Blood transfusion between the wars

Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences

Volumn 58, Issue 2, 2003, Pages

  Schneider, William H ^a  

^a INDIANA UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

Blood; Donor; Interwar; Plasma; Transfusion

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; BLOOD DONOR; BLOOD TRANSFUSION; EUROPE; HISTORY; HUMAN; UNITED STATES; WAR;

BLOOD DONORS; BLOOD TRANSFUSION; EUROPE; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; UNITED STATES; WAR;

EID: 4344672137     PISSN: 00225045     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/jhmas/58.2.187     Document Type: Review

References (198)

1. John Keegan, "Introduction," in Richard A. Gabriel and Karen S. Metz, eds., A History of Military Medicine (New York: Greenwood Press, 1992), 1, xi-xiii.
2. Among more recent scholarship on Britain is Harold H. Gunson and Helen Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," Transfus. Med., 1996 6(Suppl. 1), 1-88; and Kim Pelis, "Transfusion with Teeth," in Robert Bud, Bernard Finn, and Helmuth Trischler, eds., Manifesting Medicine: Bodies and Machines (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1999), pp. 1-29; and Pelis, "Blood Clots: The Nineteenth Century Debate Over the Substance and Means of Transfusion in Britain," Ann. Sci., 1997, 54, 331-60. Douglas Starr recently completed a popular account, Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce (New York: Knopf, 1998) with a number of chapters on the period up to 1945. On Germany, a beginning is Thomas Schlich, '"Welche Macht über Tod und Leben!' Die Etablierung der Bluttransfusion im Ersten Weltkrieg," in Wolfgang U. Eckart and Christoph Gradmann, eds., Die Medizin und Der Erster Weltkrieg (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 109-30. On France, see Jean-François Picard and William H. Schneider, "L'histoire de la transfusion sanguine dans sa relation à la recherche médicale, " Vingtième siècle, 1996, 49, 3-17; and Marie-Angèle Hermitte, Le sang et le droit (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996).
3. Among more recent scholarship on Britain is Harold H. Gunson and Helen Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," Transfus. Med., 1996 6(Suppl. 1), 1-88; and Kim Pelis, "Transfusion with Teeth," in Robert Bud, Bernard Finn, and Helmuth Trischler, eds., Manifesting Medicine: Bodies and Machines (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1999), pp. 1-29; and Pelis, "Blood Clots: The Nineteenth Century Debate Over the Substance and Means of Transfusion in Britain," Ann. Sci., 1997, 54, 331-60. Douglas Starr recently completed a popular account, Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce (New York: Knopf, 1998) with a number of chapters on the period up to 1945. On Germany, a beginning is Thomas Schlich, '"Welche Macht über Tod und Leben!' Die Etablierung der Bluttransfusion im Ersten Weltkrieg," in Wolfgang U. Eckart and Christoph Gradmann, eds., Die Medizin und Der Erster Weltkrieg (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 109-30. On France, see Jean-François Picard and William H. Schneider, "L'histoire de la transfusion sanguine dans sa relation à la recherche médicale, " Vingtième siècle, 1996, 49, 3-17; and Marie-Angèle Hermitte, Le sang et le droit (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996).
4. Among more recent scholarship on Britain is Harold H. Gunson and Helen Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," Transfus. Med., 1996 6(Suppl. 1), 1-88; and Kim Pelis, "Transfusion with Teeth," in Robert Bud, Bernard Finn, and Helmuth Trischler, eds., Manifesting Medicine: Bodies and Machines (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1999), pp. 1-29; and Pelis, "Blood Clots: The Nineteenth Century Debate Over the Substance and Means of Transfusion in Britain," Ann. Sci., 1997, 54, 331-60. Douglas Starr recently completed a popular account, Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce (New York: Knopf, 1998) with a number of chapters on the period up to 1945. On Germany, a beginning is Thomas Schlich, '"Welche Macht über Tod und Leben!' Die Etablierung der Bluttransfusion im Ersten Weltkrieg," in Wolfgang U. Eckart and Christoph Gradmann, eds., Die Medizin und Der Erster Weltkrieg (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 109-30. On France, see Jean-François Picard and William H. Schneider, "L'histoire de la transfusion sanguine dans sa relation à la recherche médicale, " Vingtième siècle, 1996, 49, 3-17; and Marie-Angèle Hermitte, Le sang et le droit (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996).
5. Among more recent scholarship on Britain is Harold H. Gunson and Helen Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," Transfus. Med., 1996 6(Suppl. 1), 1-88; and Kim Pelis, "Transfusion with Teeth," in Robert Bud, Bernard Finn, and Helmuth Trischler, eds., Manifesting Medicine: Bodies and Machines (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1999), pp. 1-29; and Pelis, "Blood Clots: The Nineteenth Century Debate Over the Substance and Means of Transfusion in Britain," Ann. Sci., 1997, 54, 331-60. Douglas Starr recently completed a popular account, Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce (New York: Knopf, 1998) with a number of chapters on the period up to 1945. On Germany, a beginning is Thomas Schlich, '"Welche Macht über Tod und Leben!' Die Etablierung der Bluttransfusion im Ersten Weltkrieg," in Wolfgang U. Eckart and Christoph Gradmann, eds., Die Medizin und Der Erster Weltkrieg (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 109-30. On France, see Jean-François Picard and William H. Schneider, "L'histoire de la transfusion sanguine dans sa relation à la recherche médicale, " Vingtième siècle, 1996, 49, 3-17; and Marie-Angèle Hermitte, Le sang et le droit (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996).
6. Among more recent scholarship on Britain is Harold H. Gunson and Helen Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," Transfus. Med., 1996 6(Suppl. 1), 1-88; and Kim Pelis, "Transfusion with Teeth," in Robert Bud, Bernard Finn, and Helmuth Trischler, eds., Manifesting Medicine: Bodies and Machines (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1999), pp. 1-29; and Pelis, "Blood Clots: The Nineteenth Century Debate Over the Substance and Means of Transfusion in Britain," Ann. Sci., 1997, 54, 331-60. Douglas Starr recently completed a popular account, Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce (New York: Knopf, 1998) with a number of chapters on the period up to 1945. On Germany, a beginning is Thomas Schlich, '"Welche Macht über Tod und Leben!' Die Etablierung der Bluttransfusion im Ersten Weltkrieg," in Wolfgang U. Eckart and Christoph Gradmann, eds., Die Medizin und Der Erster Weltkrieg (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 109-30. On France, see Jean-François Picard and William H. Schneider, "L'histoire de la transfusion sanguine dans sa relation à la recherche médicale, " Vingtième siècle, 1996, 49, 3-17; and Marie-Angèle Hermitte, Le sang et le droit (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996).
7. Among more recent scholarship on Britain is Harold H. Gunson and Helen Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," Transfus. Med., 1996 6(Suppl. 1), 1-88; and Kim Pelis, "Transfusion with Teeth," in Robert Bud, Bernard Finn, and Helmuth Trischler, eds., Manifesting Medicine: Bodies and Machines (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1999), pp. 1-29; and Pelis, "Blood Clots: The Nineteenth Century Debate Over the Substance and Means of Transfusion in Britain," Ann. Sci., 1997, 54, 331-60. Douglas Starr recently completed a popular account, Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce (New York: Knopf, 1998) with a number of chapters on the period up to 1945. On Germany, a beginning is Thomas Schlich, '"Welche Macht über Tod und Leben!' Die Etablierung der Bluttransfusion im Ersten Weltkrieg," in Wolfgang U. Eckart and Christoph Gradmann, eds., Die Medizin und Der Erster Weltkrieg (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 109-30. On France, see Jean-François Picard and William H. Schneider, "L'histoire de la transfusion sanguine dans sa relation à la recherche médicale, " Vingtième siècle, 1996, 49, 3-17; and Marie-Angèle Hermitte, Le sang et le droit (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996).
8. Among more recent scholarship on Britain is Harold H. Gunson and Helen Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," Transfus. Med., 1996 6(Suppl. 1), 1-88; and Kim Pelis, "Transfusion with Teeth," in Robert Bud, Bernard Finn, and Helmuth Trischler, eds., Manifesting Medicine: Bodies and Machines (Amsterdam: Harwood, 1999), pp. 1-29; and Pelis, "Blood Clots: The Nineteenth Century Debate Over the Substance and Means of Transfusion in Britain," Ann. Sci., 1997, 54, 331-60. Douglas Starr recently completed a popular account, Blood: An Epic History of Medicine and Commerce (New York: Knopf, 1998) with a number of chapters on the period up to 1945. On Germany, a beginning is Thomas Schlich, '"Welche Macht über Tod und Leben!' Die Etablierung der Bluttransfusion im Ersten Weltkrieg," in Wolfgang U. Eckart and Christoph Gradmann, eds., Die Medizin und Der Erster Weltkrieg (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1996), pp. 109-30. On France, see Jean-François Picard and William H. Schneider, "L'histoire de la transfusion sanguine dans sa relation à la recherche médicale, " Vingtième siècle, 1996, 49, 3-17; and Marie-Angèle Hermitte, Le sang et le droit (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996).
9. See Schneider, "Blood Transfusion in Peace and War, 1900-1918," Soc. Hist. Med., 1997, 10, 105-26. See also, Kim Pelis, "Taking Credit: The Canadian Army Medical Corps and the British Conversion to Blood Transfusion in WWI," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 3001, 56, 238-77.
10. See Schneider, "Blood Transfusion in Peace and War, 1900-1918," Soc. Hist. Med., 1997, 10, 105-26. See also, Kim Pelis, "Taking Credit: The Canadian Army Medical Corps and the British Conversion to Blood Transfusion in WWI," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 3001, 56, 238-77.
11. This ranged from word of mouth to a four-day Interallied Surgical Conference on transfusion held in March 1918 in Paris. Among other places, the proceedings of the conference were published in Arch. Méd. Pharm. Mil., 1918, 70, 121-85.
12. There were many accounts of medical practice in the postwar histories of the conflict. For descriptions of transfusion in "official" histories, see "Collective Surgical Experiences at the Front and at the Base," in Medical Department of the United States Army in the World War. Vol. IX: Surgery (Washington, D.C., 1920), 9, 163 ff; Chapter 5 "Blood Transfusion" in W. G. MacPherson et al., eds. Medical Services Surgery of the War (London, 1922), 1, 108-33; and A. Mignon, Le service de santé pendant la guerre de 1914-1918 (Paris: Masson, 1926), 4, 601 ff.
13. There were many accounts of medical practice in the postwar histories of the conflict. For descriptions of transfusion in "official" histories, see "Collective Surgical Experiences at the Front and at the Base," in Medical Department of the United States Army in the World War. Vol. IX: Surgery (Washington, D.C., 1920), 9, 163 ff; Chapter 5 "Blood Transfusion" in W. G. MacPherson et al., eds. Medical Services Surgery of the War (London, 1922), 1, 108-33; and A. Mignon, Le service de santé pendant la guerre de 1914-1918 (Paris: Masson, 1926), 4, 601 ff.
14. There were many accounts of medical practice in the postwar histories of the conflict. For descriptions of transfusion in "official" histories, see "Collective Surgical Experiences at the Front and at the Base," in Medical Department of the United States Army in the World War. Vol. IX: Surgery (Washington, D.C., 1920), 9, 163 ff; Chapter 5 "Blood Transfusion" in W. G. MacPherson et al., eds. Medical Services Surgery of the War (London, 1922), 1, 108-33; and A. Mignon, Le service de santé pendant la guerre de 1914-1918 (Paris: Masson, 1926), 4, 601 ff.
15. For a bibliography of articles between 1914 and 1923, see Emile Jeanbrau, "Transfusion Sanguine," Congrès français de chirurgie. XXXII, Paris (8 octobre 1923) Procès-verbaux, mémoires et discussions, 1923, 32, 117-32.
16. They were by the Belgian authors A. Depage and P. Govaerts, the American Charles Goodman, as well as Emile Jeanbrau and M. R. Picqué from France. See Rapports, procès verbaux, et discussions. Ve congrès de la société international de chirurgie, Paris, 19-23 juillet 1920 (Bruxelles: M. Hayez, 1921), 243-80; 409-24; 756-71; 789-92.
17. Schlich, '"Welche Macht,'" pp. 116-17.
18. These were published as, "Discussion on Blood Tranfusion in the Treatment of Disease," Br, Med. J., 1926, ii, 969-83.
19. See F. Oehlecker, "Weitere Erfahrungen aus über 400 direkten Bluttransfusionen von Vene zu Vene," Zentral. Chir., 1924, 51, 2346-47; and A. Beck, "Uber Bluttransfusion," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1925, 72, 1232-36.
20. See F. Oehlecker, "Weitere Erfahrungen aus über 400 direkten Bluttransfusionen von Vene zu Vene," Zentral. Chir., 1924, 51, 2346-47; and A. Beck, "Uber Bluttransfusion," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1925, 72, 1232-36.
21. The experiment was based on the discovery of citration for extended storage of blood by Peyton Rous and J. R. Turner at the Rockefeller Institute in 1916. The field test was done by Oswald H. Robertson, a former Rockefeller lab assistant who volunteered for the war. He eventually set up refrigerated storage of several dozen bottles of blood stored for 10-14 days which he could use in times of crisis during attacks on the Western front. Robertson published his results in, "Transfusion with Preserved Red Blood Cells," Br. Med. J., 1918, i, 691-95. For details on Robertson's accomplishments, see William C. Hanigan and Stuart C. King, "Cold Blood and Clinical Research During World War I," Mil. Med., 1996, 161, 392-400. For an example of continuing postwar interest in anticoagulants other than citrate see, O. Flandin, Arnault Tzanck, and Jean Roberti, "Un nouveau procédé de transfusion du sang par utilisation des propriétés anti-coagulantes de arséno-benzene," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1921, 29, 1373.
22. The experiment was based on the discovery of citration for extended storage of blood by Peyton Rous and J. R. Turner at the Rockefeller Institute in 1916. The field test was done by Oswald H. Robertson, a former Rockefeller lab assistant who volunteered for the war. He eventually set up refrigerated storage of several dozen bottles of blood stored for 10-14 days which he could use in times of crisis during attacks on the Western front. Robertson published his results in, "Transfusion with Preserved Red Blood Cells," Br. Med. J., 1918, i, 691-95. For details on Robertson's accomplishments, see William C. Hanigan and Stuart C. King, "Cold Blood and Clinical Research During World War I," Mil. Med., 1996, 161, 392-400. For an example of continuing postwar interest in anticoagulants other than citrate see, O. Flandin, Arnault Tzanck, and Jean Roberti, "Un nouveau procédé de transfusion du sang par utilisation des propriétés anti-coagulantes de arséno-benzene," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1921, 29, 1373.
23. The experiment was based on the discovery of citration for extended storage of blood by Peyton Rous and J. R. Turner at the Rockefeller Institute in 1916. The field test was done by Oswald H. Robertson, a former Rockefeller lab assistant who volunteered for the war. He eventually set up refrigerated storage of several dozen bottles of blood stored for 10-14 days which he could use in times of crisis during attacks on the Western front. Robertson published his results in, "Transfusion with Preserved Red Blood Cells," Br. Med. J., 1918, i, 691-95. For details on Robertson's accomplishments, see William C. Hanigan and Stuart C. King, "Cold Blood and Clinical Research During World War I," Mil. Med., 1996, 161, 392-400. For an example of continuing postwar interest in anticoagulants other than citrate see, O. Flandin, Arnault Tzanck, and Jean Roberti, "Un nouveau procédé de transfusion du sang par utilisation des propriétés anti-coagulantes de arséno-benzene," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1921, 29, 1373.
24. Starr, Blood, pp. 53-57, alludes to this mobilization in the title of his chapter on the interwar period, "Blood on the Hoof."
25. Schneider, "Blood Transfusion in Peace and War," pp. 120-24.
26. For background see the special issue entitled "The First Genetic Marker: Blood Group Research, Race and Disease, 1900-1950," of Hist. Philos. Life Sci., 1996, 18, 273-362. See also Schneider, "Blood Group Research in Great Britain, France and the United States between the World Wars," Yearb. Phys. Anthropol., 1995, 38, 77-104.
27. For background see the special issue entitled "The First Genetic Marker: Blood Group Research, Race and Disease, 1900-1950," of Hist. Philos. Life Sci., 1996, 18, 273-362. See also Schneider, "Blood Group Research in Great Britain, France and the United States between the World Wars," Yearb. Phys. Anthropol., 1995, 38, 77-104.
28. Geoffrey Keynes, Blood Transfusion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922), p. 98.
29. F. Honoré, "La transfusion du sang," Illustration, 21 August 1926, p. 172.
30. Arnault Tzanck, Problèmes theoriques et pratiques de la transfusion sanguine (Paris: Masson, 1933), p. 125.
31. Keynes, "Blood Donors," Br. Med. J., 1924, ii, 613-14.
32. "Blood Donors," Lancet, 1921, 1123.
33. For a graphic illustration, see Robert A. Kilduffe, The Blood Bank and the Technique and Therapeutics of Transfusions (St. Louis: C. V. Mosby, 1942), p. 449.
34. "Blood Transfusion: Public Recognition of a Donor," Br. Med. J., 1925, ii, 249.
35. F. Honoré, "La transfusion du sang," p. 172.
36. Herbert Z. Giffin and Samuel F. Haines, "A Review of a Group of Professional Donors,"J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 81, 532-33. For a broad contemporary survey, see Fritz Schiff, Die Blutgruppen und ihren Anwendungsgebiete (Berlin: Springer, 1933), pp. 75-77. On London, Paris, and New York, see below; for the Soviet Union, see E. Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisation in der USSR," Arch. Klin. Chir., 1935, 181, 193-208. For examples from central Europe, see Albert Corvin, "Die Reglung des Blutspenderwesens in Wien," Wien. Klin. Wochenschr., 1934, 47, 266-67 and Karl-Ad. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis II. Erfahrungen aus dem 2. Jahr seines Bestehens," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1936, 83, 1129-31. For an example in Buenos Aires see Alberto Peralta Ramos and Constancio Larguia Escobar, "Transfusion de la sangre y organizaciòn práctica de un servicio de dadores," Sem. Med., 1928, 35, 186-95; and in China see C. Y. Chue and S. H. Wang, "System for Obtaining Chinese Donors," China Med. J., 1932, 46, 31-42.
37. Herbert Z. Giffin and Samuel F. Haines, "A Review of a Group of Professional Donors,"J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 81, 532-33. For a broad contemporary survey, see Fritz Schiff, Die Blutgruppen und ihren Anwendungsgebiete (Berlin: Springer, 1933), pp. 75-77. On London, Paris, and New York, see below; for the Soviet Union, see E. Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisation in der USSR," Arch. Klin. Chir., 1935, 181, 193-208. For examples from central Europe, see Albert Corvin, "Die Reglung des Blutspenderwesens in Wien," Wien. Klin. Wochenschr., 1934, 47, 266-67 and Karl-Ad. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis II. Erfahrungen aus dem 2. Jahr seines Bestehens," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1936, 83, 1129-31. For an example in Buenos Aires see Alberto Peralta Ramos and Constancio Larguia Escobar, "Transfusion de la sangre y organizaciòn práctica de un servicio de dadores," Sem. Med., 1928, 35, 186-95; and in China see C. Y. Chue and S. H. Wang, "System for Obtaining Chinese Donors," China Med. J., 1932, 46, 31-42.
38. Herbert Z. Giffin and Samuel F. Haines, "A Review of a Group of Professional Donors,"J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 81, 532-33. For a broad contemporary survey, see Fritz Schiff, Die Blutgruppen und ihren Anwendungsgebiete (Berlin: Springer, 1933), pp. 75-77. On London, Paris, and New York, see below; for the Soviet Union, see E. Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisation in der USSR," Arch. Klin. Chir., 1935, 181, 193-208. For examples from central Europe, see Albert Corvin, "Die Reglung des Blutspenderwesens in Wien," Wien. Klin. Wochenschr., 1934, 47, 266-67 and Karl-Ad. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis II. Erfahrungen aus dem 2. Jahr seines Bestehens," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1936, 83, 1129-31. For an example in Buenos Aires see Alberto Peralta Ramos and Constancio Larguia Escobar, "Transfusion de la sangre y organizaciòn práctica de un servicio de dadores," Sem. Med., 1928, 35, 186-95; and in China see C. Y. Chue and S. H. Wang, "System for Obtaining Chinese Donors," China Med. J., 1932, 46, 31-42.
39. Herbert Z. Giffin and Samuel F. Haines, "A Review of a Group of Professional Donors,"J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 81, 532-33. For a broad contemporary survey, see Fritz Schiff, Die Blutgruppen und ihren Anwendungsgebiete (Berlin: Springer, 1933), pp. 75-77. On London, Paris, and New York, see below; for the Soviet Union, see E. Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisation in der USSR," Arch. Klin. Chir., 1935, 181, 193-208. For examples from central Europe, see Albert Corvin, "Die Reglung des Blutspenderwesens in Wien," Wien. Klin. Wochenschr., 1934, 47, 266-67 and Karl-Ad. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis II. Erfahrungen aus dem 2. Jahr seines Bestehens," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1936, 83, 1129-31. For an example in Buenos Aires see Alberto Peralta Ramos and Constancio Larguia Escobar, "Transfusion de la sangre y organizaciòn práctica de un servicio de dadores," Sem. Med., 1928, 35, 186-95; and in China see C. Y. Chue and S. H. Wang, "System for Obtaining Chinese Donors," China Med. J., 1932, 46, 31-42.
40. Herbert Z. Giffin and Samuel F. Haines, "A Review of a Group of Professional Donors,"J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 81, 532-33. For a broad contemporary survey, see Fritz Schiff, Die Blutgruppen und ihren Anwendungsgebiete (Berlin: Springer, 1933), pp. 75-77. On London, Paris, and New York, see below; for the Soviet Union, see E. Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisation in der USSR," Arch. Klin. Chir., 1935, 181, 193-208. For examples from central Europe, see Albert Corvin, "Die Reglung des Blutspenderwesens in Wien," Wien. Klin. Wochenschr., 1934, 47, 266-67 and Karl-Ad. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis II. Erfahrungen aus dem 2. Jahr seines Bestehens," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1936, 83, 1129-31. For an example in Buenos Aires see Alberto Peralta Ramos and Constancio Larguia Escobar, "Transfusion de la sangre y organizaciòn práctica de un servicio de dadores," Sem. Med., 1928, 35, 186-95; and in China see C. Y. Chue and S. H. Wang, "System for Obtaining Chinese Donors," China Med. J., 1932, 46, 31-42.
41. Herbert Z. Giffin and Samuel F. Haines, "A Review of a Group of Professional Donors,"J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 81, 532-33. For a broad contemporary survey, see Fritz Schiff, Die Blutgruppen und ihren Anwendungsgebiete (Berlin: Springer, 1933), pp. 75-77. On London, Paris, and New York, see below; for the Soviet Union, see E. Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisation in der USSR," Arch. Klin. Chir., 1935, 181, 193-208. For examples from central Europe, see Albert Corvin, "Die Reglung des Blutspenderwesens in Wien," Wien. Klin. Wochenschr., 1934, 47, 266-67 and Karl-Ad. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis II. Erfahrungen aus dem 2. Jahr seines Bestehens," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1936, 83, 1129-31. For an example in Buenos Aires see Alberto Peralta Ramos and Constancio Larguia Escobar, "Transfusion de la sangre y organizaciòn práctica de un servicio de dadores," Sem. Med., 1928, 35, 186-95; and in China see C. Y. Chue and S. H. Wang, "System for Obtaining Chinese Donors," China Med. J., 1932, 46, 31-42.
42. Herbert Z. Giffin and Samuel F. Haines, "A Review of a Group of Professional Donors,"J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 81, 532-33. For a broad contemporary survey, see Fritz Schiff, Die Blutgruppen und ihren Anwendungsgebiete (Berlin: Springer, 1933), pp. 75-77. On London, Paris, and New York, see below; for the Soviet Union, see E. Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisation in der USSR," Arch. Klin. Chir., 1935, 181, 193-208. For examples from central Europe, see Albert Corvin, "Die Reglung des Blutspenderwesens in Wien," Wien. Klin. Wochenschr., 1934, 47, 266-67 and Karl-Ad. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis II. Erfahrungen aus dem 2. Jahr seines Bestehens," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1936, 83, 1129-31. For an example in Buenos Aires see Alberto Peralta Ramos and Constancio Larguia Escobar, "Transfusion de la sangre y organizaciòn práctica de un servicio de dadores," Sem. Med., 1928, 35, 186-95; and in China see C. Y. Chue and S. H. Wang, "System for Obtaining Chinese Donors," China Med. J., 1932, 46, 31-42.
43. Keynes, "Blood Donors," p. 614.
44. Minute Book, Camberwell Division, Red Cross Archives, Barnett Hill (U.K.), acc 932, 3 December 1520. The following is summarized from Gunson and Dodsworth "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," pp. 4-12, plus material from an unpublished manuscript kindly supplied by Kim Pelis who is working on a history of blood transfusion in England.
45. Minute Book, Camberwell Division, Red Cross Archives, Barnett Hill (U.K.), acc 932, 3 December 1520. The following is summarized from Gunson and Dodsworth "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," pp. 4-12, plus material from an unpublished manuscript kindly supplied by Kim Pelis who is working on a history of blood transfusion in England.
46. Richard M. Titmuss, The Gift Relationship: From Human Blood to Social Policy (London: Allen and Unwin, 1970), was especially critical of payment for blood in the United States. See Jane Piliavin et al., Giving Blood: The Development of an Altruistic Identity (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), for a social scientific study of motivation for blood donation. I am grateful to Kim Pelis for suggesting this and sharing an unpublished manuscript, "The Virtue of Giving: Making the Voluntary Blood Donor in Inter-war Britain."
47. Richard M. Titmuss, The Gift Relationship: From Human Blood to Social Policy (London: Allen and Unwin, 1970), was especially critical of payment for blood in the United States. See Jane Piliavin et al., Giving Blood: The Development of an Altruistic Identity (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), for a social scientific study of motivation for blood donation. I am grateful to Kim Pelis for suggesting this and sharing an unpublished manuscript, "The Virtue of Giving: Making the Voluntary Blood Donor in Inter-war Britain."
48. "An Appeal for Volunteers," Br. Med. J., 1927, i, 551; Schiff, Die Blutgruppen, p. 76; Keynes, "Blood Transfusion," Practitioner, 1931, 127, 425; P. L. Oliver, "British Red Cross Transfusion Service," Guy's Hospital Gazette, 1935, 49, 108-113; and Oliver, "Plea for a National Blood Transfusion Conference," Br. Med. J., 1936, ii, 1032-33.
49. "An Appeal for Volunteers," Br. Med. J., 1927, i, 551; Schiff, Die Blutgruppen, p. 76; Keynes, "Blood Transfusion," Practitioner, 1931, 127, 425; P. L. Oliver, "British Red Cross Transfusion Service," Guy's Hospital Gazette, 1935, 49, 108-113; and Oliver, "Plea for a National Blood Transfusion Conference," Br. Med. J., 1936, ii, 1032-33.
50. "An Appeal for Volunteers," Br. Med. J., 1927, i, 551; Schiff, Die Blutgruppen, p. 76; Keynes, "Blood Transfusion," Practitioner, 1931, 127, 425; P. L. Oliver, "British Red Cross Transfusion Service," Guy's Hospital Gazette, 1935, 49, 108-113; and Oliver, "Plea for a National Blood Transfusion Conference," Br. Med. J., 1936, ii, 1032-33.
51. "An Appeal for Volunteers," Br. Med. J., 1927, i, 551; Schiff, Die Blutgruppen, p. 76; Keynes, "Blood Transfusion," Practitioner, 1931, 127, 425; P. L. Oliver, "British Red Cross Transfusion Service," Guy's Hospital Gazette, 1935, 49, 108-113; and Oliver, "Plea for a National Blood Transfusion Conference," Br. Med. J., 1936, ii, 1032-33.
52. "An Appeal for Volunteers," Br. Med. J., 1927, i, 551; Schiff, Die Blutgruppen, p. 76; Keynes, "Blood Transfusion," Practitioner, 1931, 127, 425; P. L. Oliver, "British Red Cross Transfusion Service," Guy's Hospital Gazette, 1935, 49, 108-113; and Oliver, "Plea for a National Blood Transfusion Conference," Br. Med. J., 1936, ii, 1032-33.
53. For other examples, see Starr, Blood, pp. 57-58. I am also grateful to Susan E. Lederer for sharing a paper, "Blood Work: Blood Selling as a Profession in Early Twentieth-Century America," given at the Wellcome Institute (London), 15 May 1998.
54. For other examples, see Starr, Blood, pp. 57-58. I am also grateful to Susan E. Lederer for sharing a paper, "Blood Work: Blood Selling as a Profession in Early Twentieth-Century America," given at the Wellcome Institute (London), 15 May 1998.
55. Schiff, Die Blutgruppen, p. 77. For a first-hand account by a professional donor, see Charles V. Nemo, "I Sell Blood," Am. Mercury 1934., 31, 194-203. Eventually, the American Federation of Labor granted a charter for a union of blood donors; see New York Times, 15 September 1938, p. 27; and 25 September 1938, p. 8.
56. Schiff, Die Blutgruppen, p. 77. For a first-hand account by a professional donor, see Charles V. Nemo, "I Sell Blood," Am. Mercury 1934., 31, 194-203. Eventually, the American Federation of Labor granted a charter for a union of blood donors; see New York Times, 15 September 1938, p. 27; and 25 September 1938, p. 8.
57. Schiff, Die Blutgruppen, p. 77. For a first-hand account by a professional donor, see Charles V. Nemo, "I Sell Blood," Am. Mercury 1934., 31, 194-203. Eventually, the American Federation of Labor granted a charter for a union of blood donors; see New York Times, 15 September 1938, p. 27; and 25 September 1938, p. 8.
58. The "official" history of the New York organization can be found in De Witt Stetten, "The Blood Transfusion Betterment Association of New York City," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1938, 110, 1248-52. For more on Coca, who was a founding editor of the Journal of Immunology, see "Historical Notes: Arthur F. Coca, M.D.," N. Engl. Reg. Allergy Proc., 1985, 6, 278-305. See Nemo, "I Sell Blood," for a view from the donor's perspective and Corvin, "Die Reglung," for how Vienna responded to these problems during the Depression in a similar way. It should be noted that New York was not the first city-wide organization of blood donors in the United States. In 1926, the Community Council of St. Louis followed the lead of the London Blood Transfusion Service. See Elwood Street, "Life Blood," The Survey, 1926, 56, p. 380.
59. The "official" history of the New York organization can be found in De Witt Stetten, "The Blood Transfusion Betterment Association of New York City," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1938, 110, 1248-52. For more on Coca, who was a founding editor of the Journal of Immunology, see "Historical Notes: Arthur F. Coca, M.D.," N. Engl. Reg. Allergy Proc., 1985, 6, 278-305. See Nemo, "I Sell Blood," for a view from the donor's perspective and Corvin, "Die Reglung," for how Vienna responded to these problems during the Depression in a similar way. It should be noted that New York was not the first city-wide organization of blood donors in the United States. In 1926, the Community Council of St. Louis followed the lead of the London Blood Transfusion Service. See Elwood Street, "Life Blood," The Survey, 1926, 56, p. 380.
60. The "official" history of the New York organization can be found in De Witt Stetten, "The Blood Transfusion Betterment Association of New York City," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1938, 110, 1248-52. For more on Coca, who was a founding editor of the Journal of Immunology, see "Historical Notes: Arthur F. Coca, M.D.," N. Engl. Reg. Allergy Proc., 1985, 6, 278-305. See Nemo, "I Sell Blood," for a view from the donor's perspective and Corvin, "Die Reglung," for how Vienna responded to these problems during the Depression in a similar way. It should be noted that New York was not the first city-wide organization of blood donors in the United States. In 1926, the Community Council of St. Louis followed the lead of the London Blood Transfusion Service. See Elwood Street, "Life Blood," The Survey, 1926, 56, p. 380.
61. "Procès-verbal de l'assemblé général (5 février 1930)," Transfusion sanguine d'urgence, 1930, p. 16. The most widely available description of the service is found in Tzanck, Problèmes, pp. 119-46. For biographical information on Tzanck, see Hermitte, Le Sang et le droit, pp. 77-84; M. Lechelle, "Notice nécrologique sur M. Tzanck," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp, Paris, 1954, 70, 175-77, and a special issue on Tzanck of Rev. Hist. Med. Heb., 1955, 8, 67-112.
62. "Procès-verbal de l'assemblé général (5 février 1930)," Transfusion sanguine d'urgence, 1930, p. 16. The most widely available description of the service is found in Tzanck, Problèmes, pp. 119-46. For biographical information on Tzanck, see Hermitte, Le Sang et le droit, pp. 77-84; M. Lechelle, "Notice nécrologique sur M. Tzanck," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp, Paris, 1954, 70, 175-77, and a special issue on Tzanck of Rev. Hist. Med. Heb., 1955, 8, 67-112.
63. "Procès-verbal de l'assemblé général (5 février 1930)," Transfusion sanguine d'urgence, 1930, p. 16. The most widely available description of the service is found in Tzanck, Problèmes, pp. 119-46. For biographical information on Tzanck, see Hermitte, Le Sang et le droit, pp. 77-84; M. Lechelle, "Notice nécrologique sur M. Tzanck," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp, Paris, 1954, 70, 175-77, and a special issue on Tzanck of Rev. Hist. Med. Heb., 1955, 8, 67-112.
64. "Procès-verbal de l'assemblé général (5 février 1930)," Transfusion sanguine d'urgence, 1930, p. 16. The most widely available description of the service is found in Tzanck, Problèmes, pp. 119-46. For biographical information on Tzanck, see Hermitte, Le Sang et le droit, pp. 77-84; M. Lechelle, "Notice nécrologique sur M. Tzanck," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp, Paris, 1954, 70, 175-77, and a special issue on Tzanck of Rev. Hist. Med. Heb., 1955, 8, 67-112.
65. "Procès-verbal de l'assemblé général (5 février 1930)," Transfusion sanguine d'urgence, 1930, p. 16. The most widely available description of the service is found in Tzanck, Problèmes, pp. 119-46. For biographical information on Tzanck, see Hermitte, Le Sang et le droit, pp. 77-84; M. Lechelle, "Notice nécrologique sur M. Tzanck," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp, Paris, 1954, 70, 175-77, and a special issue on Tzanck of Rev. Hist. Med. Heb., 1955, 8, 67-112.
66. Tzanck, Problèmes, p. 128.
67. Ibid., p. 122.
68. Michèle Loubet, "L'oeuvre de la Transfusion sanguine d'urgence de 1928 à 1938" (Thèse de Médecine, Tours, 1983), p. 67.
69. Tzanck, Problèmes, p. 127.
70. Gunson and Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," p. 8. H. F. Brewer was the first to hold the appointment that eventually grew into the Blood Group Reference Laboratory.
71. Arthur F. Coca, "On the Selections of Donors for Blood Transfusion with Special Reference to the Use of'Universal Donors' and Other Substitutions," IIe Congrès international de la transfusion sanguine, 29 septembre-2 octobre 1937. Paris (Paris: J.-B. Ballière, 1939), 2, 82.
72. "Procès-verbal de l'assemblé général (4 février 1931)," Transfusion sanguine d'urgence, 1931, p. 12.
73. See Loubet, "L'oeuvre de la Transfusion," pp. 104-10 and the annual financial reports of the TSU.
74. Dr. Braillon, "Réglementation des donneurs pour la transfusion du sang," IIe Congrès international de la transfusion sanguine, 29 septembre-2 octobre 1937. Paris (Paris: J.-B. Ballière, 1939), 2, 409-10.
75. Reprinted in Transfusion sanguine d'urgence, 1936, 19.
76. A. Tzanck and P. Cazal, "Le professeur Emile Jeanbrau (1873-1950)," Rev. Hematol., 1950, 5, 509; Georges Jeanneney and C. Ringenbach, "Transfusion du sang conservé," Médecine, 1939, 20, 38-39. For an example of an idiosyncratic organization in Toulouse, see Hermitte, Sang et droit, p. 83.
77. A. Tzanck and P. Cazal, "Le professeur Emile Jeanbrau (1873-1950)," Rev. Hematol., 1950, 5, 509; Georges Jeanneney and C. Ringenbach, "Transfusion du sang conservé," Médecine, 1939, 20, 38-39. For an example of an idiosyncratic organization in Toulouse, see Hermitte, Sang et droit, p. 83.
78. A. Tzanck and P. Cazal, "Le professeur Emile Jeanbrau (1873-1950)," Rev. Hematol., 1950, 5, 509; Georges Jeanneney and C. Ringenbach, "Transfusion du sang conservé," Médecine, 1939, 20, 38-39. For an example of an idiosyncratic organization in Toulouse, see Hermitte, Sang et droit, p. 83.
79. The first international congress held in Rome in 1935 drew relatively few attendees and published only six reports from the sessions. See Atti del Primo Congresso Internazionale della Tmnsfusione del Sangue, Roma, 26-29 Settembre 1935 (Milan: A. Colombo, 1935). The results of the second congress were published in three volumes, IIe Congrès international de la transfusion sanguine.
80. The first international congress held in Rome in 1935 drew relatively few attendees and published only six reports from the sessions. See Atti del Primo Congresso Internazionale della Tmnsfusione del Sangue, Roma, 26-29 Settembre 1935 (Milan: A. Colombo, 1935). The results of the second congress were published in three volumes, IIe Congrès international de la transfusion sanguine.
81. Philip Levine and Eugene M. Katzin, "Survey of Blood Transfusion in America," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1938, 110, 1243-48, p. 1248. The 1935 article by Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisationen," is based on a comparable survey in the Soviet Union.
82. Philip Levine and Eugene M. Katzin, "Survey of Blood Transfusion in America," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1938, 110, 1243-48, p. 1248. The 1935 article by Burceva, "Blutspenderorganisationen," is based on a comparable survey in the Soviet Union.
83. John Elliot, "A Preliminary Report of a New Method of Blood Transfusion," South. Med. Surg., 1936, 98, 643-45; Earl W. Flosdorfand Stuart Mudd, "Procedure and Apparatus for Preservation in 'Lyophile' Form of Serum and Other Biological Substances," J. Immunol., 1935, 29, 389-425.
84. John Elliot, "A Preliminary Report of a New Method of Blood Transfusion," South. Med. Surg., 1936, 98, 643-45; Earl W. Flosdorfand Stuart Mudd, "Procedure and Apparatus for Preservation in 'Lyophile' Form of Serum and Other Biological Substances," J. Immunol., 1935, 29, 389-425.
85. R. Weissmann-Netter, "II faut organiser la transfusion sanguine aux armées," Presse Med., 1931, 139, 1661-62.
86. Response of Médecin-colonel Schickelé during a discussion after a talk by Tzanck, "La transfusion sanguine aux armées," Bull. l'Union Fed, Méd.Reserves, 1932, 23, 537. See also, Fargot and Balgaires, "Faut-il déterminer le groupe sanguin de tous les soldats," Bull. Mens. Soc. Med. Mil. Fr., 1935, 29, 293-306.
87. Response of Médecin-colonel Schickelé during a discussion after a talk by Tzanck, "La transfusion sanguine aux armées," Bull. l'Union Fed, Méd.Reserves, 1932, 23, 537. See also, Fargot and Balgaires, "Faut-il déterminer le groupe sanguin de tous les soldats," Bull. Mens. Soc. Med. Mil. Fr., 1935, 29, 293-306.
88. P.-J.-F.-R. Maisonnet, Georges Jeanneney, et al., "Transfusion du sang en temps de guerre," Revue du Service de Santé Militaire, 1939, 111, 937-38.
89. For a survey of transfusion policies in all European armies in 1935 see Adolf Ritter, "Bluttransfusion in den armeen," Atti del primo Congresso Internazionale della Transfusione del Sangue (Milan: Coloma, 1935), 39-85.
90. Douglas B. Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II (Washington: Department of the Army, 1964), p. 233. For Germany, see W Schreiber, "Zur Technik der Blutgruppenbestimmung bei Massenuntersuchungen," Deutsche Militärarzt, 1936, 1, 97-99; H.O. Hettche, "Neues Geräte und Verfahren zur Massenuntersuchung auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit," Deutsche Mil, 1939, 4, 11-13; J. Mrugowsky and H. Bernhart, "Die Ausführung von massen Untersuchungen auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit und das Eintätowaren der aufgefundenen Blutgruppen," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1941, 88, 669-672; Franz Spath, "Die Bluttransfusion im Felde," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1940, 87, 369-93.
91. Douglas B. Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II (Washington: Department of the Army, 1964), p. 233. For Germany, see W Schreiber, "Zur Technik der Blutgruppenbestimmung bei Massenuntersuchungen," Deutsche Militärarzt, 1936, 1, 97-99; H.O. Hettche, "Neues Geräte und Verfahren zur Massenuntersuchung auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit," Deutsche Mil, 1939, 4, 11-13; J. Mrugowsky and H. Bernhart, "Die Ausführung von massen Untersuchungen auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit und das Eintätowaren der aufgefundenen Blutgruppen," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1941, 88, 669-672; Franz Spath, "Die Bluttransfusion im Felde," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1940, 87, 369-93.
92. Douglas B. Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II (Washington: Department of the Army, 1964), p. 233. For Germany, see W Schreiber, "Zur Technik der Blutgruppenbestimmung bei Massenuntersuchungen," Deutsche Militärarzt, 1936, 1, 97-99; H.O. Hettche, "Neues Geräte und Verfahren zur Massenuntersuchung auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit," Deutsche Mil, 1939, 4, 11-13; J. Mrugowsky and H. Bernhart, "Die Ausführung von massen Untersuchungen auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit und das Eintätowaren der aufgefundenen Blutgruppen," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1941, 88, 669-672; Franz Spath, "Die Bluttransfusion im Felde," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1940, 87, 369-93.
93. Douglas B. Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II (Washington: Department of the Army, 1964), p. 233. For Germany, see W Schreiber, "Zur Technik der Blutgruppenbestimmung bei Massenuntersuchungen," Deutsche Militärarzt, 1936, 1, 97-99; H.O. Hettche, "Neues Geräte und Verfahren zur Massenuntersuchung auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit," Deutsche Mil, 1939, 4, 11-13; J. Mrugowsky and H. Bernhart, "Die Ausführung von massen Untersuchungen auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit und das Eintätowaren der aufgefundenen Blutgruppen," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1941, 88, 669-672; Franz Spath, "Die Bluttransfusion im Felde," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1940, 87, 369-93.
94. Douglas B. Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II (Washington: Department of the Army, 1964), p. 233. For Germany, see W Schreiber, "Zur Technik der Blutgruppenbestimmung bei Massenuntersuchungen," Deutsche Militärarzt, 1936, 1, 97-99; H.O. Hettche, "Neues Geräte und Verfahren zur Massenuntersuchung auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit," Deutsche Mil, 1939, 4, 11-13; J. Mrugowsky and H. Bernhart, "Die Ausführung von massen Untersuchungen auf Blutgruppenzugehörigkeit und das Eintätowaren der aufgefundenen Blutgruppen," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1941, 88, 669-672; Franz Spath, "Die Bluttransfusion im Felde," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1940, 87, 369-93.
95. There were seven papers of the "Deuxième Commission: Le sang conservé" published in IIe congrès international de la transfusion sanguine, 2, 161-227.
96. One widely read account, was by S. S. Yudin, "Transfusion of Cadaver Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1936, 106, 997-99. An early critic was Tzanck. "A propos de la transfusion du sang de cadavre," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1933, 57, p. 341, who called the practice "a step backwards." The Spanish experimented with cadaver blood in the early years of their civil war, but rejected it as "useless when large quantities are needed." See F. Duran Jorda, "The Barcelona Blood-Transfusion Service," Lancet, 1939, p. 773.
97. One widely read account, was by S. S. Yudin, "Transfusion of Cadaver Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1936, 106, 997-99. An early critic was Tzanck. "A propos de la transfusion du sang de cadavre," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1933, 57, p. 341, who called the practice "a step backwards." The Spanish experimented with cadaver blood in the early years of their civil war, but rejected it as "useless when large quantities are needed." See F. Duran Jorda, "The Barcelona Blood-Transfusion Service," Lancet, 1939, p. 773.
98. One widely read account, was by S. S. Yudin, "Transfusion of Cadaver Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1936, 106, 997-99. An early critic was Tzanck. "A propos de la transfusion du sang de cadavre," Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1933, 57, p. 341, who called the practice "a step backwards." The Spanish experimented with cadaver blood in the early years of their civil war, but rejected it as "useless when large quantities are needed." See F. Duran Jorda, "The Barcelona Blood-Transfusion Service," Lancet, 1939, p. 773.
99. See Robertson, "Transfusion," and Hanigan and King, "Cold Blood."
100. See Robertson, "Transfusion," and Hanigan and King, "Cold Blood."
101. "Prevention of Fever and Chills following Transfusion of Citrated Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc. 1933, 100, 466-09. See also Richard E. Rosenfield, "Early Twentieth Century Origins of Modern Transfusion Therapy," Mt. Sinai J. Med., 1974, 41, p. 629. For the progress of the debate, see Lewisohn, "Chills Following Transfusion of Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 80, 247-49; and "Citrated Method of Blood Transfusion after Ten Years," Boston Med. Surg. J., 1924, 190, 733-42.
102. "Prevention of Fever and Chills following Transfusion of Citrated Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc. 1933, 100, 466-09. See also Richard E. Rosenfield, "Early Twentieth Century Origins of Modern Transfusion Therapy," Mt. Sinai J. Med., 1974, 41, p. 629. For the progress of the debate, see Lewisohn, "Chills Following Transfusion of Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 80, 247-49; and "Citrated Method of Blood Transfusion after Ten Years," Boston Med. Surg. J., 1924, 190, 733-42.
103. "Prevention of Fever and Chills following Transfusion of Citrated Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc. 1933, 100, 466-09. See also Richard E. Rosenfield, "Early Twentieth Century Origins of Modern Transfusion Therapy," Mt. Sinai J. Med., 1974, 41, p. 629. For the progress of the debate, see Lewisohn, "Chills Following Transfusion of Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 80, 247-49; and "Citrated Method of Blood Transfusion after Ten Years," Boston Med. Surg. J., 1924, 190, 733-42.
104. "Prevention of Fever and Chills following Transfusion of Citrated Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc. 1933, 100, 466-09. See also Richard E. Rosenfield, "Early Twentieth Century Origins of Modern Transfusion Therapy," Mt. Sinai J. Med., 1974, 41, p. 629. For the progress of the debate, see Lewisohn, "Chills Following Transfusion of Blood," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1923, 80, 247-49; and "Citrated Method of Blood Transfusion after Ten Years," Boston Med. Surg. J., 1924, 190, 733-42.
105. Duran Jorda and his colleagues first published an extensive account on their work in six articles that appeared in Revista de Sanidad de Guerra, 1937, i, 329-57. His 1939 article on "The Barcelona. Blood-Transfusion Service," in Lancet was the most widely cited English account of the Spanish experience. For lessons learned from the other side of the Spanish Civil War, see Paolo Ravenna, "Brevi osservazioni sulle transfusioni di sangue in guerra," Minerva Med., 1938, 29, 622-24. See Starr, Blood, pp. 78-83 for more about Duran Jorda, plus the curious transfusion service organized by Norman Bethune in the Spanish conflict.
106. Duran Jorda and his colleagues first published an extensive account on their work in six articles that appeared in Revista de Sanidad de Guerra, 1937, i, 329-57. His 1939 article on "The Barcelona. Blood-Transfusion Service," in Lancet was the most widely cited English account of the Spanish experience. For lessons learned from the other side of the Spanish Civil War, see Paolo Ravenna, "Brevi osservazioni sulle transfusioni di sangue in guerra," Minerva Med., 1938, 29, 622-24. See Starr, Blood, pp. 78-83 for more about Duran Jorda, plus the curious transfusion service organized by Norman Bethune in the Spanish conflict.
107. Duran Jorda and his colleagues first published an extensive account on their work in six articles that appeared in Revista de Sanidad de Guerra, 1937, i, 329-57. His 1939 article on "The Barcelona. Blood-Transfusion Service," in Lancet was the most widely cited English account of the Spanish experience. For lessons learned from the other side of the Spanish Civil War, see Paolo Ravenna, "Brevi osservazioni sulle transfusioni di sangue in guerra," Minerva Med., 1938, 29, 622-24. See Starr, Blood, pp. 78-83 for more about Duran Jorda, plus the curious transfusion service organized by Norman Bethune in the Spanish conflict.
108. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 41-48. On Soviet experiments with preserved blood that began in 1932, see A. Bagdassarov, "Le problème de la transfusion du sang conservé," Sang, 1937, 11, 466-82; Charles Richard Drew, "The Role of Soviet Investigators in the Development of the Blood Bank," Am. Rev. Soviet Med., 1943, 1, 360-69; and Starr, Blood, pp. 65-71; 116-19. For Argentina, see Juan Tenconi and Rodolib Palazzo, "Transfusion de sangre conservada," Sem. Med., 1934, 41, 766-68; 1179-93; and for France see G. Jeanneney, J. Viéroz, and L. Servantie, "Transfusion du sang conservé plusieurs jours, en pratique médico-chirurgicale courante," J. Méd. Bordeaux, 1934, 111, 685-86.
109. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County
110. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 41-48. On Soviet experiments with preserved blood that began in 1932, see A. Bagdassarov, "Le problème de la transfusion du sang conservé," Sang, 1937, 11, 466-82; Charles Richard Drew, "The Role of Soviet Investigators in the Development of the Blood Bank," Am. Rev. Soviet Med., 1943, 1, 360-69; and Starr, Blood, pp. 65-71; 116-19. For Argentina, see Juan Tenconi and Rodolib Palazzo, "Transfusion de sangre conservada," Sem. Med., 1934, 41, 766-68; 1179-93; and for France see G. Jeanneney, J. Viéroz, and L. Servantie, "Transfusion du sang conservé plusieurs jours, en pratique médico-chirurgicale courante," J. Méd. Bordeaux, 1934, 111, 685-86.
111. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 41-48. On Soviet experiments with preserved blood that began in 1932, see A. Bagdassarov, "Le problème de la transfusion du sang conservé," Sang, 1937, 11, 466-82; Charles Richard Drew, "The Role of Soviet Investigators in the Development of the Blood Bank," Am. Rev. Soviet Med., 1943, 1, 360-69; and Starr, Blood, pp. 65-71; 116-19. For Argentina, see Juan Tenconi and Rodolib Palazzo, "Transfusion de sangre conservada," Sem. Med., 1934, 41, 766-68; 1179-93; and for France see G. Jeanneney, J. Viéroz, and L. Servantie, "Transfusion du sang conservé plusieurs jours, en pratique médico-chirurgicale courante," J. Méd. Bordeaux, 1934, 111, 685-86.
112. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 41-48. On Soviet experiments with preserved blood that began in 1932, see A. Bagdassarov, "Le problème de la transfusion du sang conservé," Sang, 1937, 11, 466-82; Charles Richard Drew, "The Role of Soviet Investigators in the Development of the Blood Bank," Am. Rev. Soviet Med., 1943, 1, 360-69; and Starr, Blood, pp. 65-71; 116-19. For Argentina, see Juan Tenconi and Rodolib Palazzo, "Transfusion de sangre conservada," Sem. Med., 1934, 41, 766-68; 1179-93; and for France see G. Jeanneney, J. Viéroz, and L. Servantie, "Transfusion du sang conservé plusieurs jours, en pratique médico-chirurgicale courante," J. Méd. Bordeaux, 1934, 111, 685-86.
113. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 41-48. On Soviet experiments with preserved blood that began in 1932, see A. Bagdassarov, "Le problème de la transfusion du sang conservé," Sang, 1937, 11, 466-82; Charles Richard Drew, "The Role of Soviet Investigators in the Development of the Blood Bank," Am. Rev. Soviet Med., 1943, 1, 360-69; and Starr, Blood, pp. 65-71; 116-19. For Argentina, see Juan Tenconi and Rodolib Palazzo, "Transfusion de sangre conservada," Sem. Med., 1934, 41, 766-68; 1179-93; and for France see G. Jeanneney, J. Viéroz, and L. Servantie, "Transfusion du sang conservé plusieurs jours, en pratique médico-chirurgicale courante," J. Méd. Bordeaux, 1934, 111, 685-86.
114. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 41-48. On Soviet experiments with preserved blood that began in 1932, see A. Bagdassarov, "Le problème de la transfusion du sang conservé," Sang, 1937, 11, 466-82; Charles Richard Drew, "The Role of Soviet Investigators in the Development of the Blood Bank," Am. Rev. Soviet Med., 1943, 1, 360-69; and Starr, Blood, pp. 65-71; 116-19. For Argentina, see Juan Tenconi and Rodolib Palazzo, "Transfusion de sangre conservada," Sem. Med., 1934, 41, 766-68; 1179-93; and for France see G. Jeanneney, J. Viéroz, and L. Servantie, "Transfusion du sang conservé plusieurs jours, en pratique médico-chirurgicale courante," J. Méd. Bordeaux, 1934, 111, 685-86.
115. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 41-48. On Soviet experiments with preserved blood that began in 1932, see A. Bagdassarov, "Le problème de la transfusion du sang conservé," Sang, 1937, 11, 466-82; Charles Richard Drew, "The Role of Soviet Investigators in the Development of the Blood Bank," Am. Rev. Soviet Med., 1943, 1, 360-69; and Starr, Blood, pp. 65-71; 116-19. For Argentina, see Juan Tenconi and Rodolib Palazzo, "Transfusion de sangre conservada," Sem. Med., 1934, 41, 766-68; 1179-93; and for France see G. Jeanneney, J. Viéroz, and L. Servantie, "Transfusion du sang conservé plusieurs jours, en pratique médico-chirurgicale courante," J. Méd. Bordeaux, 1934, 111, 685-86.
116. On the first blood bank, see Bernard Fantus, "The Therapy of the Cook County Hospital," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1937, 109, 128-31. For examples of other blood banks, see P. B. Patton, "Blood Bank of Graduate Hospital of University of Pennsylvania," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1938, tech. suppl. 2, 178-82; E. D. Plass, "Blood Bank,"J. Iowa Med. Soc., 1939, 29, 61-63; E. Giddings and A. W. Kruger, "Blood Banking at King's County Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 41-48. On Soviet experiments with preserved blood that began in 1932, see A. Bagdassarov, "Le problème de la transfusion du sang conservé," Sang, 1937, 11, 466-82; Charles Richard Drew, "The Role of Soviet Investigators in the Development of the Blood Bank," Am. Rev. Soviet Med., 1943, 1, 360-69; and Starr, Blood, pp. 65-71; 116-19. For Argentina, see Juan Tenconi and Rodolib Palazzo, "Transfusion de sangre conservada," Sem. Med., 1934, 41, 766-68; 1179-93; and for France see G. Jeanneney, J. Viéroz, and L. Servantie, "Transfusion du sang conservé plusieurs jours, en pratique médico-chirurgicale courante," J. Méd. Bordeaux, 1934, 111, 685-86.
117. "After the Crisis," British Red Cross Society Blood Transfusion Service Quarterly, no. 21 (October 1938), 4-6.
118. P. H. Mitchiner, "Wound, Shock, Haemorrhage and Blood Transfusion," Lancet, 1939, 228-31; Janet Vaughan, "Blood Transfusion," Br. Med. J., 1939, i, 933-36.
119. P. H. Mitchiner, "Wound, Shock, Haemorrhage and Blood Transfusion," Lancet, 1939, 228-31; Janet Vaughan, "Blood Transfusion," Br. Med. J., 1939, i, 933-36.
120. Geoffrey Keynes, ed., Blood Transfusion (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1949), p. 337.
121. A. Gosset, E. Lévy-Solal, and A. Tzanck, "Transfusion sanguine en temps de guerre," Bull. Acad. Natl. Med., 1939, 121, 166-76; and Causeret and Jeanneney, "Note au sujet de l'organisation des centres militaires de transfusion sanguine de sang conservé," Bull. Acad. Natl. Med., 1939, 121, 722-24.
122. A. Gosset, E. Lévy-Solal, and A. Tzanck, "Transfusion sanguine en temps de guerre," Bull. Acad. Natl. Med., 1939, 121, 166-76; and Causeret and Jeanneney, "Note au sujet de l'organisation des centres militaires de transfusion sanguine de sang conservé," Bull. Acad. Natl. Med., 1939, 121, 722-24.
123. Gosset et al., "Transfusion sanguine en temps de guerre," p. 167.
124. J. Blomet, "La transfusion-reanimation aux armées," Rev. Corps Santé Armées Terre Mer Air, 1966, 7, p. 877.
125. L. Jame, "Le rôle du laboratoire central de recherches bactériologiques et de sérologie de l'armée dans l'organisation de la transfusion sanguine dans les armées en campagne," Rev. Corps Santé Armées Terre Mer Air, 1966, 7, p. 853.
126. Benhamou, "Notes pour servir à l'histoire de la transfusion sanguine dans l'armée française de 1942 à 1945 à partir de l'Afrique du Nord," in Rev. Corps Santé Armées Terre Mer Air, 1966, 7, 859-62.
127. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis," p. 1129; "Organization of Blood Donors in Germany," J. Am. Meet. Assoc., 1935, 105, 610-11.
128. Seggel, "Der Leipziger Blutspendernachweis," p. 1129; "Organization of Blood Donors in Germany," J. Am. Meet. Assoc., 1935, 105, 610-11.
129. "Séance de clotûre," Deuxième congrès international de la transfusion sanguine, 2, 312. Schilling, a professor at Münster, later worked at the blood transfusion laboratory in Berlin during the war.
130. A frank admission of Germany's backward blood transfusion practices was published in June 1939 by H, Burkle-de la Camp, "Über die Bluttransfusion im Kriegsfall unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Verwendung konservierten Blutes," Deutsche Zeitschrift Chir., 1939, 252, 365-80. See also H. Junghanns, "Vorschlag zur reichseinheitlichen Reglung der Blutspenderzentralen," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1939, 86, 1775-77. For the guidelines that merely called for testing for disease, blood type compatibility, and further research, see V. Schilling, "Ueber die Bedeutung der 'Richtlinien für die Einrichtung des Blutspenderwesens im Deutschen Reich,'" Chirurgie, 1941, 13, 561-68.
131. A frank admission of Germany's backward blood transfusion practices was published in June 1939 by H, Burkle-de la Camp, "Über die Bluttransfusion im Kriegsfall unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Verwendung konservierten Blutes," Deutsche Zeitschrift Chir., 1939, 252, 365-80. See also H. Junghanns, "Vorschlag zur reichseinheitlichen Reglung der Blutspenderzentralen," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1939, 86, 1775-77. For the guidelines that merely called for testing for disease, blood type compatibility, and further research, see V. Schilling, "Ueber die Bedeutung der 'Richtlinien für die Einrichtung des Blutspenderwesens im Deutschen Reich,'" Chirurgie, 1941, 13, 561-68.
132. A frank admission of Germany's backward blood transfusion practices was published in June 1939 by H, Burkle-de la Camp, "Über die Bluttransfusion im Kriegsfall unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Verwendung konservierten Blutes," Deutsche Zeitschrift Chir., 1939, 252, 365-80. See also H. Junghanns, "Vorschlag zur reichseinheitlichen Reglung der Blutspenderzentralen," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1939, 86, 1775-77. For the guidelines that merely called for testing for disease, blood type compatibility, and further research, see V. Schilling, "Ueber die Bedeutung der 'Richtlinien für die Einrichtung des Blutspenderwesens im Deutschen Reich,'" Chirurgie, 1941, 13, 561-68.
133. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
134. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
135. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
136. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
137. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
138. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
139. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
140. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
141. During the war, P. L. Mollison ridiculed the German transfusion practices, calling them 25 years out of date. Examples of his summaries of the German literature can be found in the Bull. War Med., 1942, p. 301; 1943, p. 276 and pp. 392-93. For examples of "Aryan" blood reports, see New York Times, 1 March 1942 and 23 September 1942. For postwar reports, see Edward D. Churchill, Surgeon to Soldiers (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 379; Howard E. Snyder, Surgery in World War Two: Activities of Surgical Consultants (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General: Department of the Army, 1962), 1, 457; and Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 22-23. Starr, Blood, pp. 114-15, suggests that Nazi xenophobia blinded the Germans to the utility of transfusion. However, for evidence that experiments continued, see K. Lang and H. Schwiegk, "Erfahrungen mit den Serum-konserve und mit Plasma als Blutersatzmittel," Deutsche Mil., 1942, 7, 379-84; and E. Klees, "Erfahrungen mit 'Periston', einer Blutflüssigkeitersatz," Münch. Med. Wochenschr., 1943, 90, 29-32. On the Nuremburg medical war crimes, see Trials of War Criminals before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), 1, 517-18; 553-54; 669-70.
142. For the U.S., see Kendrick; Blood Program in World War II; for Britain, in addition to Gunson and Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," see Medical History of the Second World War (London: HMSO, 1953) pp. 97-103; and for France, see the special issue of Rev. Corps Santé Armées Terre Mer Air, 1966, 7.
143. For the U.S., see Kendrick; Blood Program in World War II; for Britain, in addition to Gunson and Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," see Medical History of the Second World War (London: HMSO, 1953) pp. 97-103; and for France, see the special issue of Rev. Corps Santé Armées Terre Mer Air, 1966, 7.
144. For the U.S., see Kendrick; Blood Program in World War II; for Britain, in addition to Gunson and Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," see Medical History of the Second World War (London: HMSO, 1953) pp. 97-103; and for France, see the special issue of Rev. Corps Santé Armées Terre Mer Air, 1966, 7.
145. For the U.S., see Kendrick; Blood Program in World War II; for Britain, in addition to Gunson and Dodsworth, "Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," see Medical History of the Second World War (London: HMSO, 1953) pp. 97-103; and for France, see the special issue of Rev. Corps Santé Armées Terre Mer Air, 1966, 7.
146. Philip Levine and R. E. Stetson, "An Unusual Case of Intragroup Agglutination," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1939, 113, 126-27; Karl Landsteiner and A. S. Wiener, "An Agglutinable Factor in Human Blood Recognized by Immune Sera for Rhesus Blood" Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 223; and Philip Levine, E. M. Katzen, and L. Burnham, "Isoimmunization in Pregnancy, its Possible Bearing on the Etiology of Erythroblastosis foetalis," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1941, 116, 825-27. For an excellent account of the background, see David R. Zimmerman, Rh: The Intimate History of a Disease and Its Conquest (New York: Macmillan, 1973). pp. 20-47. Among anecdotal "recollections," see L. K. Diamond, "The Rh Problem through a Retrospective," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1974, 62, 311-24; and Richard E. Rosenfield, "Who Discovered Rh? A Personal Glimpse of the Levine-Wiener Argument," Transfusion, 1989, 29, 355-57.
147. Philip Levine and R. E. Stetson, "An Unusual Case of Intragroup Agglutination," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1939, 113, 126-27; Karl Landsteiner and A. S. Wiener, "An Agglutinable Factor in Human Blood Recognized by Immune Sera for Rhesus Blood" Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 223; and Philip Levine, E. M. Katzen, and L. Burnham, "Isoimmunization in Pregnancy, its Possible Bearing on the Etiology of Erythroblastosis foetalis," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1941, 116, 825-27. For an excellent account of the background, see David R. Zimmerman, Rh: The Intimate History of a Disease and Its Conquest (New York: Macmillan, 1973). pp. 20-47. Among anecdotal "recollections," see L. K. Diamond, "The Rh Problem through a Retrospective," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1974, 62, 311-24; and Richard E. Rosenfield, "Who Discovered Rh? A Personal Glimpse of the Levine-Wiener Argument," Transfusion, 1989, 29, 355-57.
148. Philip Levine and R. E. Stetson, "An Unusual Case of Intragroup Agglutination," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1939, 113, 126-27; Karl Landsteiner and A. S. Wiener, "An Agglutinable Factor in Human Blood Recognized by Immune Sera for Rhesus Blood" Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 223; and Philip Levine, E. M. Katzen, and L. Burnham, "Isoimmunization in Pregnancy, its Possible Bearing on the Etiology of Erythroblastosis foetalis," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1941, 116, 825-27. For an excellent account of the background, see David R. Zimmerman, Rh: The Intimate History of a Disease and Its Conquest (New York: Macmillan, 1973). pp. 20-47. Among anecdotal "recollections," see L. K. Diamond, "The Rh Problem through a Retrospective," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1974, 62, 311-24; and Richard E. Rosenfield, "Who Discovered Rh? A Personal Glimpse of the Levine-Wiener Argument," Transfusion, 1989, 29, 355-57.
149. Philip Levine and R. E. Stetson, "An Unusual Case of Intragroup Agglutination," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1939, 113, 126-27; Karl Landsteiner and A. S. Wiener, "An Agglutinable Factor in Human Blood Recognized by Immune Sera for Rhesus Blood" Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 223; and Philip Levine, E. M. Katzen, and L. Burnham, "Isoimmunization in Pregnancy, its Possible Bearing on the Etiology of Erythroblastosis foetalis," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1941, 116, 825-27. For an excellent account of the background, see David R. Zimmerman, Rh: The Intimate History of a Disease and Its Conquest (New York: Macmillan, 1973). pp. 20-47. Among anecdotal "recollections," see L. K. Diamond, "The Rh Problem through a Retrospective," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1974, 62, 311-24; and Richard E. Rosenfield, "Who Discovered Rh? A Personal Glimpse of the Levine-Wiener Argument," Transfusion, 1989, 29, 355-57.
150. Philip Levine and R. E. Stetson, "An Unusual Case of Intragroup Agglutination," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1939, 113, 126-27; Karl Landsteiner and A. S. Wiener, "An Agglutinable Factor in Human Blood Recognized by Immune Sera for Rhesus Blood" Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 223; and Philip Levine, E. M. Katzen, and L. Burnham, "Isoimmunization in Pregnancy, its Possible Bearing on the Etiology of Erythroblastosis foetalis," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1941, 116, 825-27. For an excellent account of the background, see David R. Zimmerman, Rh: The Intimate History of a Disease and Its Conquest (New York: Macmillan, 1973). pp. 20-47. Among anecdotal "recollections," see L. K. Diamond, "The Rh Problem through a Retrospective," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1974, 62, 311-24; and Richard E. Rosenfield, "Who Discovered Rh? A Personal Glimpse of the Levine-Wiener Argument," Transfusion, 1989, 29, 355-57.
151. Philip Levine and R. E. Stetson, "An Unusual Case of Intragroup Agglutination," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1939, 113, 126-27; Karl Landsteiner and A. S. Wiener, "An Agglutinable Factor in Human Blood Recognized by Immune Sera for Rhesus Blood" Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 223; and Philip Levine, E. M. Katzen, and L. Burnham, "Isoimmunization in Pregnancy, its Possible Bearing on the Etiology of Erythroblastosis foetalis," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1941, 116, 825-27. For an excellent account of the background, see David R. Zimmerman, Rh: The Intimate History of a Disease and Its Conquest (New York: Macmillan, 1973). pp. 20-47. Among anecdotal "recollections," see L. K. Diamond, "The Rh Problem through a Retrospective," Am. J. Clin. Pathol., 1974, 62, 311-24; and Richard E. Rosenfield, "Who Discovered Rh? A Personal Glimpse of the Levine-Wiener Argument," Transfusion, 1989, 29, 355-57.
152. Among these was the discovery of blood fractionation by Edwin Cohn. For more, see Angela Creager, "Biotechnology and Blood: Edwin Cohn's Plasma Fractionation Project, 1940-1953," in Arnold Thackray, ed., Private Science: Biotechnology and the Rise of the Molecular Sciences (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), pp. 39-62; and Starr, Blood, pp. 101-21.
153. Among these was the discovery of blood fractionation by Edwin Cohn. For more, see Angela Creager, "Biotechnology and Blood: Edwin Cohn's Plasma Fractionation Project, 1940-1953," in Arnold Thackray, ed., Private Science: Biotechnology and the Rise of the Molecular Sciences (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), pp. 39-62; and Starr, Blood, pp. 101-21.
154. Carrel is a highly controversial figure because of his research on in vitro cell cultivation between the wars and his activities in German occupied France during the Second World War. For a balanced account of Carrel's life and scientific work, see his entry in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography. Because of his skills in microsurgery, Carrel had performed one of the first blood transfusions in the twentieth century on the infant of a New York doctor. Publicity from the operation not only helped spread the word about new techniques of blood transfusion, it also brought Carrel to the attention of John D. Rockefeller.
155. Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, p. 13. This was not the first such project. See "Blood Sent to Spain," New York Times, 16 April 1938, p. 4, for an earlier effort directed by Walter B. Cannon at Harvard.
156. Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, p. 13. This was not the first such project. See "Blood Sent to Spain," New York Times, 16 April 1938, p. 4, for an earlier effort directed by Walter B. Cannon at Harvard.
157. For background on the NRC, see Rexmond C. Cochrane, The National Academy of Sciences: The First Hundred Years (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, 1978); and for the Second World War, see George B. Darling, "How the National Research Council Streamlined Medical Research for War," in Morris Fishbein, ed. Doctors at War (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1945), pp. 363-98.
158. For background on the NRC, see Rexmond C. Cochrane, The National Academy of Sciences: The First Hundred Years (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, 1978); and for the Second World War, see George B. Darling, "How the National Research Council Streamlined Medical Research for War," in Morris Fishbein, ed. Doctors at War (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1945), pp. 363-98.
159. For an overview, see Charles A. Janeway, "Plasma, the Transport Fluid for Blood Cells and Humors," in Maxwell M. Wintrobe, ed., Blood, Pure and Eloquent (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980), pp. 572-99. As far back as the First World War, Gordon Ward, "Correspondence: Transfusion of Plasma," Br. Med. J. 1918, i, 301, had suggested the advantage of plasma not hemolyzing red blood cells. This line of research even revived the pre-twentieth century interest in fluids other than human blood. For example, bovine plasma - a product in large supply - briefly came under serious study by O. H. Wangensteen, a surgery professor at the University of Minnesota. See Wangensteen et al., "Intravenous Administration of Bovine and Human Plasma to Man: Proof of Usefulness," Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 610-21. In France, similar suggestions were made for horse plasma. For Tzanck's critical reaction, see A. Tzanck and M. Sureau, "Sang total ou plasma?" Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1940, 56, 19-23. Despite the advantage of large supply, these projects were abandoned because of side effects and reactions.
160. For an overview, see Charles A. Janeway, "Plasma, the Transport Fluid for Blood Cells and Humors," in Maxwell M. Wintrobe, ed., Blood, Pure and Eloquent (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980), pp. 572-99. As far back as the First World War, Gordon Ward, "Correspondence: Transfusion of Plasma," Br. Med. J. 1918, i, 301, had suggested the advantage of plasma not hemolyzing red blood cells. This line of research even revived the pre-twentieth century interest in fluids other than human blood. For example, bovine plasma - a product in large supply - briefly came under serious study by O. H. Wangensteen, a surgery professor at the University of Minnesota. See Wangensteen et al., "Intravenous Administration of Bovine and Human Plasma to Man: Proof of Usefulness," Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 610-21. In France, similar suggestions were made for horse plasma. For Tzanck's critical reaction, see A. Tzanck and M. Sureau, "Sang total ou plasma?" Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1940, 56, 19-23. Despite the advantage of large supply, these projects were abandoned because of side effects and reactions.
161. For an overview, see Charles A. Janeway, "Plasma, the Transport Fluid for Blood Cells and Humors," in Maxwell M. Wintrobe, ed., Blood, Pure and Eloquent (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980), pp. 572-99. As far back as the First World War, Gordon Ward, "Correspondence: Transfusion of Plasma," Br. Med. J. 1918, i, 301, had suggested the advantage of plasma not hemolyzing red blood cells. This line of research even revived the pre-twentieth century interest in fluids other than human blood. For example, bovine plasma - a product in large supply - briefly came under serious study by O. H. Wangensteen, a surgery professor at the University of Minnesota. See Wangensteen et al., "Intravenous Administration of Bovine and Human Plasma to Man: Proof of Usefulness," Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 610-21. In France, similar suggestions were made for horse plasma. For Tzanck's critical reaction, see A. Tzanck and M. Sureau, "Sang total ou plasma?" Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1940, 56, 19-23. Despite the advantage of large supply, these projects were abandoned because of side effects and reactions.
162. For an overview, see Charles A. Janeway, "Plasma, the Transport Fluid for Blood Cells and Humors," in Maxwell M. Wintrobe, ed., Blood, Pure and Eloquent (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980), pp. 572-99. As far back as the First World War, Gordon Ward, "Correspondence: Transfusion of Plasma," Br. Med. J. 1918, i, 301, had suggested the advantage of plasma not hemolyzing red blood cells. This line of research even revived the pre-twentieth century interest in fluids other than human blood. For example, bovine plasma - a product in large supply - briefly came under serious study by O. H. Wangensteen, a surgery professor at the University of Minnesota. See Wangensteen et al., "Intravenous Administration of Bovine and Human Plasma to Man: Proof of Usefulness," Proc. Soc. Exp. Biol. Med., 1940, 43, 610-21. In France, similar suggestions were made for horse plasma. For Tzanck's critical reaction, see A. Tzanck and M. Sureau, "Sang total ou plasma?" Bull. Mem. Soc. Méd. Hôp. Paris, 1940, 56, 19-23. Despite the advantage of large supply, these projects were abandoned because of side effects and reactions.
163. Elliot, "A Preliminary Report." He used eight different donors in his first pool. See also, W. L. Tatum, J. Elliott, and N. Nesset, "A Technique for the Preparation of a Substitute for Whole Blood Adaptable for Use During Wartime Conditions," Mil.Surg., 1939, 85, 481-89.
164. Elliot, "A Preliminary Report." He used eight different donors in his first pool. See also, W. L. Tatum, J. Elliott, and N. Nesset, "A Technique for the Preparation of a Substitute for Whole Blood Adaptable for Use During Wartime Conditions," Mil.Surg., 1939, 85, 481-89.
165. Duran-Jorda, "Barcelona Blood Transfusion," pp. 773-74, ignored the problem of contamination.
166. DeWitt Stetten, "Blood Plasma for Great Britain Project," Bull. N. Y. Acad. Med., 1941, 17, 27-38. For a popular contemporary account of the new use of plasma, see Edith Roberts, "The Miracle of Plasma," Hygeia, 1940, 18, 1070 ff. See also Starr, Blood, pp. 92-98.
167. DeWitt Stetten, "Blood Plasma for Great Britain Project," Bull. N. Y. Acad. Med., 1941, 17, 27-38. For a popular contemporary account of the new use of plasma, see Edith Roberts, "The Miracle of Plasma," Hygeia, 1940, 18, 1070 ff. See also Starr, Blood, pp. 92-98.
168. DeWitt Stetten, "Blood Plasma for Great Britain Project," Bull. N. Y. Acad. Med., 1941, 17, 27-38. For a popular contemporary account of the new use of plasma, see Edith Roberts, "The Miracle of Plasma," Hygeia, 1940, 18, 1070 ff. See also Starr, Blood, pp. 92-98.
169. Gunson and Dodsworth,"Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," pp. 14-15; 38. Although the contamination was not widely reported, it was a recurring problem for the American military production of plasma and blood products. For the example of jaundice, see Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 674-78.
170. Gunson and Dodsworth,"Fifty Years of Blood Transfusion," pp. 14-15; 38. Although the contamination was not widely reported, it was a recurring problem for the American military production of plasma and blood products. For the example of jaundice, see Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 674-78.
171. See W. DeKleine, "Red Cross Transfusion Projects," J. Am. Med. Assoc. 1938, 111, 2101-03; American National Red Cross, American Red Cross Blood Donor Service During World War II: Its Organization and Operation (Washington: American National Red Cross, 1946). For background, see Foster Rhea Dulles, The American Red Cross: A History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), pp. 412-23. To be fair, the Red Cross involvement in Britain was exceptional.
172. See W. DeKleine, "Red Cross Transfusion Projects," J. Am. Med. Assoc. 1938, 111, 2101-03; American National Red Cross, American Red Cross Blood Donor Service During World War II: Its Organization and Operation (Washington: American National Red Cross, 1946). For background, see Foster Rhea Dulles, The American Red Cross: A History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), pp. 412-23. To be fair, the Red Cross involvement in Britain was exceptional.
173. See W. DeKleine, "Red Cross Transfusion Projects," J. Am. Med. Assoc. 1938, 111, 2101-03; American National Red Cross, American Red Cross Blood Donor Service During World War II: Its Organization and Operation (Washington: American National Red Cross, 1946). For background, see Foster Rhea Dulles, The American Red Cross: A History (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), pp. 412-23. To be fair, the Red Cross involvement in Britain was exceptional.
174. Experiments with drying techniques for immunological products dated from before the First World War, but there were problems of damage because of changes in concentration of components during drying. A novel solution by first freezing and then evacuation of vapor [freeze-drying] was first reported by Flosdorf and Mudd at the University of Pennsylvania in 1935. It was not until 1940, however, that they worked out a cost-efficient way of applying the technique on a large scale. In addition to Flosdorf and Mudd, "Procedure and Apparatus for Preservation," see Mudd, Flosdorf et al., "The Preservation and Concentration of Human Serums for Clinical Use," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1936, 107, 956-59; and Flosdorf, Stokes, and Mudd, "The 'Desivac' Process for Drying from the Frozen State," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1940, 115, 1095.
175. Experiments with drying techniques for immunological products dated from before the First World War, but there were problems of damage because of changes in concentration of components during drying. A novel solution by first freezing and then evacuation of vapor [freeze-drying] was first reported by Flosdorf and Mudd at the University of Pennsylvania in 1935. It was not until 1940, however, that they worked out a cost-efficient way of applying the technique on a large scale. In addition to Flosdorf and Mudd, "Procedure and Apparatus for Preservation," see Mudd, Flosdorf et al., "The Preservation and Concentration of Human Serums for Clinical Use," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1936, 107, 956-59; and Flosdorf, Stokes, and Mudd, "The 'Desivac' Process for Drying from the Frozen State," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1940, 115, 1095.
176. Experiments with drying techniques for immunological products dated from before the First World War, but there were problems of damage because of changes in concentration of components during drying. A novel solution by first freezing and then evacuation of vapor [freeze-drying] was first reported by Flosdorf and Mudd at the University of Pennsylvania in 1935. It was not until 1940, however, that they worked out a cost-efficient way of applying the technique on a large scale. In addition to Flosdorf and Mudd, "Procedure and Apparatus for Preservation," see Mudd, Flosdorf et al., "The Preservation and Concentration of Human Serums for Clinical Use," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1936, 107, 956-59; and Flosdorf, Stokes, and Mudd, "The 'Desivac' Process for Drying from the Frozen State," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1940, 115, 1095.
177. Kendrick, Blood Program in World War II, pp. 73-76.
178. Ibid., pp. 101-37, has a detailed treatment of the American Red Cross war effort.
179. For more, see Schneider, "Chance and Social Setting," pp. 558-62.
180. For example, a 1939 article on a new blood bank at a Texas hospital reported, "Blood from colored donors is kept separate from that of whites and Mexicans and only used for transfusing colored patients." Donald G. Henderson, "Blood Bank at Jefferson Davis Hospital," Hospitals, 1939, 13, 60-62.
181. As quoted in Robyn Mahone-Lonesome, Charles Drew, Physician (New York: Chelsea House, 1990), p. 77.
182. As quoted in P. McGuire, He too Spoke for Democracy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1988, pp. 73-74. See also, P. McGuire, "Judge Hastie, World War II, and the Army's Fear of Black Blood," Rev. Afro-Am. Issues Culture, 1979, 1, 134-49 and "Military Hemophobia," The Researchers: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 1985, 11, 1-7.
183. As quoted in P. McGuire, He too Spoke for Democracy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1988, pp. 73-74. See also, P. McGuire, "Judge Hastie, World War II, and the Army's Fear of Black Blood," Rev. Afro-Am. Issues Culture, 1979, 1, 134-49 and "Military Hemophobia," The Researchers: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 1985, 11, 1-7.
184. As quoted in P. McGuire, He too Spoke for Democracy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1988, pp. 73-74. See also, P. McGuire, "Judge Hastie, World War II, and the Army's Fear of Black Blood," Rev. Afro-Am. Issues Culture, 1979, 1, 134-49 and "Military Hemophobia," The Researchers: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 1985, 11, 1-7.
185. McGuire, He Too, pp. 74-77. A Red Cross publication of November 1941 entitled, Teamwork from Publicity to Plasma (Washington, D.C.: American Red Cross, 1941), p. 20, stated, "In obtaining blood plasma for use in the armed forces, the American Red Cross is acting pursuant to the requests and instructions of the army and navy and as of this time the Red Cross has been asked to supply only plasma from white donors." For examples of criticism, see "Use of Negro Blood for Blood Banks," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1942, 119, 307-308 and Science, 194.2, 96, 8. For more on Drew, see W. Montague Cobb, "Charles Richard Drew, M.D., 1904-1950," J. Natl. Med. Assoc., 1950, 42, 238-46; and Starr, Blood, pp. 96-100. For more recent scholarly work addressing the controversies surrounding Drew, see Charles S. Wyne, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996).
186. McGuire, He Too, pp. 74-77. A Red Cross publication of November 1941 entitled, Teamwork from Publicity to Plasma (Washington, D.C.: American Red Cross, 1941), p. 20, stated, "In obtaining blood plasma for use in the armed forces, the American Red Cross is acting pursuant to the requests and instructions of the army and navy and as of this time the Red Cross has been asked to supply only plasma from white donors." For examples of criticism, see "Use of Negro Blood for Blood Banks," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1942, 119, 307-308 and Science, 194.2, 96, 8. For more on Drew, see W. Montague Cobb, "Charles Richard Drew, M.D., 1904-1950," J. Natl. Med. Assoc., 1950, 42, 238-46; and Starr, Blood, pp. 96-100. For more recent scholarly work addressing the controversies surrounding Drew, see Charles S. Wyne, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996).
187. McGuire, He Too, pp. 74-77. A Red Cross publication of November 1941 entitled, Teamwork from Publicity to Plasma (Washington, D.C.: American Red Cross, 1941), p. 20, stated, "In obtaining blood plasma for use in the armed forces, the American Red Cross is acting pursuant to the requests and instructions of the army and navy and as of this time the Red Cross has been asked to supply only plasma from white donors." For examples of criticism, see "Use of Negro Blood for Blood Banks," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1942, 119, 307-308 and Science, 194.2, 96, 8. For more on Drew, see W. Montague Cobb, "Charles Richard Drew, M.D., 1904-1950," J. Natl. Med. Assoc., 1950, 42, 238-46; and Starr, Blood, pp. 96-100. For more recent scholarly work addressing the controversies surrounding Drew, see Charles S. Wyne, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996).
188. McGuire, He Too, pp. 74-77. A Red Cross publication of November 1941 entitled, Teamwork from Publicity to Plasma (Washington, D.C.: American Red Cross, 1941), p. 20, stated, "In obtaining blood plasma for use in the armed forces, the American Red Cross is acting pursuant to the requests and instructions of the army and navy and as of this time the Red Cross has been asked to supply only plasma from white donors." For examples of criticism, see "Use of Negro Blood for Blood Banks," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1942, 119, 307-308 and Science, 194.2, 96, 8. For more on Drew, see W. Montague Cobb, "Charles Richard Drew, M.D., 1904-1950," J. Natl. Med. Assoc., 1950, 42, 238-46; and Starr, Blood, pp. 96-100. For more recent scholarly work addressing the controversies surrounding Drew, see Charles S. Wyne, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996).
189. McGuire, He Too, pp. 74-77. A Red Cross publication of November 1941 entitled, Teamwork from Publicity to Plasma (Washington, D.C.: American Red Cross, 1941), p. 20, stated, "In obtaining blood plasma for use in the armed forces, the American Red Cross is acting pursuant to the requests and instructions of the army and navy and as of this time the Red Cross has been asked to supply only plasma from white donors." For examples of criticism, see "Use of Negro Blood for Blood Banks," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1942, 119, 307-308 and Science, 194.2, 96, 8. For more on Drew, see W. Montague Cobb, "Charles Richard Drew, M.D., 1904-1950," J. Natl. Med. Assoc., 1950, 42, 238-46; and Starr, Blood, pp. 96-100. For more recent scholarly work addressing the controversies surrounding Drew, see Charles S. Wyne, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996).
190. McGuire, He Too, pp. 74-77. A Red Cross publication of November 1941 entitled, Teamwork from Publicity to Plasma (Washington, D.C.: American Red Cross, 1941), p. 20, stated, "In obtaining blood plasma for use in the armed forces, the American Red Cross is acting pursuant to the requests and instructions of the army and navy and as of this time the Red Cross has been asked to supply only plasma from white donors." For examples of criticism, see "Use of Negro Blood for Blood Banks," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1942, 119, 307-308 and Science, 194.2, 96, 8. For more on Drew, see W. Montague Cobb, "Charles Richard Drew, M.D., 1904-1950," J. Natl. Med. Assoc., 1950, 42, 238-46; and Starr, Blood, pp. 96-100. For more recent scholarly work addressing the controversies surrounding Drew, see Charles S. Wyne, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996).
191. McGuire, He Too, pp. 74-77. A Red Cross publication of November 1941 entitled, Teamwork from Publicity to Plasma (Washington, D.C.: American Red Cross, 1941), p. 20, stated, "In obtaining blood plasma for use in the armed forces, the American Red Cross is acting pursuant to the requests and instructions of the army and navy and as of this time the Red Cross has been asked to supply only plasma from white donors." For examples of criticism, see "Use of Negro Blood for Blood Banks," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1942, 119, 307-308 and Science, 194.2, 96, 8. For more on Drew, see W. Montague Cobb, "Charles Richard Drew, M.D., 1904-1950," J. Natl. Med. Assoc., 1950, 42, 238-46; and Starr, Blood, pp. 96-100. For more recent scholarly work addressing the controversies surrounding Drew, see Charles S. Wyne, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996).
192. McGuire, He Too, pp. 74-77. A Red Cross publication of November 1941 entitled, Teamwork from Publicity to Plasma (Washington, D.C.: American Red Cross, 1941), p. 20, stated, "In obtaining blood plasma for use in the armed forces, the American Red Cross is acting pursuant to the requests and instructions of the army and navy and as of this time the Red Cross has been asked to supply only plasma from white donors." For examples of criticism, see "Use of Negro Blood for Blood Banks," J. Am. Med. Assoc., 1942, 119, 307-308 and Science, 194.2, 96, 8. For more on Drew, see W. Montague Cobb, "Charles Richard Drew, M.D., 1904-1950," J. Natl. Med. Assoc., 1950, 42, 238-46; and Starr, Blood, pp. 96-100. For more recent scholarly work addressing the controversies surrounding Drew, see Charles S. Wyne, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1996).
193. In Louisiana, it continued until 1969. See "Segregated Blood: A Backlash Backfires," Hospital Practice, 1969, 4, 21-25; 82-83. The Americans were not, however, the only ones who acceded to common prejudices that ran counter to scientific evidence. Not surprisingly, the Nazis made some attempts to screen for "Aryan" blood in transfusions. See New York Times, 1 March 1942, 13, 2 and 23 September 1942; 11, 1. Jean Dausset, French Nobel laureate, relates that during his service in the North African campaign, captured Germans who were wounded refused blood transfusions from Italians in the medical wards. Dausset interview, May 1994, and Clin d'oeil de la vie (Paris: Editions Odile Jacob, 1998), p. 43. At the outbreak of the war, one French surgeon found it surprising enough that the blood from African troops could be used in transfusions for white French troops that he wrote a special
194. In Louisiana, it continued until 1969. See "Segregated Blood: A Backlash Backfires," Hospital Practice, 1969, 4, 21-25; 82-83. The Americans were not, however, the only ones who acceded to common prejudices that ran counter to scientific evidence. Not surprisingly, the Nazis made some attempts to screen for "Aryan" blood in transfusions. See New York Times, 1 March 1942, 13, 2 and 23 September 1942; 11, 1. Jean Dausset, French Nobel laureate, relates that during his service in the North African campaign, captured Germans who were wounded refused blood transfusions from Italians in the medical wards. Dausset interview, May 1994, and Clin d'oeil de la vie (Paris: Editions Odile Jacob, 1998), p. 43. At the outbreak of the war, one French surgeon found it surprising enough that the blood from African troops could be used in transfusions for white French troops that he wrote a special report for a government commission studying blood transfusion. "Note du Dr. Briault exposée au comité spécialisé pour l'étude des problèmes de la transfusion sanguine," séance du 4 mai 1940. Archives of CNRS, CAC 80284, folder 34. Finally, Wynes, Charles Richard Drew, p. 67, states that even before the U.S. Army created its national program, the blood and plasma shipped to Britain in 1940 was labeled by race, supposedly to honor British wishes. The separate labeling, although not the motivation, is confirmed by Stetten, "Blood Plasma for Great Britain Project," p. 43.
195. In Louisiana, it continued until 1969. See "Segregated Blood: A Backlash Backfires," Hospital Practice, 1969, 4, 21-25; 82-83. The Americans were not, however, the only ones who acceded to common prejudices that ran counter to scientific evidence. Not surprisingly, the Nazis made some attempts to screen for "Aryan" blood in transfusions. See New York Times, 1 March 1942, 13, 2 and 23 September 1942; 11, 1. Jean Dausset, French Nobel laureate, relates that during his service in the North African campaign, captured Germans who were wounded refused blood transfusions from Italians in the medical wards. Dausset interview, May 1994, and Clin d'oeil de la vie (Paris: Editions Odile Jacob, 1998), p. 43. At the outbreak of the war, one French surgeon found it surprising enough that the blood from African troops could be used in transfusions for white French troops that he wrote a special report for a government commission studying blood transfusion. "Note du Dr. Briault exposée au comité spécialisé pour l'étude des problèmes de la transfusion sanguine," séance du 4 mai 1940. Archives of CNRS, CAC 80284, folder 34. Finally, Wynes, Charles Richard Drew, p. 67, states that even before the U.S. Army created its national program, the blood and plasma shipped to Britain in 1940 was labeled by race, supposedly to honor British wishes. The separate labeling, although not the motivation, is confirmed by Stetten, "Blood Plasma for Great Britain Project," p. 43.
196. In Louisiana, it continued until 1969. See "Segregated Blood: A Backlash Backfires," Hospital Practice, 1969, 4, 21-25; 82-83. The Americans were not, however, the only ones who acceded to common prejudices that ran counter to scientific evidence. Not surprisingly, the Nazis made some attempts to screen for "Aryan" blood in transfusions. See New York Times, 1 March 1942, 13, 2 and 23 September 1942; 11, 1. Jean Dausset, French Nobel laureate, relates that during his service in the North African campaign, captured Germans who were wounded refused blood transfusions from Italians in the medical wards. Dausset interview, May 1994, and Clin d'oeil de la vie (Paris: Editions Odile Jacob, 1998), p. 43. At the outbreak of the war, one French surgeon found it surprising enough that the blood from African troops could be used in transfusions for white French troops that he wrote a special report for a government commission studying blood transfusion. "Note du Dr. Briault exposée au comité spécialisé pour l'étude des problèmes de la transfusion sanguine," séance du 4 mai 1940. Archives of CNRS, CAC 80284, folder 34. Finally, Wynes, Charles Richard Drew, p. 67, states that even before the U.S. Army created its national program, the blood and plasma shipped to Britain in 1940 was labeled by race, supposedly to honor British wishes. The separate labeling, although not the motivation, is confirmed by Stetten, "Blood Plasma for Great Britain Project," p. 43.
197. In Louisiana, it continued until 1969. See "Segregated Blood: A Backlash Backfires," Hospital Practice, 1969, 4, 21-25; 82-83. The Americans were not, however, the only ones who acceded to common prejudices that ran counter to scientific evidence. Not surprisingly, the Nazis made some attempts to screen for "Aryan" blood in transfusions. See New York Times, 1 March 1942, 13, 2 and 23 September 1942; 11, 1. Jean Dausset, French Nobel laureate, relates that during his service in the North African campaign, captured Germans who were wounded refused blood transfusions from Italians in the medical wards. Dausset interview, May 1994, and Clin d'oeil de la vie (Paris: Editions Odile Jacob, 1998), p. 43. At the outbreak of the war, one French surgeon found it surprising enough that the blood from African troops could be used in transfusions for white French troops that he wrote a special report for a government commission studying blood transfusion. "Note du Dr. Briault exposée au comité spécialisé pour l'étude des problèmes de la transfusion sanguine," séance du 4 mai 1940. Archives of CNRS, CAC 80284, folder 34. Finally, Wynes, Charles Richard Drew, p. 67, states that even before the U.S. Army created its national program, the blood and plasma shipped to Britain in 1940 was labeled by race, supposedly to honor British wishes. The separate labeling, although not the motivation, is confirmed by Stetten, "Blood Plasma for Great Britain Project," p. 43.
198. In Louisiana, it continued until 1969. See "Segregated Blood: A Backlash Backfires," Hospital Practice, 1969, 4, 21-25; 82-83. The Americans were not, however, the only ones who acceded to common prejudices that ran counter to scientific evidence. Not surprisingly, the Nazis made some attempts to screen for "Aryan" blood in transfusions. See New York Times, 1 March 1942, 13, 2 and 23 September 1942; 11, 1. Jean Dausset, French Nobel laureate, relates that during his service in the North African campaign, captured Germans who were wounded refused blood transfusions from Italians in the medical wards. Dausset interview, May 1994, and Clin d'oeil de la vie (Paris: Editions Odile Jacob, 1998), p. 43. At the outbreak of the war, one French surgeon found it surprising enough that the blood from African troops could be used in transfusions for white French troops that he wrote a special report for a government commission studying blood transfusion. "Note du Dr. Briault exposée au comité spécialisé pour l'étude des problèmes de la transfusion sanguine," séance du 4 mai 1940. Archives of CNRS, CAC 80284, folder 34. Finally, Wynes, Charles Richard Drew, p. 67, states that even before the U.S. Army created its national program, the blood and plasma shipped to Britain in 1940 was labeled by race, supposedly to honor British wishes. The separate labeling, although not the motivation, is confirmed by Stetten, "Blood Plasma for Great Britain Project," p. 43.