (facsimile edn of Remy du Puys's account, published Paris 1515; New York, 1970) - see p. 12 for the ‘encore’
18. G. Kipling, Enter the King: Theatre, Liturgy and Ritual in Medieval Civic Triumph (Oxford, 1998)
19. and W. Blockmans and E. Donckers, ‘Self-Representation of Court and City in Flanders and Brabant in the 15th and 16th centuries’, in Showing Status, ed. W. Blockmans and A. Janse (Turnhout, 1999), 79-102.
20. On the medieval precedents, see E. H. Kantorowicz, ‘The “King's Advent” and the Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of Santa Sabina’, in E. H. Kantorowicz, Selected Studies (New York, 1965), 37-75, especially 38-42. I thank Shawn Martin and Edward Tabri for drawing these references to my attention.
21. For Spain, where a rey encubierto actually appeared during the rebellion of Valencia in 1522, see Nalle, ‘The Millennial Moment’, 159–164
22. for Portugal, where an O Encoberto legend merged after 1580 into Sebastianism, see J. Hermann, No reino do desejado: a construçcb do Sebastianismo em Portugal, sécolos XVI e XVII (Sao Paolo, 1998).
23. See J. Cepeda Adan, ‘El providencialismo en cronistas de los Reyes Catolicos’, Arbor, ï7 (1950), 177-190
24. W. A. Christian, Apparitions in Late Medieval and Renaissance Spain (Princeton, 1981)
25. A. Milhou, ‘La chauve-souris, le Nouveau David et le roi cache (trois images de l'empereur des derniers temps dans le monde iberique: XIIIe-XVIIe siecles)’, Mélanges de la Casa de Velazquez, 18 (1982), 61-78
26. J. Bilinkoff, ‘A Spanish Prophetess and her Patrons: The Case of María de Santo Domingo’, Sixteenth-Century Journal, 23 (1992), 21-34
27. and above all the richly documented study of J. M. Nieto Soria, Fundamentos ideológicos del poder real en Castilla (siglos XIII-XVI) (Madrid, 1988).
28. O. Marín Cruzado, ‘El retrato real en composiciones religiosas de la pintura del siglo XVI: Carlos V y Felipe II’, in El arte en las cortes de Carlos Vy Felipe II, ed. W. Rincon García (Madrid, 1999), 113-126, at 123, notes three distinct representations of Charles V as one of the Three Kings. For the prophecies, see Archivo Municipal de Zaragoza, caja 7775, Pope Leo X to Ferdinand of Aragon, 1 Nov. 1515 (my thanks to Bethany Aram for sharing with me this amazing document)
29. Theories of Empire, 1450-1800, ed. D. Armitage (Aldershot, 1998), chs. 3 (by J. M. Headley) and 4 (by F. Bosbach)
30. and A. Chastel, The Sack of Rome, 152J (Princeton, 1983), 86.
31. F. Checa Cremades, Carlos Vy la imagen del héroe en el Remamiento (Madrid, 1987), 163-171, provides an excellent survey of ‘The image of the emperor as the new messiah’.
32. For more on these common denominators, see Fleischer, ‘Mahdi, Messiah’, passim
33. S. Subrahmanyam, ‘Connected Histories: Notes towards a Reconfiguration of Early Modern Eurasia’, in Beyond Binary History: Re-imagining Eurasia to c. 1830, ed. V. Lieberman (Ann Arbor, 1999), 289-316
34. and N. Housley, ‘The Eschatalogical Imperative: Messianism and Holy War in Europe, 1260-1556’, in Toward the Millennium, ed. Schafer and Cohen, 123-150, especially at 134-5 and 156-7. On the crown with four tiaras, see
35. Necipoglu, ‘Suleyman the Magnificent’.
36. A. M. Rouco Varela, Staat und Kirche im Spanien des 16. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1956), 96n, legates to Philip II, 7 May 1562.
37. Ribadeneira's Exhortacion quoted, with many other fascinating illustrations of the Jesuit's attempt to ‘sacralize’ the enterprise, by C. Gomez-Centurion, La Invenábley la empresa de Inglaterra (Madrid, 1988), 70.
38. R. Vargas-Hidalgo, ‘Documentos ineditos sobre la muerte de Felipe II y la literatura funebre de los sigles XVI y XVII’, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, 192 (1995), 377-460, at 399, quoting Fray Antonio Cervera de la Torre
39. S. de Covarrubias Orozco, Emblemas morales (Madrid, 1610), centuria i emblema 34 and iii emblema 82. A third emblem (i. 36) portrayed the ‘sepulcro de Filipo, Rey segundo’ - the Escorial - as a miracle.
40. Details from D. Angulo Ifiguez, ‘Miscellanea Murillesca’, Archivo Español del Arte, 34 (1961)
41. The first article described the painting, one of a series done in the 1640s for the cloister of San Francisco of Seville in the 1640s, but could not identify it; the second provided the missing link and the text of the vision, recorded in 1603 by Fray Julian (who had over 600 miracles to his credit within three years of his death). The painting is today exhibited in the Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute of Williamstown, Massachusetts. M. Tanner, The Last Descendant of Aenead: The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Age of the Emperor (New Haven and London, 1993), 204-205, reproduces and briefly discusses Murillo's painting, done in 1645-8. My thanks to Jonathan Brown for guidance on this topic.
42. F. Checa Cremades, Felipe II: mecenas de las artes (2nd edn, Madrid, 1993), reproduces the items by Leone, Greco and Titian. For an English parallel to the 1585 print, see p. 181 below.
43. Archivo General de Simancas [hereafter AGS] Estado 112/245-50, 226-9 and 216-18, Juana, regent of Castile, to Philip II, 25 Sept., 21 Nov. and 14 Dec. 1556, and 114/257 ‘Memorial de las personas con quien se ha de tratar’ (quotation from Estado 114/245-50); AGS Patronato Real 21/133, Philip II's Instructions to the count of Luna, his envoy to the council (Oct. 1562), holograph addition, copy. For the ‘plegarias por la union de la religion cristiana’ from 1560 onwards, see AGS Camara de Castilla: Libros de cedulas 32i/248v-9, 272-5, 248-6v. More surprisingly, one of the few works that Philip kept in his personal library in Madrid was ‘A book entitled The Interim, in German.’ This document, drawn up by moderate Catholic and Lutheran theologians at the insistence of Charles V (despite strong papal disapproval), had brought religious peace to the Holy Roman Empire for a few years after i548, including the year of Philip's residence in Germany. Since Philip could not read German, one must assume that he kept a copy of the text handy lest another opportunity arose to reconcile the dissonant creeds. (See J. L. Gonzalo Sanchez-Molero, ‘Las joyas de la librería personal de Felipe II’, in Felipe IIy su época, ed. F. J. Campos y Fernandez de Sevilla, i (El Escorial, 1998), 469-470.)
44. In 1568-9, Philip also showed keen interest in acquiring first a copy and then the original of the Augsburg confession: see and J. P. Rodriguez, Don Frances de Alava y Beamonte: correspondencia inedita de Felipe II con su embajador en Paris (San Sebastian, 1991), 286 and 316, Zayas to Alava, [late 1568] and 2 Mar. 1569; and Coleccon de Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana [hereafter Co. Do. In.] (112 vols., Madrid, 1842-95), xxxviii, 56-7 and 94, Alba to Philip II, 4 Apr. and reply 15 May 1569.
45. M. Ferrandis Torres, El Concilio de Trento: documentos procedentes del Archivo de Simancas, ii (Valladolid, 1934: Archivo Histórico Espanol, vi), 162-6, Philip II to Ambassador Vargas, 17 Jan. 1561; 202-5, Report of the ‘junta de teologos’, 26 Feb. 1561; and 218-21, Instructions to DonJuan de Ayala, 13 Mar. 1561.
46. See also J. L. Gonzalez Novalín, Historia de la Iglesia de Espana, iii-i (Madrid, 1980), 319-320.
47. A. Fernandez Collado, ‘Felipe II y su mentalidad reformadora en el concilio provincial toledano de 1565’, Hispania Sacra, 50 (1998), 447-466
48. (quotations at 458-61 and 463: Don Francisco de Toledo, the future ‘pacifier’ of Peru). A ‘rex et sacerdos’ link is also suggested by F. Fernandez Albaladejo, ‘“Imperio de por sí”: la reformulation del poder universal en la temprana edad moderna’, in idem, Fragmentos de monarquía trabajos de historia politica (Madrid, 1992), 168-184
49. C. Lison Tolosana, La imagen del rey: monarquía, realeza y poder ritual en la casa de los Austrias (Madrid, 1991), 103-106
50. and J. Martiínez Millan and C. J. de Carlos Morales, Felipe II (1527-1598): la configuración de la monarquía hispana (Salamanca, 1998), chs. 6-7.
51. Biblia Sacra, Hebraice, Chaldaice, Graece et Latine (8 vols., Antwerp, 1569-73.)
52. See also G. Morocho Gayo, ‘Felipe II: las ediciones liturgicas y la Biblia Regia’, Ciudad de Dios, 211 (1998 813-881.
53. See R. Persons, A Relaüon of the King of Spaines Receiving in Valladolid, and in the English College of the Same Towne, in August Last Past of This Yere ig2 (Antwerp, 1592: facsimile edition, 1970), 25 and 47 (see also 40-3.).
54. Checa Cremades, Felipe II, 271–2 and 486
55. G. Parker, The Grand Strategy of Philip II (2nd edn, New Haven and London, 1999), 5. Finally, like most sixteenth-century Christians, the king firmly believed that the world was about to end. For example, one day in 1574 he felt ‘in a foul mood and fit for nothing’: his army in the Netherlands had mutinied and the Turks had taken Tunis. ‘Everything seems about to fall apart: how I wish I could die so as not to see what I fear’, he complained to his secretary. ‘I am enduring the greatest burdens and worries that I believe any man has endured since the creation of the world.’ But then he opened more letters and 'when I saw how they
56. Archivo y Biblioteca de Zabalburu, Madrid [hereafter ABZ] 144/34, Mateo Vazquez to Philip II and reply, i0 Dec. i574. On the widespread belief that the world was about to end, see R. B. Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis: Apocalypticism in the Wake of the Lutheran Reformation (Stanford, 1988)
57. D. Crouzet, Les guerriers de Dieu: la violence au temps des troubles de religion, vers 1525-vers i6io (2 vols., Paris. 1990), i, chs. 2-3
58. A. Cunningham and O. P. Grell, The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse: Religion, War, Famine and Death in Reformation Europe (Cambridge, 2001), ch. i; and
59. Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse, chs. 8-9.
60. B. Alonso Acero and J. L. Gonzalo Sanchez-Molero, ‘Ala en la corte de un príncipe cristiano: el horizonte musulman en la formación de Felipe II (i532-1557)’, Torre de los Lujanes, 35 (1998), 109–40, at i2i-3. They note that ‘the Koran’ purchased may in fact have been Bernardo Perez de Chinchon, Libro llamado Antialcoran (Valencia, i532), a collection of twenty-six sermons attacking the Koran.
61. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid [hereafter BNM], 5938/440-iv, ‘divisa’ by Gabriel Rincon
62. N. Mameranus, Carmen Grratulatorium [Leuven, i549], an item still in the Escorial library. Alonso Acero and Gonzalo Sanchez-Molero, ‘Ala en la corte de un príncipe cristiano’, i34 and i36, discuss these items.
63. J. N. King, ‘Henry VIII as David: The King's Image and Reformation Politics’, in Rethinking the Henrician Era: Essays on Early Tudor Texts and Contexts, ed. P. C. Herman (Urbana, IL, 1994), 78–91 (plus plates)
64. J. G. Nichols, ed., ‘The chronicle of Queen Jane and of Two Years of Queen Mary’, Camden Society, ist ser., 48 (1850), 158, as recorded by John Elder, who claimed to have used the notes on the speech taken by a member of parliament who heard it. A Spanish version, written by an anonymous eye-witness, was printed in Seville later that year:
65. A. Muñoz, Viaje de Felipe II a Inglaterra, ed. P. de Gayangos (Madrid, 1877), 135.
66. Many have claimed that Philip was inspired by Solomon's temple, but various works by J. R. de la Cuadra Blanco remind us that Ezekiel visualised how the new Temple - to replace the destroyed edifice of Solomon - would one day be built, whereas Josephus provided a detailed description of the Second Temple: see, especially, Cuadro Blanco, ‘La idea de El Escorial y dos textos históricos hebreos’, El Olivo, 19 (1995), 41–62
67. and ‘El Escorial y el templo de Salomon: influencia de las fuentes históricas hebreas en la idea y traza del Monasterio de El Escorial’, Anales de arquitectura, 7 (1996), 4-i3bis.
68. S. Fox Morcillo, De regni, regisque institutione libri III (Antwerp, 1556)
69. F. de la Torre, Instituto de un rey chrisàano (Antwerp, 1556; ed. R. W. Truman, Exeter, 1979).
70. For a precis of the two texts, see R. W. Truman, Spanish Treatises on Government, Society and Religion in the time of Philip II (Leiden, 1999), chs. 3-4. Biblioteca del Real Monasterio de El Escorial [hereafter BSLE] MS &. ii-15/190-i:
71. J. Paez de Castro, ‘Memorial al Rey Don Felipe II sobre las librerías’ (1556: my thanks to Wim de Groot for this reference).
72. Los siete libros de Flauio Iosefo, los qvales contienen las guerras de los Iudios, y la destruáon de Hierusalemy del Templo … dirigidos a la S. C. y R. M. del Rey don Felipe (Antwerp, 1557: for the de luxe copy, see J. L. Gonzalo Sanchez-Molero, La Librería Rica5 de Felipe II: estudio historico y catalogacion (El Escorial, 1998), 508)
73. The Seventh Window, ed. W. de Groot, (Amsterdam, 2002).
74. In 1558, at the funeral service for Charles V held in Brussels, the preacher called upon Philip to act like Solomon after the death of his father and build a new Temple; the following year, a painting commissioned for the chapter of the Golden Fleece held in Ghent portrayed Philip as Solomon. Details on these and similar parallels in J. R. de la Cuadra Blanco, ‘El Escorial como nuevo Templo de Salomon en la literatura de los siglos XVI y XVII’, La Ciudad de Dios, 213 (2000), 4496).
75. Un monarcay su epoca: las tierras y los hombres del rey, ed. L. A. Ribot García (Valladolid, 1998), 272-274, discusses and reproduces Lucas de Heere's painting.
76. BSLE MS &. iii. 12, Lorenzo de San Pedro, Dialogo llamado Philippino, donde se refieren cien congruencias concernientes al derecho que Su Magestad del rei Don Felippe nuestro señor tiene al reino de Portugal (1579), fos. clv-clvi: ‘the title Defensor Fidei belongs to His Majesty … because our powerful king has destroyed three enemies of the church: heretics, Jews and Muslims’. In 1584, Gabriel de Zayas, who had served Philip in England, objected to a seal made for Philip II that contained the phrase ‘Fidei Defensor, which is very bold because, although good and holy, and something that belonged to His Majesty when he was king of England, once he ceased to reign there it is not appropriate’ (IVdeDJ 69/279, Zayas to Mateo Viizquez, 13 Dec. 1584).
77. See the list of books on England purchased for the king's collection in the i550s in Gonzalo Sanchez-Molero, La 'Librería Rica5 de Felipe II, 859-60. See also G. Redworth, In Defence of the Church Catholic: The Life of Stephen Gardiner (Oxford, 1990), xi and 308, on an anonymous ‘Machiavellian treatise’ written at this time about how to ‘tame’ England. For Philip's list of invasions, see Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid, Ordenes Militares [hereafter AHN OM] 35H/4 and 35/27-8.
78. Details in Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series: Mary I (1553-1558), ed. C. S. Knighton, (1998), iii, 147, and so on, letters to his ‘Select Council’ in England, and i72, about the assassination attempt (part of the Dudley conspiracy). It is hard to be sure exactly what Philip learned from his experience in England because a ship carrying his archives foundered on the journey back to Spain in i559 - see
79. G. Parker, Guide to the Archives of the Spanish Institutions in or concerned with the Netherlands, 1556-ijo6 (Brussels, 1971), 26 - but see the brilliant analysis of
80. G. Redworth, ‘Felipe II y las soberanas de Inglaterra’, Torre de los Lujanes, 33 (1997), 103–12.
81. A. Teulet, Relations politiques de la France et de l'Espagne avec l'Ecosse, v (Paris, 1862), 59–60, Philip II to Don Frances de Alava, 26 June i570.
82. See also M. A. S. Hume, Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs Preserved in, or Originally Belonging to, the Archives of Simancas: Elizabeth (4 vols., 1892-9:
83. hereafter CSPSp), ii, 254, Philip II to Don Guerau de Spes, 30 June i570: ‘my knowledge of English affairs is such that I believe I could give a better opinion upon them and the course that ought to have been adopted under the circumstances than any one else’. The history of Philip's policies towards England strikingly confirm Robert Jervis's observation that first-hand experiences can seriously distort political choices by statesmen: R. Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, 1976), 240–52.
84. M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado, ‘Paz ruidosa, guerra sorda: las relaciones de Felipe II e Inglaterra’, in La monarquía de Felipe II a debate, ed. L. Ribot García (Madrid, 2000), 63-119, quotation at 67. Pauline Croft has also noted the strident and sustained pressure for peace among subjects of both Philip and Elizabeth engaged in commerce:
85. see Croft, ‘Trading with the enemy, i585-i604’, Historical Journal, 32 (1989), 281–303
86. and ‘English commerce with Spain and the Armada war, i558-1603’, in England, Spain and the Gran Armada, 1585-1604., ed. M. J. Rodríguez-Salgado and S. Adams (Edinburgh, 1991), 236
87. L. Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica entre España y la Santa Sede durante el Pontificado de San Pío V (4 vols., Madrid 1914), ii, 360, Philip II to Don Juan de Zuniga, his ambassador in Rome, 8 Mar. i568.
88. See the excellent account of this incident in G. M. Bell, ‘John Man: The Last Elizabethan Resident Ambassador in Spain’, Sixteenth-Century Journal, 2.2 (O3c6tober 1976), 75–93.
89. For Elizabeth's promises regarding Hawkins, see Co. Do. In., xc, i9-ii, 40 and i36 (precis in CSPSp, ii, i, i7 and 73-4), Guzman de Silva to Philip ii, 3 Jan. and 27 Mar. 1568, and Spes to Philip ii, 24 Sept. i568. For the truth see J. A. Williamson, Hawkins of Plymouth (2nd edn, 69), 100–56.
90. J. Calvar Gross, J. I. Gonzalez-Aller Hierro, M. de Duefias Fontan and M. C. del Merida Valverde, La batalla del Mar Oceano (3 vols., Madrid, 1988-93; hereafter BMO), i, 2-3, Instructions of Philip ii to Spes, 28 June 1568. Admittedly, the king had imposed a similar restriction on Guzman de Silva: Co. Do. In., lxxxix, 3-ii, Philip II's Instructions, Jan. i564.
91. Kervijn de Lettenhove, Relaàons politiques des Pays-Bas et de l'Angleterre sous le règne de Philippe II, v (Brussels, 1884) [hereafter Kervijn], i98ff, Spes to Alba, 21, 22, 25, 27 and Dec. 1568
92. C. Purton Cooper, Recueil des depêches, rapports, instructions et memoires des ambassadeurs de France en Angleterre: correspondance de Bertrand de Salignac de la Mothe Fenelon (7 vols., Paris and London, 1838-42) [hereafter La Mothe], i, 69-73, La Mothe to Catherine de Medici, 28 Dec. 1568. La Mothe, like Spes, was new in his post: he arrived in England in late November 1568.
93. For details see C. Read, ‘Queen Elizabeth's Seizure of the Duke of Alva's Pay-Ships’, Journal of Modern Hisory, 5 (1933), 443-464
94. G. D. Ramsay, The Queen's Merchants and the Revolt of the Netherlands (1986), 90–111
95. and W. T. MacCaffrey, The Shaping of the Elizabethan Regime: Elizabethan Politics, 1558-1572 (Princeton, 1968), 188-195.
96. La Mothe, i, 258–62, secret memorial to Catherine de Medici, i4 Mar. i568, ‘after getting her to promise that she would talk to no one in this world about this’. Even in his own register copy (the basis of this edition), the ambassador prudently left all names blank and only filled them in later. In the end, Ridolfi sent his proposal to the pope by mail, not in person: an English translation appears in J. H. Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: A Study of their Politics, Civil Life and Government (i920), i40-i. A month later, Ridolfi returned to the French embassay to press his scheme: La Mothe, i, 332-3, letter of 20 Apr. 69 (the ‘gentilhomme prudent et bien avise, qui ayde, au nom du pape, de conduyre icy ceste entreprinse’ must have been Ridolfi). For Ridolfi's financial dealings with Arundel and Lumley, see Kervijn, vi, i8-i9.
97. BMO, i, 43-7, Alba to Philip II, 23 and 24 Feb. i570 (W. S. Maltby, Alba: A Biography of Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Third Duke of Alba, 150J-82 (Berkeley, i982), 200-i, mis-dates these documents to i57i). Alba had already used the same arguments - and the same sarcastic tone - to rebuff a similar suggestion from Puis V: see BMO, i, 35, Alba to Don Juan de Zuniga, Philip's ambassador in Rome, 4 Dec. 69. For his increasingly rude letters to Ambassador Spes, see Kervijn, v, 42i-2, 447 and 455 (letters of 2 July, 24 Aug. and 4 Sept. i569); for his decision to detain the messenger, see 603-606, Alba to Spes, Feb. 1570.
98. Ridolfi maintained his link with both Norfolk and Alba via the money sent by the pope and Philip II to aid English Catholics: see F. Edwards, The Dangerous Queen (1964), 298–300, and AGS Estado 826A37, receipt by the bishop of Ross on 22 Sept. 69 for 2,9i6 paid by Ridolfi on behalf of Spes. The previous month, Ridolfi also loaned money to Arundel and Lumley, guaranteed by Norfolk and Spes: Kervijn, vi, i9-20. For his contact with Vitelli, see ASF MP 650/ii0, Vitelli to Secretary of State Concini, 2i July i569.
99. Kervijn, v, 644-5 and 656-7, Alba to Spes, 3 and 25 May 1570, trying to silence Ridolfi
100. J. M. Rigg, Calendar of State Papers relating to English Affairs Preserved Principally at Rome, i (1916: hereafter CSPR), 346-8, Ridolfi to Pius V, i Sept. 1570. Shortly afterwards, Ridolfi again offered his services to Walsingham as a mediator with Spain: see p. 216 below and La Mothe, iii, 364 and 370, reports of 9 and 14 Nov. 1570.
101. For Alba's misgivings, see Teulet, Relations politiques, v, 77–87, Alba to Philip, 7 May i57i. For proof that Ridolfi also revealed his mission in Florence, see ASF MP Minuti di lettere e registri 58/80, Prince Francesco to Concini, 26 Apr. i57i. For Pius's enthusiastic reception, and for the date of Ridolfi's departure, see Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, iv, 258-9 and 338n, Don Juan de Zuniga to Philip II, 30 Apr. and 22 May i57i. J. I. Tellechea Idígoras, El Papado y Felipe II, i (Madrid, i999), 239, prints a holograph brief of Pius V asking Philip II to read carefully the ‘literas nostras’ that Ridolfi would give him, but those letters have apparently not survived (English precis in CSPR, i, 407).
102. ASF MP 6i0/2I0, Concini to Cosimo i, i2 June i57i; La Mothe, iv, i22-3, to Catherine de Medici, 2 June 1571, and 160-i, to Charles IX, 28 June 1571. For Philip's reaction, see Co. Do. In., xc, 473, Philip II to Spes, 20 June 1571. Burghley had the letters in mid-April: F. Edwards, The Marvellous Chance: Thomas Howard, Fourth Duke of Norfolk, and the Ridolphi Plot 1570-2 (1968), 45-84.
103. CSPR, i, 413-426, prints an English translation of Ridolfi's memorial and exhortation. Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, iv, 380-i, Castagna to Rusticucci, 3 July i57i, reported the audience (precis in CSPR, i, 435-6). Perhaps Philip, like Pius, saw the signature of the Holy League as an auspicious omen. The Venetian ambassador in Madrid recorded the king's high spirits at precisely this time:.
104. M. Brunetti and E. Vitale, La corrispondenza da Madrid dell' ambasciatore Leonardo Dona (1570-1573), i (Venice and Rome, 1963), 318–23, Dona to Doge and Senate, 3 July 1571.
105. F. Mignet, Hisoire de Marie Stuart, ii (5th edn, Paris, 1877), 428-431, consulta of the council of state, 7 July 1571 (a remarkable document which records the substance of each councillor's views at two meetings of the council, and a further interview with Ridolfi, all on the same day). On Vitelli's involvement, see Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, iv, 381-4, Castagna to Ruticucci, 9 July 1571. Feria, Ruy Gomez de Silva, Don Antonio de Toledo and Secretary of State Gabriel de Zayas had all resided in England in the 1550s.
106. Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, iv, 382, Castagna to Rusticucci, 9 July 1571 (precis in CSPR, i, 436-7).
107. J. de Siguenza, La Fundacion del Monasterio de El Escorial (1605: Madrid, 1988), 8.
108. A vast literature has grown up on the parallels between the Temple and the Escorial. See, above all, G. Lazure, ‘Perceptions of the Temple, Projections of the Divine: Royal Patronage, Biblical Scholarship andJesuit Imagery in Spain, 1580-1620’, Calamvs Renascens: Revista de Humanismo y tradicion clasica, i (2000), 155-188, quotation from 170
109. J. L. Gonzalo Sanchez-Molero, ‘Los orígenes de la imagen salomonica del real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial’, in Literatura e imagen en El Escorial: actas del simposium (El Escorial, 1996), 721-749
110. and the article by Cuadra Blanco cited in n. 29 above. For the sponsored research, see vol. viii of the Biblia Regia (Antwerp, 1572)
111. J. Prado and J. B. del Villalpando, In Ezechielem explanationes et apparatus urbi ac Templi Hierosolymiüani (3 vols., Rome, 1596–1604; Spanish translation, Madrid, 1991); and BNM MS 6035/134-54, ‘Relacion sumaria del modelo de la antigua Hierusalem’, a description of a model of the city and temple sent by Villalpando (along with the first volume of In Ezecheliem) in a gilded chest bearing the arms and style of ‘Philip II, the Catholic King of Spain and Jerusalem’ and presented to Philip in person.
112. Details from Siguenza, Funda,don, 42-3; quotation from AGS Estado 153/77, Velasco to Zayas, 9 Aug. 1571. For the king's involvement in services, and its impact on the transaction of business, see the entry for 25 July, St James's Day, in the ‘Diurnal’ of Antonio Gracian, who served as the king's private secretary at this point: Documentos para la hisoria del monasterio de San Lorenzo El Real de El Escorial, viii [hereafter DE], ed. G. de Andres (El Escorial, 1965), 46. See also p. 202 below.
113. BMO, i, 57–9, Philip II to Alba, 4 Aug. 1571.
114. Archivo General de Indias [hereafter AGI], Justicia 902/2/500-1, royal order to release Fitzwilliam, 27 July 1570, received and implemented on 3 Aug.
115. Kervijn, v, 693-4, Spes to Alba, 21 Aug. 1570. A few days later he said the same to the king: CSPSp, ii, 274, Spes to Philip II, 2 Sept. 1571. Philip had come across Hawkins before: see his comments on information about him in letters from Guzman: Co. Do. In., Lxxxix, 21 (31 July 1564), 177-8 (27 Aug. 1565), 264-5 (4 Feb. 1566). He later received a stream of information about Hawkins's third voyage to the Caribbean in i567-8 and even a copy of the captain's own account of his ‘Unfortunate Voyage’: Kervijn, v, 384-5, Spes to Alba, i5 May i569.
116. The mother of Jane Dormer, duchess of Feria, was Henry Sidney's sister, Mary. For the other connections, see M. E. Finch, The Wealth of Five Northamptonshire Families, 1540-1640 (Oxford, 1956), 102-107, ii2-14, and the Fitzwilliam ‘pedigree’. George may have been the son of Brian Fitzwilliam, Sir William's brother.
117. The documentation in this matter is problematic. Fitzwilliam brought no written offer from Hawkins: he merely wrote it out when requested by the duchess of Feria (AGS Estado 824/26, ‘Lo que Jorge Fitzvilliams, gentilhombre ingles embiado por el Capitan Juan Aquines, refiere’). Feria's conversation and his questions are in Estado 824/27 and 28 (copy in BL Additional 26,056B/i72), ‘Memoria de las cosas que el duque de Feria dixo al criado de Juan Haquines’ [Apr. 1571]. AGS Estado 824/29, ‘Lo que propone Jorge Fitzwillians’, contains a detailed account of the delicate negotiation with Feria and his wife (perhaps written to inform Alba). Feria's ‘articles’, and the gifts brought back by Fitzwilliam, were later described in a paper written by Hawkins for Burghley: BL Cotton Galba C.V/263-5, ‘touchinge his intelligence’, Jan. 1577.
118. On the abortive attempt to arrange a visit through Spes, see BL Cotton Caligula c.111/228-9, bishop of Ross to Burghley, 9 Nov. 1571 (although the meeting must have taken place in May, and not March as the bishop recalled). Interestingly, Ross feared that Fitzwilliam might be a ‘practiser’. For Burghley's role, see An English Garner: Voyages and Travels, Mainly during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. T. Seccombe (Edinburgh, 1902), 127-9
119. Hawkins to Burghley, 13 May and 7 June 1571. On Fitzwilliam's audience with Mary, see W. K. Boyd, Calendar of State Papers relating to Scotland and Mary Queen of Scots, iii (Edinburgh, 1903), 595, earl of Shrewsbury to Burghley, 3 June 1571.
120. Co. Do. In., xc, 471, Spes to Philip II, 15 June 1571, reporting Fitzwilliam's visit (precis in CSPSp, ii, 317-18); AGS Estado 824/33, Hawkins to Feria, 14 June 1571; AGS Estado 824/25 (copy at BL Additional 26,056B/23i-2), ‘La respuesta que dico Jorge Fitzwilliams en nombre de Juan Haquins’, Madrid, 27 July 1571; and Estado 824/34, ‘Memoria de los naves con que Juan Haquins offresce seruir a Su Magestad.’ Fitzwilliam also brought some papers written by Hawkins in an execrable mixture of Spanish and Italian (e.g. ‘Los navios de I. H., sus portaio y quantos hombres poido levar’: AGS Estado 826/74-6) and a holograph letter from Mary Stuart to Philip, dated 3 June 1571: Estado 826/86.
121. AGS Estado 153/103, Feria to Zayas, 9 Aug. 1571.
122. T. Gonzalez, ‘Apuntamientos para la historia del rey D. Felipe II’, Memorias de la Real Academia de la Hisoria, 7 (1832), 364-5, ‘Lo que se ha tractado’ between Feria and Fitzwilliam, 10 Aug. 1571 (original at AGS Estado 824/35; copies at fos. 37 and 54, and BL Additional 26,056B/24i-2; slightly amended copy at ABZ 153/153). Philip's approval is at Estado 824/32 (draft at fo. 33, copy at fo. 36). AGS Estado 824/34, ‘Memoria de los nauios con que Juan Aquines offresce seruir a su Magestad’ (copy at fo. 37 and IVdeDJ 88/340) is in effect a codicil to this agreement, setting out in detail the ships, crews and guns that Hawkins would provide. See also Feria's draft at Estado 824/184, with ideas on how Hawkins could raise a larger fleet. For the order to free the English prisoners in Seville, see AGS Estado 153/75-8, Velasco to Zayas, 5, 9 and ii Aug. 1571; and AGI Justicia 908/2/i0v-12, royal pardon for Hawkins, Fitzwilliam and others, 10 Aug. 1571 (register copy).
123. Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, iv, 397n, nuncio in France to Rusticucci, 2 Aug. 1571; ASF MP 4905/105 Grand Duke Cosimo to his ambassadors in Spain, 12 Sept.
124. See E. Luttwak, Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace (Cambridge, MA, 1987), 7-17
125. for an illuminating discussion on ‘The conscious use of paradox in war.’ It is worth remembering that Elizabeth did indeed make a progress through Essex in August and September i57i, where she would have been more vulnerable to assassination: see J. Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth, i (1823), 279-282.
126. See Williamson, Hawkins, 185–6, Hawkins to Burghley, 4 Sept. 1571
127. P. Collinson, The English Captivity of Mary Queen of Scots (Sheffield, 1987), 42-43, Burghley to Lord Shrewsbury, 5 Sept. 1571
128. and Co. Do. In., xc, 497, Spes to Philip II, 7 Sept. 1571 (on a visit from Fitzwilliam). Note the striking difference in the questions put to Norfolk's servants before and after Fitzwilliam's return: W. Murdin, Collection of State Papers … Left by William Cecil, ii (1759), 67-71 (interrogations of Robert Higford, 2, 4 and 17 Sept. 1571) and 87-90 (interrogations of William Barker, 4, 5 and 10 Sept. 1571).
129. LaMothe, i, xxviii, La Mothe's ‘Discourse’ in July 1575 (in the eighth month of 1572, of course, the Massacre of St Bartholomew caused Elizabeth to draw back from the French alliance); and iv, 315-17, to Charles IX, 22 Dec. 1571, relating a conversation ‘tout bas’ with Elizabeth at dinner three days before. Five months later she repeated that Philip's plots to overthrow her justified England's aid to the Dutch rebels: 453-5, to Charles IX, 13 May 1572.
130. P. Levi, The Drowned and the Saved (1988), 48
131. Siguenza, Fundacion, 42; BL Additional 28,704/2701, Espinosa to Alba and Don Juan de Zu n iga, 4 Dec. 1571, minutes, on the victory, ‘la mayor despues de la del Vermejo’.
132. Fernando de Herrera's canticle on Lepanto also compared the victory with the drowning of Pharaoh's army in the Red Sea (see J. Lopez de Toro, Los poetas de Lepanto (Madrid, 1950), 233-242).
133. For the poems and plays, see P. García Martín, ‘La Jerusalen libertada: el discurso cruzado en los autores del Barroco’, in Felipe IIy su tiempo: V reunion científica: asociacion espanola de historia moderna, ed. J. L. Pereira Iglesias, i (Cadiz, 1999), 45-52.
134. On the host of prophecies unleashed in Italy by the victory, see C. Ginzburg. ‘Due note sul profetismo cinquecentesco’, Rivista storica italiana, 78 (1966), 184-227, at 207-12
135. A. Olivieri, ‘Il significato escatologico di Lepanto nella storia religiosa del mediterraneo del 500’, in Il Mediterraneo nella seconda metà del '500 alla luce di Lepanto, ed. G. Benzoni (Civilta veneziani, studi xxx, Florence, 1974), 257-277
136. H. Jedin, Chiesa della Storia (Bergamo, 1972), 703-722
137. and E. García Hernan, ‘Pio V y el mesianismo profetico’, Hispania Sacra, 45 (1993), 83-102.
138. For the ‘emperor of the east’ project, see E. García Hernan, La Armada espanola en la monarquía de Felipe IIy la defensa del Mediterraneo (Madrid, 1995), 67-68. Nevertheless, papal pressure for Philip to invade England continued intermittently between 1571 and 1585, see Parker, Grand Strategy, 164-6, 169 and 179-80.
139. G. Groen van Prinsterer, Archives ou correspondance de la maison d*Orange-Nassau, ist ser., supplement (Leiden, 1847), 125*, St Gouard to Charles IX, 12 Sept. 1572
140. and R. Cueto, ‘1580 and All That … Philip II and the Politics of the Portuguese Succession’, Portuguese Studies, 8 (1992), 150-169, at 156, Cristobal de Moura to Philip II, 25 Nov. 1578.
141. AGS Estado 165/2-3, Philip II to Archduke Albert, 14 Sept. 1587
142. E. Herrera Oria, La Armada Invencible: documentos procedentes del Archivo General de Simancas (Archivo Histórico Español, ii, Valladolid, 1929) 210–214, Philip II to Medina Sidonia, i July 1588. For other examples of Philip's spiritual blackmail at this time, see
143. Parker, Grand Strategy, 106.
144. E. S. Tenace, ‘A Case of Strategic Mismanagement: The Armadas of i596 and i597 and the Grand Strategy of Philip II’ (forthcoming).
145. Actas de las Cortes de Castilla, xvi (Madrid, 1890), 170 (from one of several papers of protest read out in the Cortes in May 1593)
146. Correspondance du Cardinal de Granvelle, ed. C. Piot, xii (Brussels, 1896), 126-127, Granvelle to Margaret of Parma, 15 Nov. 1585
147. AGS Estado 590/23, Parma to Philip II, 28 Feb. 1586 - and, in another letter of the same day, ‘God will grow weary of working miracles for us’ (Estado 590/22). For more critics, see F. Bouza, ‘Servidumbres de la soberana grandeza: criticar al rey en la corte de Felipe II’, in Imagenes históricas de Felipe II, ed. A. Alvar Ezquerra (Madrid, 2000), 141–79.
148. Rodriguez, Don Frances de Alava, 97, Alava to Alba, 17 Mar. 1568; Archives Generales du Royaume, Brussels, Audience 1728/2/77, Alba to Count Bossu, 29 Aug. 1572. When a disgruntled minister, Don Juan de Silva, complained in 1589 that ‘Everyone relies on the miracles and supernatural remedies that God visibly provides for His Majesty’, he immediately added the qualification: ‘and may He continue to do so, because it cannot be denied that the cause is His’ (Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome, MS 2417/37-42, Don Juan de Silva to Esteban de Ibarra, 13 Aug. 1589).
149. B. Grunberg, ‘Le vocabulaire de la “conquista”: essai de linguistique historique appliquee a la conquete du Mexique d'apres les chroniques des conquistadores’, Histoire economique et sociale, 4 (1985), 3-27.
150. More data may be found in B. Velasco, ‘El alma christiana del conquistador de America’, Missionalia hispanica, 21 (1964)
151. A. Prosperi, ‘America e Apocalisse: note sulla “conquista spirituale” del Nuovo Mondo’, Critica storica, 13 (1976), i-6i
152. and J. L. Phelan, The Millenarial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World: A Study of the Writings of Geronimo de Mendieta (1525-1604) (Berkeley, 1956).
153. On the Plaza Prophets, see R. L. Kagan, ‘Politics, Prophecy and the Inquisition in Late Sixteenth-Century Spain’, in Cultural Encounters: The Impact of the Inquisition in Spain and the New World, ed. M. E. Perry and A. J. Cruz (Berkeley, 1991), 105-124.
154. On Philip's direct interest in Lucrecia, see R. L. Kagan, Lucrecia's Dreams: Politics and Prophecy in Sixteenth Century Spain (Berkeley, 1990), 129, 132; and in Piedrola, see BL Additional 28,263/432, Vazquez to Philip II and reply, ii Aug. 1587. See also the interesting evidence of a growing religious obsession among Spaniards in the later sixteenth century see
155. C. Eire, From Madrid to Purgatory: The Art and Craft ofDying in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Cambridge, 1995), Book i, ‘Eager for Heaven’
156. A. Terry, ‘War and Literature in 16th-century Spain’, in War, Literature and the Arts in 16th-Century Europe, ed. J. R. Mulryne and M. Shewring (1989)
157. and S. T. Nalle, ‘Entre la esperanza y el diablo: el tratamiento de los falsos mesías en el mundo iberico’, in El Hispanismo Anglonorteamericano: aportaciones, problemas y perspectivas sobre Historia, Arte y Literatura espanolas, ed. J. M. de Bernardo Ares (Co rdoba, 2001), i, 643–61.
158. Details in S. T. Nalle, Mad for God: Bartolome Sanchez, the Secret Messiah of Cardenete (Charlottesville, 2001), quotation at p. 77
159. and J.-P. Tardieu, Le nouveau David et la reforme du Perou l'affaire Maria Pizarro, Francisco de la Cruz (1571-1596) (Bordeaux, 1992). A full transcript of the trial is available in V. Abril Castelli) and M. J. Abril Stoffels, Franásco de la Cruz: Inquisicion: Actas (3 vols., Madrid, 1992-6) - see, for example, the sixteen lines of references to ‘David’ in the index.
160. A. Y. Haran, Le lys et le globe: messianisme dynastique et reve imperial en France aux i6e et 17e siècles (Seyssel, 2000)
161. and Y. Bercé, Le roi cache: sauveurs et imposteurs: mythes politiques populaires dans l'Europe moderne (Paris, 1990). On England
162. see A. Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999), 203-218, 226-32 and 310-225
163. and A. Walsham, ‘“Frantick Hacket”: Prophecy, Sorcery, Insanity and the Elizabethan Puritan Movement’, Historical Journal, 41 (1998), 27-66. Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse, 128-30, notes that although a few zealots hailed Elizabeth as a new Deborah, Judith or Zerubbabel, most English apocalyptic writers ignored her. He also lists Tudor ‘messiahs’ in ch. 10.
164. For Akbar, the Târîkh-i Af (literally ‘The Thousand-Year History’) and the second Mahdi of Jaunpur, see Subrahmanyam, ‘Du Tage au Gange’, 70–6; on ‘Istanbul at the Millennium’ see
165. C. Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: The Historian Mustafa Ali (1541-1600) (Princeton, 1986), 133-134, 138-42 and 244-5 (Ali also began a millennial history in 1000 ah). On Jewish messianic writings at this time see Idel, Messianic Mystics, 158-60, and Lenowitz, The Jewish Messiahs, ch. 6. oa UIW11) wxiCij. m i/ww V-AU11WV11 vx “11 uuv- aiiu mv, o wwo uwu
166. IVdeDJ 82/444, duke of Sessa to Don Balthasar de Zìiñiga, 28 Sept. 1600, minute. For more on Spain's strategic dilemma, see G. Parker, ‘David or Goliath? Philip II and his world in the i580s’, in Parker, Empire, War and Faith in Early Modern Europe (2002), ch. i.
167. G. Gonzalez Davila, Historia de la vida y hechos del ínclito monarca, amado y santo, Don Felipe III (Madrid, 1771), 44-45
168. R. A. Stradling, Philip IV and the Government of Spain, 1621-1665 (Cambridge, 1988), 270, royal proclamation of 28 Oct. 1644
169. and 276, Philip IV to Sor María de Agreda, 19 Mar. 1656. For further examples of this strategic vision during the seventeenth century, see Philip IV and the Government of Spain, 1621-1665, 269–276, and
170. J. H. Elliott, ‘Managing Decline: Olivares and the Grand Strategy of Imperial Spain’, in Grand Strategies in Peace and War, ed. P. M. Kennedy (New Haven and London, 1991), 87–104.
171. See also the continuing concern for spiritual goals among the political writers reviewed in M. D. Gordon, ‘Morality, Reform and the Empire in i7th-century Spain’, Il pensiero politico, ii (1978), 3–19.
172. C. Roth, ‘Roberto Ridolfi e la sua congiura’, Revista storica degli archivi Toscani, 2 (1930), 119-132 (including a transcription of Ridolfi's Memorial setting out details of his ‘service’ in England; quotation from p. 129); La Mothe, ii, 350-1, to Charles IX, 25 Nov. 1569.
173. Compare these points in Norfolk's ‘Commission’, in A. Labanoff, Lettres, instructions et memoires de Marie Stuart, iii (Paris, 1848), 242 and 245
174. (English translation in W. Turnbull, Letters of Mary Stuart Queen of Scotland (1845), 198-208), with Alba's account in Teulet, Relations politiques, v, 79-81, Alba to Philip, 7 May 1571. Edwards, Dangerous Queen, 395-402 and 407-10, suggested that Ridolfi also forged Mary's ‘Instructions’ and her letter asking Alba for assistance in March 1571.
175. Duke of Alba, Episolario del III duque de Alba (3 vols., Madrid, 1952), ii, 758–60, Alba to Philip, 19 Oct. 1571.
176. CSPR, i, 385, Zayas to Stukeley, 8 Feb. 1571 (details on Stukeley's ‘reward’); BL Egerton 2047/284, Gracian to Zayas, 12 Aug. 1571, sending the ‘capitulation’ to be forwarded to the duke of Alba for transmission to Spes. When it arrived, however, Alba deemed it too dangerous to send: see Epistolario, ii, 758, Alba to Philip II, i9 Oct. i57i.
177. On the meetings at Buxton, see Collinson, The English Captivity, 20; on Stafford, see Parker, Empire, War and Faith, ch. 3.
178. For Ridolfi's continuing enthusiasm for the plot, see Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, iv, 542–543, Zuniga to Philip II, 27 Nov. 1571; for his bid to recover his confiscated property after Elizabeth's death, see
179. Roth, ‘Roberto Ridolfi’, 13
180. and Edwards, Marvellous Chance, 373–80. For Spes's delusions, see Co. Do. In., xc, 528-9, Spes to Philip II, 12 Dec. 1571; ASF MP 651/1, Vitelli to Concini, 4 Feb. 1572; and AGS Estado 826/91, ‘Information acerca de lo que podría servir Joan Achins inglés a su Magestad, dada por don Guerau d[e] Spes’, 19 Mar. 1574, holograph (shorter draft at fo. 38). For the claim that Fitzwilliam was ready to go to Spain again, see and Kervijn, vi, 190, Spes to Alba, 21 Oct. 1571.
181. CSPR, i, 463–6, Ridolfi to Rusticucci, 8 Oct. 1571, and Roth, ‘Roberto Ridolfi’, 130; ABZ 136/25, ‘Lo que con mucho secreto se ha de preguntar a Ruberto Rodolfi’ (undated, in the hand of Mateo Vazquez).
182. IVdeDJ 67/1, Don Luis de Requesens to Andres Ponce de Leçon, Jan. 1574, reporting a conversation with Alba. The pope conferred the title ‘Grand Duke’ in i570 but Spain, following the lead of the Holy Roman Emperor, refused to recognise it. The Spanish ambassador in Rome, Don Juan de Zuniga, also blamed the Grand Duke: see Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, iv, 486, 497, 513 and 542-3, Zu ii ga to Philip II, 16 and 28 Oct., 10 and 27 Nov. i57i.
183. Co. Do. In., xc, 520, Philip II to Spes, 31 Oct. 1571, draft; Epistolario, ii, 760, royal apostil on Alba to Philip II, 19 Oct. 1571. Admittedly, Charles IX of France tried to get Florence to join an anti-Spanish league (G. Canestrini and A. Desjardins, Negociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane, iii (Paris, 1865), 649-650 and 655-7, Petrucci to Prince Francesco, 8 and i9 Mar. i57i). In time, this became known to Spanish diplomats: Serrano, Correspondencia diplomatica, iv, 500, Zuniga to Philip II, 3 Nov. 1571. My thanks to Maurizio Arfaioli and Juan Tazon for discussing these intricate issues of possible double-dealing with me.