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Volumn 22, Issue 2, 2008, Pages 243-261

'Ideals that were really never in our possession': Torture, honor and US identity

Author keywords

Abu Ghraib; Aesthetics; Ethics; Foucault; Honor; Ontological security; Self identity; Shame; Torture; US identity

Indexed keywords


EID: 44849085790     PISSN: 00471178     EISSN: 17412862     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0047117808089897     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (38)

References (97)
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    • note
    • Earlier versions of this article were presented at the 2007 International Studies Association annual meeting in Chicago, and at the University of Kansas Department of Political Science's International Studies on the Kaw seminar. I thank Tony Lang for his comments as a discussant on the ISA version, and Juliet Kaarbo, Philip Schrodt, Cristian Cantir, Andrew Hom, Ryan Gibb, Linsey Moddelmogg and all the participants of the Kaw seminar for their comments. I am especially grateful for the detailed comments I received on the topic of honor from Jon Acuff and Debra Sheffer, and also for insights obtained from Jack Amoureux, Hannah Britton, Jon D. Carlson, Harry Gould, Eric A. Heinze, Oded Lowenheim, Amir Lupovici, Kate Schick and Jeremy Youde. Finally, I wish to thank the editors of International Relations, Ken Booth, Toni Erskine and Michael Foley, and two anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and assistance on this article at various stages of its development.
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    • The vote tally was 65-34; see: www.senate.gov/legislative/LIS/ roll_call_lists/roll_call_vote_cfm.cfm?congress=109&session= 2&vote=00259#top (accessed 15 February 2008).
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    • Wendt distinguishes between what he titles 'corporate' and 'social' identity (what I term self-and collective identity). The former are 'intrinsic, self-organizing qualities that constitute actor individuality'; the latter, 'sets of meanings that an actor attributes to itself while taking the perspective of others, that is, as a social object'. Alexander Wendt, 'Collective Identity Formation and the International State', American Political Science Review, 88(1), p. 385.
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    • (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press). Regarding ontological security and international relations, see Jeffrey Huysmans 'Security! What Do you Mean? From Concept to Thick Signifier', European Journal of International Relations, 4, 1998, pp. 226-55; Bill McSweeney, Security, Identity, and Interests (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Carol Kinnvall, 'Globalization and Religious Nationalism: Self, Identity and the Search for Ontological Security', Political Psychology, 25(5), 2004, pp. 741-67; Brent J. Steele, 'Ontological Security and the Power of Self-identity: British Neutrality and the American Civil War', Review of International Studies, 31, July 2005, pp. 519-40; Brent J. Steele, Ontological Security in International Relations (London: Routledge, 2007); Jennifer Mitzen, 'Ontological Security in World Politics: State Identity and the Security Dilemma', European Journal of International Relations, 12(6), 2006, pp. 341-70
    • Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self-Identity (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1991). Regarding ontological security and international relations, see Jeffrey Huysmans 'Security! What Do you Mean? From Concept to Thick Signifier', European Journal of International Relations, 4, 1998, pp. 226-55; Bill McSweeney, Security, Identity, and Interests (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Carol Kinnvall, 'Globalization and Religious Nationalism: Self, Identity and the Search for Ontological Security', Political Psychology, 25(5), 2004, pp. 741-67; Brent J. Steele, 'Ontological Security and the Power of Self-identity: British Neutrality and the American Civil War', Review of International Studies, 31, July 2005, pp. 519-40; Brent J. Steele, Ontological Security in International Relations (London: Routledge, 2007); Jennifer Mitzen, 'Ontological Security in World Politics: State Identity and the Security Dilemma', European Journal of International Relations, 12(6), 2006, pp. 341-70.
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    • 'The story or stories by means of which self-identity is reflexively understood, both by the individual concerned and by others': Giddens
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    • (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), esp. ch. 4. Iver Neumann, Uses of the Other: 'The East' in European Identity Formation (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), esp. pp. 218-19
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    • The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations in its 1979, 1982 and 1987 surveys entitled 'American Public Opinion and US Foreign Policy', asked respondents whether they thought Vietnam was 'fundamentally wrong and immoral'. Each study concluded that 'views on Vietnam clearly correlate with willingness to use troops overseas', with those supporting the Vietnam War generally supporting the more robust use of US forces overseas. Reports are available at: www.ccfr.org/ publication_report_list.php?report_type=P (accessed 15 February 2008).
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    • (New York: Basic Books first published 1977)
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    • Philippa Winkler notes that 'The combination of sexual humiliation and physical abuse combines to destroy cultural and national cohesiveness'. See her 'Sexualized Torture by US Troops: Implications for the North South Divide', paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, San Diego, California, March 2006, p. 11.
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    • It should be noted that the Fifth Amendment of the US Constitution, which allows suspects the right not to incriminate themselves, has been the basis for prohibiting coercive interrogative techniques against American citizens. Caveats abound, however, as the Bush administration has asserted that the Fifth Amendment and the corollary Miranda right do not apply to detainees held at Guantanamo Bay and that there is a 'public-safety exception' to Miranda: Bybee memo in Greenberg and Dratel
    • It should be noted that the Fifth Amendment of the US Constitution, which allows suspects the right not to incriminate themselves, has been the basis for prohibiting coercive interrogative techniques against American citizens. Caveats abound, however, as the Bush administration has asserted that the Fifth Amendment and the corollary Miranda right do not apply to detainees held at Guantanamo Bay and that there is a 'public-safety exception' to Miranda: Bybee memo in Greenberg and Dratel, The Torture Papers, pp. 153-61.
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    • Photographic images of the treatment of detainees at Abu Ghraib invite the conclusion that public acceptance of torture is dependent on efforts to ensure that its concealment protects moral sensibilities': Linklater, 'Torture and Civilization', p. 115.
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    • Linklater identifies this same quote and makes a similar point in McCain has repeated these sentiments, most recently at the same Republican debate where other candidates defended 'enhanced interrogation' methods, stating in contrast 'It's not about the terrorists; it's about us... It's about what kind of country we are', in Wallsten, 'GOP Candidates', p. 15
    • Linklater identifies this same quote and makes a similar point in 'Torture and Civilization', p. 116. McCain has repeated these sentiments, most recently at the same Republican debate where other candidates defended 'enhanced interrogation' methods, stating in contrast 'It's not about the terrorists; it's about us... It's about what kind of country we are', in Wallsten, 'GOP Candidates', p. 15.
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    • An editorial in the Boston Globe asserted: 'there is a split... between leaders like President Bush with no combat experience and those like Colin Powell who know combat and want to maintain the Geneva Conventions as a protection for US troops'. 'Soldiers versus Bush', Boston Globe, 18 September 2006, p. A12.
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    • Foucault, 'On the Genealogy of Ethics', pp. 352, 353. Besides the mode of subjection, Foucault lists (1) ethical substance; (2) self-forming activity whereby we 'can change ourselves'; and (3) the 'kind of being to which we aspire when we behave in a moral way' - our 'telos'. Foucault, 'Genealogy of Ethics', pp. 353-5.
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.