Blood Transfusion in Peace and War, 1900-1918

Social History of Medicine

Volumn 10, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 105-126

  Schneider, William H ^a  

^a INDIANA UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

Blood; Donors; Haemolysis; Surgery; Testing; Transfusion; War

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; BLOOD TRANSFUSION; HISTORY; WAR;

BLOOD TRANSFUSION; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; WAR;

EID: 0031111766     PISSN: 0951631X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/shm/10.1.105     Document Type: Article

References (131)

1. Jean-Paul Roux, Sang: Mythes, symboles et realités (Paris, 1988), p. 57.
2. Roger Cooter, 'War and Modern Medicine', in W. F. Bynum and R. Porter (eds) Contemporary Encyclopaedia of the History of Medicine (London, 1993), 2: 1536-73. Although there is a large literature about the practice of military medicine, it is overwhelmingly written by participants with a narrow focus. Cooter's long bibliographic essay is a recent exception, as is a more ambitious attempt at synthesis by Richard A. Gabriel and Karen S. Metz, A History of Military Medicine (Westport, CT, 1992), 2 vols. In John Keegan's introduction to the latter, p. xiii, he identifies transfusion, along with anesthesia and antisepsis, as the three discoveries at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries which permitted medical treatment to keep up in the race with technological advances in the ability to kill and injure in warfare.
3. Roger Cooter, 'War and Modern Medicine', in W. F. Bynum and R. Porter (eds) Contemporary Encyclopaedia of the History of Medicine (London, 1993), 2: 1536-73. Although there is a large literature about the practice of military medicine, it is overwhelmingly written by participants with a narrow focus. Cooter's long bibliographic essay is a recent exception, as is a more ambitious attempt at synthesis by Richard A. Gabriel and Karen S. Metz, A History of Military Medicine (Westport, CT, 1992), 2 vols. In John Keegan's introduction to the latter, p. xiii, he identifies transfusion, along with anesthesia and antisepsis, as the three discoveries at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries which permitted medical treatment to keep up in the race with technological advances in the ability to kill and injure in warfare.
4. Because of its breadth of coverage, the Gabriel and Metz volumes only have time to mention changes in medical practice from war to war. Two recent examples focusing on blood transfusion with this same perspective are Margaret B. Wheeler, 'Fertile Blood', MHQ, 5 (1993), 76-85 and Douglas Starr, 'Again and Again in World War II, Blood Made the Difference', Smithsonian Magazine, (1995), 124ff. The latter is an otherwise excellent treatment of the blood fractionation program in the United States during the Second World War. Cooter, 'War and Modern Medicine', p. 1563, describes the convergence of war and peacetime medicine in the twentieth century as resulting from the '"civilianization" of military medicine (i.e. publication of specialized journals, establishment of permanent laboratories) as well as the 'militarization of medicine' which is reflected in its contemporary language (i.e. 'fighting' disease, immune 'defense' system, 'war' on cancer).
5. Because of its breadth of coverage, the Gabriel and Metz volumes only have time to mention changes in medical practice from war to war. Two recent examples focusing on blood transfusion with this same perspective are Margaret B. Wheeler, 'Fertile Blood', MHQ, 5 (1993), 76-85 and Douglas Starr, 'Again and Again in World War II, Blood Made the Difference', Smithsonian Magazine, (1995), 124ff. The latter is an otherwise excellent treatment of the blood fractionation program in the United States during the Second World War. Cooter, 'War and Modern Medicine', p. 1563, describes the convergence of war and peacetime medicine in the twentieth century as resulting from the '"civilianization" of military medicine (i.e. publication of specialized journals, establishment of permanent laboratories) as well as the 'militarization of medicine' which is reflected in its contemporary language (i.e. 'fighting' disease, immune 'defense' system, 'war' on cancer).
6. Because of its breadth of coverage, the Gabriel and Metz volumes only have time to mention changes in medical practice from war to war. Two recent examples focusing on blood transfusion with this same perspective are Margaret B. Wheeler, 'Fertile Blood', MHQ, 5 (1993), 76-85 and Douglas Starr, 'Again and Again in World War II, Blood Made the Difference', Smithsonian Magazine, (1995), 124ff. The latter is an otherwise excellent treatment of the blood fractionation program in the United States during the Second World War. Cooter, 'War and Modern Medicine', p. 1563, describes the convergence of war and peacetime medicine in the twentieth century as resulting from the '"civilianization" of military medicine (i.e. publication of specialized journals, establishment of permanent laboratories) as well as the 'militarization of medicine' which is reflected in its contemporary language (i.e. 'fighting' disease, immune 'defense' system, 'war' on cancer).
7. Many of these studies have been by social historians of medicine and sociologists of science and technology. Some examples covering the same period as this article are, Edward Shorter, The Health Century (New York, 1987) which focuses on the rise of American researchers to predominance in the twentieth century; and John V. Pickstone (ed.) Medical Innovation in Historical Perspective (New York, 1992) which looks at Great Britain. John P. Swann, Academic Scientists and the Pharmaceutical Industry (Baltimore, 1988), examines one of the key new features of this medical research: the link between science and industry.
8. Many of these studies have been by social historians of medicine and sociologists of science and technology. Some examples covering the same period as this article are, Edward Shorter, The Health Century (New York, 1987) which focuses on the rise of American researchers to predominance in the twentieth century; and John V. Pickstone (ed.) Medical Innovation in Historical Perspective (New York, 1992) which looks at Great Britain. John P. Swann, Academic Scientists and the Pharmaceutical Industry (Baltimore, 1988), examines one of the key new features of this medical research: the link between science and industry.
9. Many of these studies have been by social historians of medicine and sociologists of science and technology. Some examples covering the same period as this article are, Edward Shorter, The Health Century (New York, 1987) which focuses on the rise of American researchers to predominance in the twentieth century; and John V. Pickstone (ed.) Medical Innovation in Historical Perspective (New York, 1992) which looks at Great Britain. John P. Swann, Academic Scientists and the Pharmaceutical Industry (Baltimore, 1988), examines one of the key new features of this medical research: the link between science and industry.
10. Earlier histories of transfusion that remain useful are, Bernard J. Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', Annals of Medical History, 4 (1942), 302-23; N. S. R. Maluf, 'History of Blood Transfusion', Journal of the History of Medicine, 9 (1954), 59-109; and Peter Hutchin, 'History of Blood Transfusion: A Tricentennial Look', Surgery, 64 (1968), 685-700. The most recent examination is by Louis K. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', in Maxwell M. Wintrobe (ed.) Blood, Pure and Eloquent (New York, 1980), 658-88, which focuses primarily on the development of new techniques. Several scholars, notably Douglas Starr and Kim Pelis, are currently working on the history of transfusion from a broader social perspective.
11. Earlier histories of transfusion that remain useful are, Bernard J. Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', Annals of Medical History, 4 (1942), 302-23; N. S. R. Maluf, 'History of Blood Transfusion', Journal of the History of Medicine, 9 (1954), 59-109; and Peter Hutchin, 'History of Blood Transfusion: A Tricentennial Look', Surgery, 64 (1968), 685-700. The most recent examination is by Louis K. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', in Maxwell M. Wintrobe (ed.) Blood, Pure and Eloquent (New York, 1980), 658-88, which focuses primarily on the development of new techniques. Several scholars, notably Douglas Starr and Kim Pelis, are currently working on the history of transfusion from a broader social perspective.
12. Earlier histories of transfusion that remain useful are, Bernard J. Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', Annals of Medical History, 4 (1942), 302-23; N. S. R. Maluf, 'History of Blood Transfusion', Journal of the History of Medicine, 9 (1954), 59-109; and Peter Hutchin, 'History of Blood Transfusion: A Tricentennial Look', Surgery, 64 (1968), 685-700. The most recent examination is by Louis K. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', in Maxwell M. Wintrobe (ed.) Blood, Pure and Eloquent (New York, 1980), 658-88, which focuses primarily on the development of new techniques. Several scholars, notably Douglas Starr and Kim Pelis, are currently working on the history of transfusion from a broader social perspective.
13. Earlier histories of transfusion that remain useful are, Bernard J. Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', Annals of Medical History, 4 (1942), 302-23; N. S. R. Maluf, 'History of Blood Transfusion', Journal of the History of Medicine, 9 (1954), 59-109; and Peter Hutchin, 'History of Blood Transfusion: A Tricentennial Look', Surgery, 64 (1968), 685-700. The most recent examination is by Louis K. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', in Maxwell M. Wintrobe (ed.) Blood, Pure and Eloquent (New York, 1980), 658-88, which focuses primarily on the development of new techniques. Several scholars, notably Douglas Starr and Kim Pelis, are currently working on the history of transfusion from a broader social perspective.
14. See Roux, Sang, pp. 201-54, for chapters about taboos and practices involving blood.
15. Harvey announced his discovery in 1616 but did not publish it until 1628, Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis (Frankfurt, 1628). For more on the early transfusions, see Jean-Jacques Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', Clio Medica, 9 (1974), 325-41; and Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 659-66. Because they occurred so close together in time, there is a sizeable literature about the priority of these seventeenth-century experiments with transfusion. For examples of the debate on French and English claims, see M. T. Walton, 'The First Blood Transfusion: French or English?', Medical History, 18 (1974), 360-4; and A. D. Farr, 'The First Human Blood Transfusion', Medical History, 24 (1980), 143-62.
16. Harvey announced his discovery in 1616 but did not publish it until 1628, Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis (Frankfurt, 1628). For more on the early transfusions, see Jean-Jacques Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', Clio Medica, 9 (1974), 325-41; and Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 659-66. Because they occurred so close together in time, there is a sizeable literature about the priority of these seventeenth-century experiments with transfusion. For examples of the debate on French and English claims, see M. T. Walton, 'The First Blood Transfusion: French or English?', Medical History, 18 (1974), 360-4; and A. D. Farr, 'The First Human Blood Transfusion', Medical History, 24 (1980), 143-62.
17. Harvey announced his discovery in 1616 but did not publish it until 1628, Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis (Frankfurt, 1628). For more on the early transfusions, see Jean-Jacques Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', Clio Medica, 9 (1974), 325-41; and Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 659-66. Because they occurred so close together in time, there is a sizeable literature about the priority of these seventeenth-century experiments with transfusion. For examples of the debate on French and English claims, see M. T. Walton, 'The First Blood Transfusion: French or English?', Medical History, 18 (1974), 360-4; and A. D. Farr, 'The First Human Blood Transfusion', Medical History, 24 (1980), 143-62.
18. Harvey announced his discovery in 1616 but did not publish it until 1628, Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis (Frankfurt, 1628). For more on the early transfusions, see Jean-Jacques Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', Clio Medica, 9 (1974), 325-41; and Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 659-66. Because they occurred so close together in time, there is a sizeable literature about the priority of these seventeenth-century experiments with transfusion. For examples of the debate on French and English claims, see M. T. Walton, 'The First Blood Transfusion: French or English?', Medical History, 18 (1974), 360-4; and A. D. Farr, 'The First Human Blood Transfusion', Medical History, 24 (1980), 143-62.
19. Harvey announced his discovery in 1616 but did not publish it until 1628, Exercitatio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis (Frankfurt, 1628). For more on the early transfusions, see Jean-Jacques Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', Clio Medica, 9 (1974), 325-41; and Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 659-66. Because they occurred so close together in time, there is a sizeable literature about the priority of these seventeenth-century experiments with transfusion. For examples of the debate on French and English claims, see M. T. Walton, 'The First Blood Transfusion: French or English?', Medical History, 18 (1974), 360-4; and A. D. Farr, 'The First Human Blood Transfusion', Medical History, 24 (1980), 143-62.
20. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 664-5; A. M. Moulin, 'Les batailles de la transfusion sanguine', L'Histoire, 74 (1984), 106-10.
21. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 664-5; A. M. Moulin, 'Les batailles de la transfusion sanguine', L'Histoire, 74 (1984), 106-10.
22. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 665-6.
23. Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', p. 338; Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 308. For an English example, see C. H. J. Routh, 'Remarks Statistical and General on Transfusion of Blood', Medical Times, 20 (1849), 114-17. Emile Jeanbrau, a pioneer of transfusion in France, recalled descriptions from his mentors of about 60 transfusions done before 1875 in 'Une technique simple de transfusion du sang', Montpélier médical, 39 (1916-17), 1145-6. For a vivid recollection of four transfusions in 1876-77, see Henri Henrot, 'Transfusion du sang', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 68 (1912), 389-412.
24. Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', p. 338; Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 308. For an English example, see C. H. J. Routh, 'Remarks Statistical and General on Transfusion of Blood', Medical Times, 20 (1849), 114-17. Emile Jeanbrau, a pioneer of transfusion in France, recalled descriptions from his mentors of about 60 transfusions done before 1875 in 'Une technique simple de transfusion du sang', Montpélier médical, 39 (1916-17), 1145-6. For a vivid recollection of four transfusions in 1876-77, see Henri Henrot, 'Transfusion du sang', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 68 (1912), 389-412.
25. Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', p. 338; Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 308. For an English example, see C. H. J. Routh, 'Remarks Statistical and General on Transfusion of Blood', Medical Times, 20 (1849), 114-17. Emile Jeanbrau, a pioneer of transfusion in France, recalled descriptions from his mentors of about 60 transfusions done before 1875 in 'Une technique simple de transfusion du sang', Montpélier médical, 39 (1916-17), 1145-6. For a vivid recollection of four transfusions in 1876-77, see Henri Henrot, 'Transfusion du sang', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 68 (1912), 389-412.
26. Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', p. 338; Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 308. For an English example, see C. H. J. Routh, 'Remarks Statistical and General on Transfusion of Blood', Medical Times, 20 (1849), 114-17. Emile Jeanbrau, a pioneer of transfusion in France, recalled descriptions from his mentors of about 60 transfusions done before 1875 in 'Une technique simple de transfusion du sang', Montpélier médical, 39 (1916-17), 1145-6. For a vivid recollection of four transfusions in 1876-77, see Henri Henrot, 'Transfusion du sang', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 68 (1912), 389-412.
27. Peumery, 'Les origines de la transfusion sanguine', p. 338; Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 308. For an English example, see C. H. J. Routh, 'Remarks Statistical and General on Transfusion of Blood', Medical Times, 20 (1849), 114-17. Emile Jeanbrau, a pioneer of transfusion in France, recalled descriptions from his mentors of about 60 transfusions done before 1875 in 'Une technique simple de transfusion du sang', Montpélier médical, 39 (1916-17), 1145-6. For a vivid recollection of four transfusions in 1876-77, see Henri Henrot, 'Transfusion du sang', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 68 (1912), 389-412.
28. See Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 309; Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion' p. 668; and Paul J. Schmidt, 'Transfusion in America in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries', New England Journal of Medicine, 279 (1968), 1319-20.
29. See Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 309; Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion' p. 668; and Paul J. Schmidt, 'Transfusion in America in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries', New England Journal of Medicine, 279 (1968), 1319-20.
30. See Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 309; Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion' p. 668; and Paul J. Schmidt, 'Transfusion in America in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries', New England Journal of Medicine, 279 (1968), 1319-20.
31. The majority of these are reminiscences or hagiography, although Diamond stands out as an exception. Among the more useful of the former, see Reuben Ottenberg, 'Reminiscences of the History of Blood Transfusion', Journal of the Mount Sinai Hospital, 4 (1937), 264-71; Richard Lewisohn, 'Blood Transfusion: Fifty Years Ago and Today', Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, 101 (1955), 362-8; and Richard E. Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins of Modern Transfusion Therapy', Mount Sinai Journal of Medicine, 41 (1974), 626-35.
32. The majority of these are reminiscences or hagiography, although Diamond stands out as an exception. Among the more useful of the former, see Reuben Ottenberg, 'Reminiscences of the History of Blood Transfusion', Journal of the Mount Sinai Hospital, 4 (1937), 264-71; Richard Lewisohn, 'Blood Transfusion: Fifty Years Ago and Today', Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, 101 (1955), 362-8; and Richard E. Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins of Modern Transfusion Therapy', Mount Sinai Journal of Medicine, 41 (1974), 626-35.
33. The majority of these are reminiscences or hagiography, although Diamond stands out as an exception. Among the more useful of the former, see Reuben Ottenberg, 'Reminiscences of the History of Blood Transfusion', Journal of the Mount Sinai Hospital, 4 (1937), 264-71; Richard Lewisohn, 'Blood Transfusion: Fifty Years Ago and Today', Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, 101 (1955), 362-8; and Richard E. Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins of Modern Transfusion Therapy', Mount Sinai Journal of Medicine, 41 (1974), 626-35.
34. For example, Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1145-6 described one of the most common procedures in France in the last part of the nineteenth century as beginning with the collection of blood by means of a funnel which was pre-heated to prevent coagulation, so it was mistakenly thought. Then a syringe with a leather piston was used to inject the collected blood into the patient. The combination of small quantity transfused, increased clotting from heating, and lack of antiseptic conditions produced such a high degree of failure that according to Jeanbrau, the practice of transfusion 'was completely abandoned'.
35. A great deal has been written on Carrel, much of it controversial. He quickly achieved notoriety in 1912 when he received the Nobel Prize for his micro-surgical techniques. Between the wars Carrel's research turned to in vitro cultivation of cells and organs, although the validity of this work has been challenged. It was aided by the invention of a perfusion pump by Charles Lindbergh who became Carrel's close friend. Carrel relished his role in the spotlight of publicity, but he kept a summer home in France and returned there to work during both world wars. His most controversial activities were conducted when he came out of retirement in 1941 at age 68 to establish the French Foundation for the Study of Human Problems with funding from the Vichy regime. Charged with collaboration after the liberation of France, Carrel died in 1944 before he could be tried. For a balanced account focusing on scientific activities, see the entry in Dictionary of Scientific Biography.
36. George W. Crile, George Crile: An Autobiography (Philadelphia, 1947), 1:164-7. He published the results in 1907, but the most complete account of his transfusions which became the first standard reference on the subject was Hemorrhage and Transfusion (New York: Appleton, 1909). The best biography of Crile is Peter C. English, Shock, Physiological Surgery and George Washington Crile (Westport, CT, 1980).
37. George W. Crile, George Crile: An Autobiography (Philadelphia, 1947), 1:164-7. He published the results in 1907, but the most complete account of his transfusions which became the first standard reference on the subject was Hemorrhage and Transfusion (New York: Appleton, 1909). The best biography of Crile is Peter C. English, Shock, Physiological Surgery and George Washington Crile (Westport, CT, 1980).
38. George W. Crile, George Crile: An Autobiography (Philadelphia, 1947), 1:164-7. He published the results in 1907, but the most complete account of his transfusions which became the first standard reference on the subject was Hemorrhage and Transfusion (New York: Appleton, 1909). The best biography of Crile is Peter C. English, Shock, Physiological Surgery and George Washington Crile (Westport, CT, 1980).
39. L. G. Walker, 'Carrel's Direct Transfusion of a Five Day Old Infant', Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, 137 (1973), 494-6.
40. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 673-5. Lewisohn 'Blood Transfusion: Fifty Years Ago and Today', p. 362, estimates there were no fewer than 200 different syringe techniques developed. For a description of one of the most widely used, see the reminiscences of L. J. Unger, 'Blood Transfusion - 1914 Model', Haemotologica, 6 (1972), 47-57. According to Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 311, these innovations were made possible by paraffin and vaseline coating to reduce coagulation which had been discovered earlier by Bordet and Gangou.
41. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 673-5. Lewisohn 'Blood Transfusion: Fifty Years Ago and Today', p. 362, estimates there were no fewer than 200 different syringe techniques developed. For a description of one of the most widely used, see the reminiscences of L. J. Unger, 'Blood Transfusion - 1914 Model', Haemotologica, 6 (1972), 47-57. According to Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 311, these innovations were made possible by paraffin and vaseline coating to reduce coagulation which had been discovered earlier by Bordet and Gangou.
42. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 673-5. Lewisohn 'Blood Transfusion: Fifty Years Ago and Today', p. 362, estimates there were no fewer than 200 different syringe techniques developed. For a description of one of the most widely used, see the reminiscences of L. J. Unger, 'Blood Transfusion - 1914 Model', Haemotologica, 6 (1972), 47-57. According to Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 311, these innovations were made possible by paraffin and vaseline coating to reduce coagulation which had been discovered earlier by Bordet and Gangou.
43. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 673-5. Lewisohn 'Blood Transfusion: Fifty Years Ago and Today', p. 362, estimates there were no fewer than 200 different syringe techniques developed. For a description of one of the most widely used, see the reminiscences of L. J. Unger, 'Blood Transfusion - 1914 Model', Haemotologica, 6 (1972), 47-57. According to Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 311, these innovations were made possible by paraffin and vaseline coating to reduce coagulation which had been discovered earlier by Bordet and Gangou.
44. Karl Landsteiner, 'Ueber Agglutinationserscheinungen normalen menschlichen Blutes', Wiener klinische Wochenschrift, 14 (1901), 1134. The standard biography of Landsteiner is by Paul Speiser and Ferdinand G. Smekal, Karl Landsteiner, trans. by Richard Rickett (Vienna, 1975). For additional background on Landsteiner and his importance to immunology, see Pauline M. H. Mazumdar, Species and Specificity: An Interpretation of the History of Immunology (New York, 1995).
45. Karl Landsteiner, 'Ueber Agglutinationserscheinungen normalen menschlichen Blutes', Wiener klinische Wochenschrift, 14 (1901), 1134. The standard biography of Landsteiner is by Paul Speiser and Ferdinand G. Smekal, Karl Landsteiner, trans. by Richard Rickett (Vienna, 1975). For additional background on Landsteiner and his importance to immunology, see Pauline M. H. Mazumdar, Species and Specificity: An Interpretation of the History of Immunology (New York, 1995).
46. Karl Landsteiner, 'Ueber Agglutinationserscheinungen normalen menschlichen Blutes', Wiener klinische Wochenschrift, 14 (1901), 1134. The standard biography of Landsteiner is by Paul Speiser and Ferdinand G. Smekal, Karl Landsteiner, trans. by Richard Rickett (Vienna, 1975). For additional background on Landsteiner and his importance to immunology, see Pauline M. H. Mazumdar, Species and Specificity: An Interpretation of the History of Immunology (New York, 1995).
47. For more on the delay in Landsteiner's impact, see William H. Schneider, 'Chance and Social Setting in the Application of the Discovery of Blood Groups', Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 57 (1983), 548 and fn 10. The use of different nomenclatures for blood groups is one of the unfortunate legacies of this delay in appreciating Landsteiner's work.
48. Crile, Autobiography, p. 532. Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins' p. 627 says Crile knew of the time-consuming haemolysis test but seldom used it; Ottenberg 'Reminiscences', p. 266 says Crile did no tests. See below for more.
49. Crile, Autobiography, p. 532. Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins' p. 627 says Crile knew of the time-consuming haemolysis test but seldom used it; Ottenberg 'Reminiscences', p. 266 says Crile did no tests. See below for more.
50. Crile, Autobiography, p. 532. Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins' p. 627 says Crile knew of the time-consuming haemolysis test but seldom used it; Ottenberg 'Reminiscences', p. 266 says Crile did no tests. See below for more.
51. Ottenberg, 'Reminiscences', pp. 264-5.
52. Ibid., pp. 266-7. Several of his contemporaries and some historians of transfusion have attempted to give Ottenberg the credit he deserves. See, for example, Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 676-7 and Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins', pp. 627-8, the latter of whom claims Ottenberg probably made transfusions in New York before Carrel's highly publicized operation.
53. Ibid., pp. 266-7. Several of his contemporaries and some historians of transfusion have attempted to give Ottenberg the credit he deserves. See, for example, Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 676-7 and Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins', pp. 627-8, the latter of whom claims Ottenberg probably made transfusions in New York before Carrel's highly publicized operation.
54. Ibid., pp. 266-7. Several of his contemporaries and some historians of transfusion have attempted to give Ottenberg the credit he deserves. See, for example, Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 676-7 and Rosenfield, 'Early Twentieth Century Origins', pp. 627-8, the latter of whom claims Ottenberg probably made transfusions in New York before Carrel's highly publicized operation.
55. Richard Lewisohn, 'Development of the Techniques of Blood Transfusion since 1907', Journal of the Mount Sinai Hospital, 10 (1944), 608.
56. Maurice Guillot and Georges Dehelly, 'Du traitment des hémorragies par la transfusion directe', Bulletin et memoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 38 (1912), 621-45; and 'A propos de 19 cas de transfusion directe de sang', Archives médico-chirurgicales de Normandie, 4 (1913), 175-93. M. Oui, 'Transfusion directe du sang après hémoraggie par décollement du placenta normalement inseré', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 68 (1912), 328-4 claims to have performed the first transfusion for puerperal haemorrhage in 1912. Whether or not true, this operation performed in a house 20 km outside of Lille by a country doctor and a surgeon colleague indicates how well known transfusion was, but also the ad hoc nature of the procedure.
57. Maurice Guillot and Georges Dehelly, 'Du traitment des hémorragies par la transfusion directe', Bulletin et memoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 38 (1912), 621-45; and 'A propos de 19 cas de transfusion directe de sang', Archives médico-chirurgicales de Normandie, 4 (1913), 175-93. M. Oui, 'Transfusion directe du sang après hémoraggie par décollement du placenta normalement inseré', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 68 (1912), 328-4 claims to have performed the first transfusion for puerperal haemorrhage in 1912. Whether or not true, this operation performed in a house 20 km outside of Lille by a country doctor and a surgeon colleague indicates how well known transfusion was, but also the ad hoc nature of the procedure.
58. Maurice Guillot and Georges Dehelly, 'Du traitment des hémorragies par la transfusion directe', Bulletin et memoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 38 (1912), 621-45; and 'A propos de 19 cas de transfusion directe de sang', Archives médico-chirurgicales de Normandie, 4 (1913), 175-93. M. Oui, 'Transfusion directe du sang après hémoraggie par décollement du placenta normalement inseré', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 68 (1912), 328-4 claims to have performed the first transfusion for puerperal haemorrhage in 1912. Whether or not true, this operation performed in a house 20 km outside of Lille by a country doctor and a surgeon colleague indicates how well known transfusion was, but also the ad hoc nature of the procedure.
59. Gautrand, 'A propos de trois cas de transfusion directe du sang' (Thèse de médecine, Montpellier, 1914) Obviously not all transfusions were reported, but published accounts do indicate an order of magnitude as well as the availability of information. See also J. Tuffier, 'Transfusion du sang dans les armées françaises. Techniques et operations', Archives de médecine et pharmacie militaire, 70 (1918), 158; Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', p. 1144.
60. Gautrand, 'A propos de trois cas de transfusion directe du sang' (Thèse de médecine, Montpellier, 1914) Obviously not all transfusions were reported, but published accounts do indicate an order of magnitude as well as the availability of information. See also J. Tuffier, 'Transfusion du sang dans les armées françaises. Techniques et operations', Archives de médecine et pharmacie militaire, 70 (1918), 158; Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', p. 1144.
61. Gautrand, 'A propos de trois cas de transfusion directe du sang' (Thèse de médecine, Montpellier, 1914) Obviously not all transfusions were reported, but published accounts do indicate an order of magnitude as well as the availability of information. See also J. Tuffier, 'Transfusion du sang dans les armées françaises. Techniques et operations', Archives de médecine et pharmacie militaire, 70 (1918), 158; Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', p. 1144.
62. Ferdinand Sauerbruch, 'Eine einfache Technik der arterie-venösen Bluttransfusion', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 62 (1915), 1545. On the use of a cannula, see Eloesser, 'Ueber die Anwendung der Blutübertragung in der Kriegschirurgerie', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 63 (1916), 21-2. H. Fischer described the work of Lewisohn with sodium citrate in 'Zur Frage der Bluttransfusion im Kriege', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 63 (1916), 475-6.
63. Ferdinand Sauerbruch, 'Eine einfache Technik der arterie-venösen Bluttransfusion', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 62 (1915), 1545. On the use of a cannula, see Eloesser, 'Ueber die Anwendung der Blutübertragung in der Kriegschirurgerie', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 63 (1916), 21-2. H. Fischer described the work of Lewisohn with sodium citrate in 'Zur Frage der Bluttransfusion im Kriege', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 63 (1916), 475-6.
64. Ferdinand Sauerbruch, 'Eine einfache Technik der arterie-venösen Bluttransfusion', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 62 (1915), 1545. On the use of a cannula, see Eloesser, 'Ueber die Anwendung der Blutübertragung in der Kriegschirurgerie', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 63 (1916), 21-2. H. Fischer described the work of Lewisohn with sodium citrate in 'Zur Frage der Bluttransfusion im Kriege', Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 63 (1916), 475-6.
65. 'Transfusion of Blood in Military and Civilian Practice', Lancet, (1918), 773, and letter in reply, p. 826.
66. Tuffier, 'Transfusion du sang', pp. 159-61. Though Tuffier thought this was a peculiar French preference, in 1917 a colonel in the British army explained the English reluctance to use blood transfusion by the fact that, 'for many years past we have, in England at any rate, trusted to saline infusion to restore the balance after haemorrhage'. See, 'Note by Colonel C. Gordon Watson', British Medical Journal (1917), 683-4. Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 309, states that in the Spanish-American War saline injections were used to the exclusion of any blood transfusions. Gabriel and Metz concur, saying the same was true during the Boer War.
67. Tuffier, 'Transfusion du sang', pp. 159-61. Though Tuffier thought this was a peculiar French preference, in 1917 a colonel in the British army explained the English reluctance to use blood transfusion by the fact that, 'for many years past we have, in England at any rate, trusted to saline infusion to restore the balance after haemorrhage'. See, 'Note by Colonel C. Gordon Watson', British Medical Journal (1917), 683-4. Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 309, states that in the Spanish-American War saline injections were used to the exclusion of any blood transfusions. Gabriel and Metz concur, saying the same was true during the Boer War.
68. Tuffier, 'Transfusion du sang', pp. 159-61. Though Tuffier thought this was a peculiar French preference, in 1917 a colonel in the British army explained the English reluctance to use blood transfusion by the fact that, 'for many years past we have, in England at any rate, trusted to saline infusion to restore the balance after haemorrhage'. See, 'Note by Colonel C. Gordon Watson', British Medical Journal (1917), 683-4. Ficarra, 'Evolution of Blood Transfusion', p. 309, states that in the Spanish-American War saline injections were used to the exclusion of any blood transfusions. Gabriel and Metz concur, saying the same was true during the Boer War.
69. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1144-5. For similar sentiments, see G. Blechmann, 'Un procédé de transfusion du sang', Bulletin de la Société de médecine, 76 (1916), 243-5 and Tuffier's comments at a 1918 interallied surgical confrence, pp. 161-3. For more on the conference, see below.
70. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1144-5. For similar sentiments, see G. Blechmann, 'Un procédé de transfusion du sang', Bulletin de la Société de médecine, 76 (1916), 243-5 and Tuffier's comments at a 1918 interallied surgical confrence, pp. 161-3. For more on the conference, see below.
71. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1144-5. For similar sentiments, see G. Blechmann, 'Un procédé de transfusion du sang', Bulletin de la Société de médecine, 76 (1916), 243-5 and Tuffier's comments at a 1918 interallied surgical confrence, pp. 161-3. For more on the conference, see below.
72. Jeanbrau was nearsighted and over 40 when the war broke out; hence, he was assigned to the medical auxiliary. Only the exigencies of Verdun brought him to frontline surgery. For more on Jeanbrau, see M. Chevassu, 'Emile Jeanbrau (1873-1950)', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 134 (1950), 420-5; and A. Tzanck and P. Cazal, 'Le professeur Emile Jeanbrau (1873-1950)', Revue d'hématologie, 5 (1950), 508-9.
73. Jeanbrau was nearsighted and over 40 when the war broke out; hence, he was assigned to the medical auxiliary. Only the exigencies of Verdun brought him to frontline surgery. For more on Jeanbrau, see M. Chevassu, 'Emile Jeanbrau (1873-1950)', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 134 (1950), 420-5; and A. Tzanck and P. Cazal, 'Le professeur Emile Jeanbrau (1873-1950)', Revue d'hématologie, 5 (1950), 508-9.
74. L. Bruce Robertson, 'Transfusion of Whole Blood', British Medical Journal (1916), 38. See also chapter 5 'Blood Transfusion' in W. G. MacPherson et al., Medical Services Surgery of the War (London, 1922), 1: 108-33.
75. L. Bruce Robertson, 'Transfusion of Whole Blood', British Medical Journal (1916), 38. See also chapter 5 'Blood Transfusion' in W. G. MacPherson et al., Medical Services Surgery of the War (London, 1922), 1: 108-33.
76. The next report published about transfusions on the Western Front after Robertson's was by Edward Archibald, also a Canadian, who employed the Kimpton-Brown tube, 'A Note upon the Employment of Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', Lancet (2 September 1916), 429-31. A third article by Canadians A. Primrose and E. S. Ryerson, 'The Direct Transfusion of Blood', British Medical Journal (16 September 1916), 384-6 also used the cannula-syringe method despite its misleading title. For a first-hand testimonial to the American doctors' influence on the British Army Medical Corps, see Geoffrey Keynes, Blood Transfusion (London, 1922), pp. 17, 118.
77. The next report published about transfusions on the Western Front after Robertson's was by Edward Archibald, also a Canadian, who employed the Kimpton-Brown tube, 'A Note upon the Employment of Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', Lancet (2 September 1916), 429-31. A third article by Canadians A. Primrose and E. S. Ryerson, 'The Direct Transfusion of Blood', British Medical Journal (16 September 1916), 384-6 also used the cannula-syringe method despite its misleading title. For a first-hand testimonial to the American doctors' influence on the British Army Medical Corps, see Geoffrey Keynes, Blood Transfusion (London, 1922), pp. 17, 118.
78. The next report published about transfusions on the Western Front after Robertson's was by Edward Archibald, also a Canadian, who employed the Kimpton-Brown tube, 'A Note upon the Employment of Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', Lancet (2 September 1916), 429-31. A third article by Canadians A. Primrose and E. S. Ryerson, 'The Direct Transfusion of Blood', British Medical Journal (16 September 1916), 384-6 also used the cannula-syringe method despite its misleading title. For a first-hand testimonial to the American doctors' influence on the British Army Medical Corps, see Geoffrey Keynes, Blood Transfusion (London, 1922), pp. 17, 118.
79. Maurice Guillot, Georges Dehelly, and Louis Morel, Transfusion sanguine (Paris, 1917). The authors say it was originally to have appeared in 1914. Jeanbrau insists he saw it in 1916. Examples of articles that followed shortly thereafter are Georges Rosenthal, 'Transfusion sanguine clinique', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 93 (1917), 10-11; Depage and Govaerts, 'Indications hématologiques de la transfusion immédiate dans les premières heures après une blessure', Bulletins et mémoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 93 (1917), 1874-3; Hallopeau, Delivet, and Gelas, 'Douze nouvelles observations de transfusion de sang citraté', Bulletins et mémoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 93 (1917), 2140-4.
80. Maurice Guillot, Georges Dehelly, and Louis Morel, Transfusion sanguine (Paris, 1917). The authors say it was originally to have appeared in 1914. Jeanbrau insists he saw it in 1916. Examples of articles that followed shortly thereafter are Georges Rosenthal, 'Transfusion sanguine clinique', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 93 (1917), 10-11; Depage and Govaerts, 'Indications hématologiques de la transfusion immédiate dans les premières heures après une blessure', Bulletins et mémoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 93 (1917), 1874-3; Hallopeau, Delivet, and Gelas, 'Douze nouvelles observations de transfusion de sang citraté', Bulletins et mémoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 93 (1917), 2140-4.
81. Maurice Guillot, Georges Dehelly, and Louis Morel, Transfusion sanguine (Paris, 1917). The authors say it was originally to have appeared in 1914. Jeanbrau insists he saw it in 1916. Examples of articles that followed shortly thereafter are Georges Rosenthal, 'Transfusion sanguine clinique', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 93 (1917), 10-11; Depage and Govaerts, 'Indications hématologiques de la transfusion immédiate dans les premières heures après une blessure', Bulletins et mémoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 93 (1917), 1874-3; Hallopeau, Delivet, and Gelas, 'Douze nouvelles observations de transfusion de sang citraté', Bulletins et mémoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 93 (1917), 2140-4.
82. Maurice Guillot, Georges Dehelly, and Louis Morel, Transfusion sanguine (Paris, 1917). The authors say it was originally to have appeared in 1914. Jeanbrau insists he saw it in 1916. Examples of articles that followed shortly thereafter are Georges Rosenthal, 'Transfusion sanguine clinique', Bulletin de l'Academie de médecine, 93 (1917), 10-11; Depage and Govaerts, 'Indications hématologiques de la transfusion immédiate dans les premières heures après une blessure', Bulletins et mémoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 93 (1917), 1874-3; Hallopeau, Delivet, and Gelas, 'Douze nouvelles observations de transfusion de sang citraté', Bulletins et mémoires de la Société de chirurgerie de Paris, 93 (1917), 2140-4.
83. Maluf, 'History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 93-4, 97-9. See also Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 677-8.
84. Maluf, 'History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 93-4, 97-9. See also Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 677-8.
85. Emmanuel Hédon, 'Transfusion après les hémorragies de globules rouges purs en suspension dans du sérum artificiel', Archives de médecine expérimentale et d'anatomie pathologique, 14 (1902), 299. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 671-2 points out that beginning in the early nineteenth century researchers had allowed blood to clot, then removed the clot and injected the remaining serum into patients.
86. Emmanuel Hédon, 'Transfusion après les hémorragies de globules rouges purs en suspension dans du sérum artificiel', Archives de médecine expérimentale et d'anatomie pathologique, 14 (1902), 299. Diamond, 'A History of Blood Transfusion', pp. 671-2 points out that beginning in the early nineteenth century researchers had allowed blood to clot, then removed the clot and injected the remaining serum into patients.
87. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1146-7. For his other results, see, 'Un procédé simple de transfusion du sang: la transfusion du sang critraté', Bulletin et memoires de la Société chirurgicale de Paris, 93 (1917), 1571-82; and '42 observations nouvelles de transfusion de sang citraté', Ibid., pp. 1921-25. As will be seen, despite Jeanbrau's optimism, sodium citrate was not universally or immediately adopted. On Hédon's work, see 'Sur la tranfusion du sang rendu incoagulable', Presse médicale (19 July 1917), 409-10. At the end of his article, Hédon indicated he only learned of the American work after his article was in publication. He mentioned specifically the article by Weil in a 1915 issue of Journal of the American Medical Association
88. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1146-7. For his other results, see, 'Un procédé simple de transfusion du sang: la transfusion du sang critraté', Bulletin et memoires de la Société chirurgicale de Paris, 93 (1917), 1571-82; and '42 observations nouvelles de transfusion de sang citraté', Ibid., pp. 1921-25. As will be seen, despite Jeanbrau's optimism, sodium citrate was not universally or immediately adopted. On Hédon's work, see 'Sur la tranfusion du sang rendu incoagulable', Presse médicale (19 July 1917), 409-10. At the end of his article, Hédon indicated he only learned of the American work after his article was in publication. He mentioned specifically the article by Weil in a 1915 issue of Journal of the American Medical Association
89. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1146-7. For his other results, see, 'Un procédé simple de transfusion du sang: la transfusion du sang critraté', Bulletin et memoires de la Société chirurgicale de Paris, 93 (1917), 1571-82; and '42 observations nouvelles de transfusion de sang citraté', Ibid., pp. 1921-25. As will be seen, despite Jeanbrau's optimism, sodium citrate was not universally or immediately adopted. On Hédon's work, see 'Sur la tranfusion du sang rendu incoagulable', Presse médicale (19 July 1917), 409-10. At the end of his article, Hédon indicated he only learned of the American work after his article was in publication. He mentioned specifically the article by Weil in a 1915 issue of Journal of the American Medical Association
90. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1146-7. For his other results, see, 'Un procédé simple de transfusion du sang: la transfusion du sang critraté', Bulletin et memoires de la Société chirurgicale de Paris, 93 (1917), 1571-82; and '42 observations nouvelles de transfusion de sang citraté', Ibid., pp. 1921-25. As will be seen, despite Jeanbrau's optimism, sodium citrate was not universally or immediately adopted. On Hédon's work, see 'Sur la tranfusion du sang rendu incoagulable', Presse médicale (19 July 1917), 409-10. At the end of his article, Hédon indicated he only learned of the American work after his article was in publication. He mentioned specifically the article by Weil in a 1915 issue of Journal of the American Medical Association
91. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', pp. 1146-7. For his other results, see, 'Un procédé simple de transfusion du sang: la transfusion du sang critraté', Bulletin et memoires de la Société chirurgicale de Paris, 93 (1917), 1571-82; and '42 observations nouvelles de transfusion de sang citraté', Ibid., pp. 1921-25. As will be seen, despite Jeanbrau's optimism, sodium citrate was not universally or immediately adopted. On Hédon's work, see 'Sur la tranfusion du sang rendu incoagulable', Presse médicale (19 July 1917), 409-10. At the end of his article, Hédon indicated he only learned of the American work after his article was in publication. He mentioned specifically the article by Weil in a 1915 issue of Journal of the American Medical Association
92. and E. Stansfield in the March 1917 Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine.
93. Volunteers from the American medical community arrived in France well before American entry into the war. In December 1914 a rotating three-month shift of doctors and support staff from the university hospitals of Western Reserve, Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, and Chicago began servicing 150 beds at the American Hospital of Paris. The arrangement permitted American hospital practices and procedures to be tranferred more or less intact to France. Thus, by January 1915, George Crile said he was performing transfusions with cannulas as he had done in Cleveland. See Crile, Autobiography, pp. 247-68; and for a contemporary account, Robert B. Greenough, 'Report of Harvard University Service at the American Ambulance, Lycée Pasteur, Neuilly- sur-Seine', Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 173 (1915), 735-40. Despite this transfer, these Americans had little impact on the French medical corps. When the United States entered the war in 1917, however, this same model based on the transfer of existing hospital organizations to staff base hospitals became the cornerstone of the medical military service for U.S. troops in France. See below for the increased impact of the Americans in 1917.
94. Volunteers from the American medical community arrived in France well before American entry into the war. In December 1914 a rotating three-month shift of doctors and support staff from the university hospitals of Western Reserve, Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, and Chicago began servicing 150 beds at the American Hospital of Paris. The arrangement permitted American hospital practices and procedures to be tranferred more or less intact to France. Thus, by January 1915, George Crile said he was performing transfusions with cannulas as he had done in Cleveland. See Crile, Autobiography, pp. 247-68; and for a contemporary account, Robert B. Greenough, 'Report of Harvard University Service at the American Ambulance, Lycée Pasteur, Neuilly-sur-Seine', Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, 173 (1915), 735-40. Despite this transfer, these Americans had little impact on the French medical corps. When the United States entered the war in 1917, however, this same model based on the transfer of existing hospital organizations to staff base hospitals became the cornerstone of the medical military service for U.S. troops in France. See below for the increased impact of the Americans in 1917.
95. Richard Lewisohn, 'Blood Transfusion by the Citrate Method', Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, 21 (1915), 37-47; Peyton Rous and J. R. Turner, 'Preservation of Living Red Blood Cells', Journal of Experimental Medicine, 23 (1916), 219-48. See also Rosenfeld 'Early Twentieth Century Origins', pp. 629-30.
96. Richard Lewisohn, 'Blood Transfusion by the Citrate Method', Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, 21 (1915), 37-47; Peyton Rous and J. R. Turner, 'Preservation of Living Red Blood Cells', Journal of Experimental Medicine, 23 (1916), 219-48. See also Rosenfeld 'Early Twentieth Century Origins', pp. 629-30.
97. Richard Lewisohn, 'Blood Transfusion by the Citrate Method', Surgery, Gynecology and Obstetrics, 21 (1915), 37-47; Peyton Rous and J. R. Turner, 'Preservation of Living Red Blood Cells', Journal of Experimental Medicine, 23 (1916), 219-48. See also Rosenfeld 'Early Twentieth Century Origins', pp. 629-30.
98. Archibald, 'A Note on the Employment of Blood Transfusion', pp. 429-30;
99. Fischer, 'Zur Frage der Bluttransfusion im Kriege', pp. 475-6.
100. Robertson, 'Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', Lancet, (1918), 760; E. Granville Crabtree, 'Blood Transfusion in War Surgery in the British Army', Boston Medical and Surgical Journal (17 July 1919), 60.
101. Robertson, 'Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', Lancet, (1918), 760; E. Granville Crabtree, 'Blood Transfusion in War Surgery in the British Army', Boston Medical and Surgical Journal (17 July 1919), 60.
102. Oswald H. Robertson, 'Memorandum on Blood Transfusion', Report of the Special Allied Committee on Surgical Shock and Allied Conditions (London, 1919), 155.
103. Crabtree, 'Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', p. 60. See also J. M. T. Finney, 'Transfusion du sang chez les blessés recents dans l'armée des Etats-Unis', Archives de médicine et de pharmacie militaires, 70 (1918), 145-58. Crue gives an account of his role in the organization of the army medical corps in his Autobiography and in Notes on Military Surgery (Cleveland, 1924), written in the fall of 1917. The official medical history is a multi-volume work entitled, Medical Department of the United States Army in the World War.
104. Crabtree, 'Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', p. 60. See also J. M. T. Finney, 'Transfusion du sang chez les blessés recents dans l'armée des Etats-Unis', Archives de médicine et de pharmacie militaires, 70 (1918), 145-58. Crue gives an account of his role in the organization of the army medical corps in his Autobiography and in Notes on Military Surgery (Cleveland, 1924), written in the fall of 1917. The official medical history is a multi-volume work entitled, Medical Department of the United States Army in the World War.
105. Crabtree, 'Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', p. 60. See also J. M. T. Finney, 'Transfusion du sang chez les blessés recents dans l'armée des Etats-Unis', Archives de médicine et de pharmacie militaires, 70 (1918), 145-58. Crue gives an account of his role in the organization of the army medical corps in his Autobiography and in Notes on Military Surgery (Cleveland, 1924), written in the fall of 1917. The official medical history is a multi-volume work entitled, Medical Department of the United States Army in the World War.
106. Crabtree, 'Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', p. 60. See also J. M. T. Finney, 'Transfusion du sang chez les blessés recents dans l'armée des Etats-Unis', Archives de médicine et de pharmacie militaires, 70 (1918), 145-58. Crue gives an account of his role in the organization of the army medical corps in his Autobiography and in Notes on Military Surgery (Cleveland, 1924), written in the fall of 1917. The official medical history is a multi-volume work entitled, Medical Department of the United States Army in the World War.
107. This was only the fourth of these conferences that had begun shortly before the Americans entered the war. Among other places the proceedings of the conference were published in Archives de médicine et de phormacie militaires, 70 (1918), 121-85.
108. Ibid., p. 184.
109. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', p. 1149. For a British case, see A. S. Gubb, 'Accidental Transference of Malarial Parasite in the Course of Transfusion', British Medical Journal (1919), 74.
110. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', p. 1149. For a British case, see A. S. Gubb, 'Accidental Transference of Malarial Parasite in the Course of Transfusion', British Medical Journal (1919), 74.
111. Guillot, Dehelly, and Morel, Transfusion sanguine, p. 59.
112. Reuben Epstein and Albert E. Ottenberg, 'A Method for Hemolysis and Agglutination Tests', Archives of Internal Medicine, (1909), 286-8.
113. William L. Moss, 'Studies on Isoagglutinins and Isohemolysins', Bulletin of the Johns Hopkins Hospital, 21 (1910), 70.
114. Reuben Ottenberg and David J. Kaliski, 'Accidents in Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 61 (1913), 2138-40.
115. Crile, Autobiography, p. 181.
116. Guillot, Dehelly, and Morel, Transfusion sanguine, p. 60.
117. Jeanbrau, 'Une technique simple', p. 1149.
118. Robertson, 'Transfusion of Whole Blood', British Medical Journal (1916), 38.
119. Archibald, 'A Note on the Employment of Blood Transfusion', pp. 430.
120. Robertson, 'Further Observations on the Results of Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', British Medical Journal (1917), 682. Other examples are numerous. For an American report, see Andrew Fullerton, Georhe Dreyer, and S. H. C. Bazett, 'Observation on Direct Transfusion of Blood, with a Description of a Simple Method', Lancet (1917), 716.
121. Robertson, 'Further Observations on the Results of Blood Transfusion in War Surgery', British Medical Journal (1917), 682. Other examples are numerous. For an American report, see Andrew Fullerton, Georhe Dreyer, and S. H. C. Bazett, 'Observation on Direct Transfusion of Blood, with a Description of a Simple Method', Lancet (1917), 716.
122. Peyton Rous and J. R. Turner, 'A Rapid and Simple Method of Testing Donors for Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 64 (1915), 1980-2.
123. Agglutination of A serum and not B would mean blood type B; B and not A would mean type A. Agglutination of both meant AB, and agglutination of neither meant the unknown blood type was O. See W. L. Moss, 'A Simplified Method for Determining the Isoagglutinin Group in the Selection of Donors for Blood Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 68 (1917), 1905-6; R. I. Lee, 'A Simple and Rapid Method for the Selection of Donors', British Medical Journal (1917), 683-4; Beth Vincent, 'A Rapid Macroscopic Agglutination Test for Blood Groups, and its Value in Testing Donors for Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 70 (1918), 1219-20. Howard T. Karsner, 'Transfusions with Tested Bloods', Journal of the American Medical Association, 70 (1918), 769-71 tested Lee's method on 1,000 soldiers, but the test was most commonly referred to as the Moss/Vincent test. All of these surgeons saw service in France during the First World War.
124. Agglutination of A serum and not B would mean blood type B; B and not A would mean type A. Agglutination of both meant AB, and agglutination of neither meant the unknown blood type was O. See W. L. Moss, 'A Simplified Method for Determining the Isoagglutinin Group in the Selection of Donors for Blood Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 68 (1917), 1905-6; R. I. Lee, 'A Simple and Rapid Method for the Selection of Donors', British Medical Journal (1917), 683-4; Beth Vincent, 'A Rapid Macroscopic Agglutination Test for Blood Groups, and its Value in Testing Donors for Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 70 (1918), 1219-20. Howard T. Karsner, 'Transfusions with Tested Bloods', Journal of the American Medical Association, 70 (1918), 769-71 tested Lee's method on 1,000 soldiers, but the test was most commonly referred to as the Moss/Vincent test. All of these surgeons saw service in France during the First World War.
125. Agglutination of A serum and not B would mean blood type B; B and not A would mean type A. Agglutination of both meant AB, and agglutination of neither meant the unknown blood type was O. See W. L. Moss, 'A Simplified Method for Determining the Isoagglutinin Group in the Selection of Donors for Blood Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 68 (1917), 1905-6; R. I. Lee, 'A Simple and Rapid Method for the Selection of Donors', British Medical Journal (1917), 683-4; Beth Vincent, 'A Rapid Macroscopic Agglutination Test for Blood Groups, and its Value in Testing Donors for Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 70 (1918), 1219-20. Howard T. Karsner, 'Transfusions with Tested Bloods', Journal of the American Medical Association, 70 (1918), 769-71 tested Lee's method on 1,000 soldiers, but the test was most commonly referred to as the Moss/Vincent test. All of these surgeons saw service in France during the First World War.
126. Agglutination of A serum and not B would mean blood type B; B and not A would mean type A. Agglutination of both meant AB, and agglutination of neither meant the unknown blood type was O. See W. L. Moss, 'A Simplified Method for Determining the Isoagglutinin Group in the Selection of Donors for Blood Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 68 (1917), 1905-6; R. I. Lee, 'A Simple and Rapid Method for the Selection of Donors', British Medical Journal (1917), 683-4; Beth Vincent, 'A Rapid Macroscopic Agglutination Test for Blood Groups, and its Value in Testing Donors for Transfusion', Journal of the American Medical Association, 70 (1918), 1219-20. Howard T. Karsner, 'Transfusions with Tested Bloods', Journal of the American Medical Association, 70 (1918), 769-71 tested Lee's method on 1,000 soldiers, but the test was most commonly referred to as the Moss/Vincent test. All of these surgeons saw service in France during the First World War.
127. Crile, Autobiography, p. 181.
128. Giraud, 'Recherches hématologiques sur la transfusion du sang citraté', Archives de médecine et de pharmacie militaire, 69 (1918), 376-78.
129. American Red Cross Society in France. Medical Division, A Report upon Transfusion of Blood for the Recently Injured in the U.S. Amy (Paris, 1918).
130. Crile, 'Surgical Research During the War', Southern Medical Journal, 13 (1920), 268.
131. See 'Collective Surgical Experiences at the Front and at the Base', in Medical Department of the United States Army in the World War. Vol. IX: Surgery (Washington, 1920), 9: 163.