The not-so-strange career of Charles Beard

Diplomatic History

Volumn 25, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 251-274

  Craig, Campbell ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 4344604686     PISSN: 01452096     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/0145-2096.00261     Document Type: Review

References (111)

1. See Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, Turner, Beard, Parrington (New York, 1968), 323, 334, 340; and William Appleman Williams, History as a Way of Learning (New York, 1973), 173, 233, and "Open Door Interpretation," in Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy, ed. Alexander DeConde (New York, 1978), 707-8.
2. See Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, Turner, Beard, Parrington (New York, 1968), 323, 334, 340; and William Appleman Williams, History as a Way of Learning (New York, 1973), 173, 233, and "Open Door Interpretation," in Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy, ed. Alexander DeConde (New York, 1978), 707-8.
3. See Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, Turner, Beard, Parrington (New York, 1968), 323, 334, 340; and William Appleman Williams, History as a Way of Learning (New York, 1973), 173, 233, and "Open Door Interpretation," in Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy, ed. Alexander DeConde (New York, 1978), 707-8.
4. Williams, History as a Way of Learning, 233; Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 334-46.
5. Williams, History as a Way of Learning, 233; Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 334-46.
6. Gerald Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," World Affairs Quarterly 28 (July 1957): 111-48; Thomas Kennedy, Charles A. Beard and American Foreign Policy (Gainesville, 1975).
7. Gerald Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," World Affairs Quarterly 28 (July 1957): 111-48; Thomas Kennedy, Charles A. Beard and American Foreign Policy (Gainesville, 1975).
8. Beard, it is true, had been concerned about the possibility of a powerful executive branch unconstitutionally abusing power in the name of foreign emergencies ever since 1917, when he resigned from Columbia University over its federally encouraged decision to fire a professor opposed to American entry into the First World War. This concern reappeared, albeit usually in a minor key, in his attacks on Roosevelt's foreign policies during the 1930s. His Madisonian devotion to the balance of governmental power that pervades the last two books was therefore nothing new; the question is, why did he focus upon this problem only?
9. I have taken the expression "free security" from C. Vann Woodward, who puts the idea forward in "The Age of Reinterpretation," American Historical Review 66 (October 1960): 2-8. See also Robert Jervis, "Cooperation under the Security Dilemma," World Politics 30 (January 1978): 184-85. Recent discussions of the idea can be found in Brian M. Pollins and Randall L. Schweller, "Linking the Levels: The Long Wave and Shifts in United States Foreign Policy," American Journal of Political Science 43 (April 1999): 434; and Robert Jervis, "America and the Twentieth Century: Continuity and Change," Diplomatic History 23 (Spring 1999): 222-24.
10. I have taken the expression "free security" from C. Vann Woodward, who puts the idea forward in "The Age of Reinterpretation," American Historical Review 66 (October 1960): 2-8. See also Robert Jervis, "Cooperation under the Security Dilemma," World Politics 30 (January 1978): 184-85. Recent discussions of the idea can be found in Brian M. Pollins and Randall L. Schweller, "Linking the Levels: The Long Wave and Shifts in United States Foreign Policy," American Journal of Political Science 43 (April 1999): 434; and Robert Jervis, "America and the Twentieth Century: Continuity and Change," Diplomatic History 23 (Spring 1999): 222-24.
11. I have taken the expression "free security" from C. Vann Woodward, who puts the idea forward in "The Age of Reinterpretation," American Historical Review 66 (October 1960): 2-8. See also Robert Jervis, "Cooperation under the Security Dilemma," World Politics 30 (January 1978): 184-85. Recent discussions of the idea can be found in Brian M. Pollins and Randall L. Schweller, "Linking the Levels: The Long Wave and Shifts in United States Foreign Policy," American Journal of Political Science 43 (April 1999): 434; and Robert Jervis, "America and the Twentieth Century: Continuity and Change," Diplomatic History 23 (Spring 1999): 222-24.
12. I have taken the expression "free security" from C. Vann Woodward, who puts the idea forward in "The Age of Reinterpretation," American Historical Review 66 (October 1960): 2-8. See also Robert Jervis, "Cooperation under the Security Dilemma," World Politics 30 (January 1978): 184-85. Recent discussions of the idea can be found in Brian M. Pollins and Randall L. Schweller, "Linking the Levels: The Long Wave and Shifts in United States Foreign Policy," American Journal of Political Science 43 (April 1999): 434; and Robert Jervis, "America and the Twentieth Century: Continuity and Change," Diplomatic History 23 (Spring 1999): 222-24.
13. On Beard's emphasis on the importance of national security see especially H. W. Brands, What America Owes the World: The Struggle for the Soul of Foreign Policy (New York, 1998), 117, 119. Brands's essay on Beard is, in my opinion, the best analysis to date, far more even-handed than the earlier critiques and focused primarily, insofar as it is critical, upon Beard's "infuriating" moral indifference to the dangers of Germany and Japan. Yet Brands makes no attempt, as far as I can gather, to explain the peculiar nature of Beard's postwar writing; nor does he take much note of the "Merchants of Death" thesis in his analysis of Beard's opposition to American interventionism, an omission I would regard as serious.
14. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, 2d ed. (New York, 1935), xii. Beard expresses his general political philosophy in The Economic Basis of Politics, 1st ed. (New York, 1922). A most interesting treatment of Beard's views on political economy is Morton White, Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism (Boston, 1947), 27-30, 107-27. Also see of course Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 157-317, which is particularly good on Beard's work on the Constitution; Lee Benson, Turner and Beard: American Historical Writing Reconsidered (New York, 1960), part three, which deals especially with the conflict in Beard's thinking between economic determinism and economic interpretation; Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge MA, 1988), part two; and Ellen Nore, Charles A. Beard: An Intellectual Biography (Carbondale, 1983), chap. 5.
15. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, 2d ed. (New York, 1935), xii. Beard expresses his general political philosophy in The Economic Basis of Politics, 1st ed. (New York, 1922). A most interesting treatment of Beard's views on political economy is Morton White, Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism (Boston, 1947), 27-30, 107-27. Also see of course Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 157-317, which is particularly good on Beard's work on the Constitution; Lee Benson, Turner and Beard: American Historical Writing Reconsidered (New York, 1960), part three, which deals especially with the conflict in Beard's thinking between economic determinism and economic interpretation; Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge MA, 1988), part two; and Ellen Nore, Charles A. Beard: An Intellectual Biography (Carbondale, 1983), chap. 5.
16. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, 2d ed. (New York, 1935), xii. Beard expresses his general political philosophy in The Economic Basis of Politics, 1st ed. (New York, 1922). A most interesting treatment of Beard's views on political economy is Morton White, Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism (Boston, 1947), 27-30, 107-27. Also see of course Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 157-317, which is particularly good on Beard's work on the Constitution; Lee Benson, Turner and Beard: American Historical Writing Reconsidered (New York, 1960), part three, which deals especially with the conflict in Beard's thinking between economic determinism and economic interpretation; Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge MA, 1988), part two; and Ellen Nore, Charles A. Beard: An Intellectual Biography (Carbondale, 1983), chap. 5.
17. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, 2d ed. (New York, 1935), xii. Beard expresses his general political philosophy in The Economic Basis of Politics, 1st ed. (New York, 1922). A most interesting treatment of Beard's views on political economy is Morton White, Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism (Boston, 1947), 27-30, 107-27. Also see of course Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 157-317, which is particularly good on Beard's work on the Constitution; Lee Benson, Turner and Beard: American Historical Writing Reconsidered (New York, 1960), part three, which deals especially with the conflict in Beard's thinking between economic determinism and economic interpretation; Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge MA, 1988), part two; and Ellen Nore, Charles A. Beard: An Intellectual Biography (Carbondale, 1983), chap. 5.
18. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, 2d ed. (New York, 1935), xii. Beard expresses his general political philosophy in The Economic Basis of Politics, 1st ed. (New York, 1922). A most interesting treatment of Beard's views on political economy is Morton White, Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism (Boston, 1947), 27-30, 107-27. Also see of course Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 157-317, which is particularly good on Beard's work on the Constitution; Lee Benson, Turner and Beard: American Historical Writing Reconsidered (New York, 1960), part three, which deals especially with the conflict in Beard's thinking between economic determinism and economic interpretation; Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge MA, 1988), part two; and Ellen Nore, Charles A. Beard: An Intellectual Biography (Carbondale, 1983), chap. 5.
19. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, 2d ed. (New York, 1935), xii. Beard expresses his general political philosophy in The Economic Basis of Politics, 1st ed. (New York, 1922). A most interesting treatment of Beard's views on political economy is Morton White, Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism (Boston, 1947), 27-30, 107-27. Also see of course Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 157-317, which is particularly good on Beard's work on the Constitution; Lee Benson, Turner and Beard: American Historical Writing Reconsidered (New York, 1960), part three, which deals especially with the conflict in Beard's thinking between economic determinism and economic interpretation; Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge MA, 1988), part two; and Ellen Nore, Charles A. Beard: An Intellectual Biography (Carbondale, 1983), chap. 5.
20. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, 2d ed. (New York, 1935), xii. Beard expresses his general political philosophy in The Economic Basis of Politics, 1st ed. (New York, 1922). A most interesting treatment of Beard's views on political economy is Morton White, Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism (Boston, 1947), 27-30, 107-27. Also see of course Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 157-317, which is particularly good on Beard's work on the Constitution; Lee Benson, Turner and Beard: American Historical Writing Reconsidered (New York, 1960), part three, which deals especially with the conflict in Beard's thinking between economic determinism and economic interpretation; Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question" and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge MA, 1988), part two; and Ellen Nore, Charles A. Beard: An Intellectual Biography (Carbondale, 1983), chap. 5.
21. Warren Cohen, The American Revisionists: The Lessons of Intervention in World War I (Chicago, 1967), 16-18. Beard's decision to resign from Columbia University is illustrative: his anger stemmed not from the war itself, which he supported, but from the repressive political culture that the wartime government of Woodrow Wilson fomented. See Brands, What America Owes the World, 114.
22. Warren Cohen, The American Revisionists: The Lessons of Intervention in World War I (Chicago, 1967), 16-18. Beard's decision to resign from Columbia University is illustrative: his anger stemmed not from the war itself, which he supported, but from the repressive political culture that the wartime government of Woodrow Wilson fomented. See Brands, What America Owes the World, 114.
23. See Kennedy, Beard and American Foreign Policy, chap. 4; and Stourzh, "Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," 120-32.
24. See Kennedy, Beard and American Foreign Policy, chap. 4; and Stourzh, "Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," 120-32.
25. Beard, Crosscurrents in Europe Today (Boston, 1922), 264-66; Charles and Mary Beard, "War with Japan: What Will We Get Out of It?" Nation 120 (25 March 1925): 311-12.
26. Beard, Crosscurrents in Europe Today (Boston, 1922), 264-66; Charles and Mary Beard, "War with Japan: What Will We Get Out of It?" Nation 120 (25 March 1925): 311-12.
27. Charles Beard and William Beard, The American Leviathan (New York, 1930), 733. Also see Stourzh, "Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," 119-20.
28. Charles Beard and William Beard, The American Leviathan (New York, 1930), 733. Also see Stourzh, "Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," 119-20.
29. Beard and Beard, Leviathan, 734, 740.
30. Ibid., 735, 741-42.
31. Ibid., 736.
32. This is my term.
33. Beard, "Our Confusion over National Defense," Harper's 164 (February 1932): 258-60.
34. Ibid., 260-64.
35. Ibid., 257.
36. Ibid., 267.
37. Beard and George H. E. Smith, The Idea of National Interest: An Analytical Study of American Foreign Policy (New York, 1934). 6, 19, 22, 166, 219-23.
38. Ibid., 50-51, 243.
39. Beard with George H. E. Smith, The Open Door at Home: A Trial Philosophy of National Interest (New York, 1934), 261 (italics in original).
40. Ibid., vii (italics added).
41. Ibid., 286.
42. On Beard's "uncertain" attitude toward the First World War in The Open Door at Home see Cohen, The American Revisionists, 137-38.
43. Though see Kennedy, Beard and American Foreign Policy, 79-81.
44. The revisionist account of American entry into the First World War is discussed in Cohen, The American Revisionists, chap. 4. It is endorsed by very few American diplomatic historians today; no major "revisionist" historian, as far as I am aware, continues to subscribe to this original interpretation. One of the very few recent books that applies a "Beardian" treatment to U.S. entry in either of the world wars is Patrick Hearden, Roosevelt Confronts Hitler: America's Entry into World War II (Dekalb, 1987), though also see Lloyd Gardner, Economic Aspects of New Deal Diplomacy (Madison, 1964), esp. 261-91. The most famous critical account of American entry into World War II, Bruce Russett's No Clear and Present Danger: A Skeptical View of the United States' Entry into World War II, 25th anniversary ed. (Boulder, 1997), is not based upon an economic approach at all.
45. The revisionist account of American entry into the First World War is discussed in Cohen, The American Revisionists, chap. 4. It is endorsed by very few American diplomatic historians today; no major "revisionist" historian, as far as I am aware, continues to subscribe to this original interpretation. One of the very few recent books that applies a "Beardian" treatment to U.S. entry in either of the world wars is Patrick Hearden, Roosevelt Confronts Hitler: America's Entry into World War II (Dekalb, 1987), though also see Lloyd Gardner, Economic Aspects of New Deal Diplomacy (Madison, 1964), esp. 261-91. The most famous critical account of American entry into World War II, Bruce Russett's No Clear and Present Danger: A Skeptical View of the United States' Entry into World War II, 25th anniversary ed. (Boulder, 1997), is not based upon an economic approach at all.
46. The revisionist account of American entry into the First World War is discussed in Cohen, The American Revisionists, chap. 4. It is endorsed by very few American diplomatic historians today; no major "revisionist" historian, as far as I am aware, continues to subscribe to this original interpretation. One of the very few recent books that applies a "Beardian" treatment to U.S. entry in either of the world wars is Patrick Hearden, Roosevelt Confronts Hitler: America's Entry into World War II (Dekalb, 1987), though also see Lloyd Gardner, Economic Aspects of New Deal Diplomacy (Madison, 1964), esp. 261-91. The most famous critical account of American entry into World War II, Bruce Russett's No Clear and Present Danger: A Skeptical View of the United States' Entry into World War II, 25th anniversary ed. (Boulder, 1997), is not based upon an economic approach at all.
47. The revisionist account of American entry into the First World War is discussed in Cohen, The American Revisionists, chap. 4. It is endorsed by very few American diplomatic historians today; no major "revisionist" historian, as far as I am aware, continues to subscribe to this original interpretation. One of the very few recent books that applies a "Beardian" treatment to U.S. entry in either of the world wars is Patrick Hearden, Roosevelt Confronts Hitler: America's Entry into World War II (Dekalb, 1987), though also see Lloyd Gardner, Economic Aspects of New Deal Diplomacy (Madison, 1964), esp. 261-91. The most famous critical account of American entry into World War II, Bruce Russett's No Clear and Present Danger: A Skeptical View of the United States' Entry into World War II, 25th anniversary ed. (Boulder, 1997), is not based upon an economic approach at all.
48. See Cohen, The American Revisionists, 186-87.
49. This is a point on which all major historians of Beard's writing are in agreement. See Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," 139; Kennedy, Beard and Foreign Policy, 81-82; Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 331-33; and Cohen, The American Revisionists, 144-45, 169-70.
50. This is a point on which all major historians of Beard's writing are in agreement. See Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," 139; Kennedy, Beard and Foreign Policy, 81-82; Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 331-33; and Cohen, The American Revisionists, 144-45, 169-70.
51. This is a point on which all major historians of Beard's writing are in agreement. See Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," 139; Kennedy, Beard and Foreign Policy, 81-82; Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 331-33; and Cohen, The American Revisionists, 144-45, 169-70.
52. This is a point on which all major historians of Beard's writing are in agreement. See Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretations of American Foreign Policy," 139; Kennedy, Beard and Foreign Policy, 81-82; Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 331-33; and Cohen, The American Revisionists, 144-45, 169-70.
53. Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 318.
54. Beard, "National Politics and War," Scribner's Magazine 97 (February 1935): 66-67, 70. See also Brands, What America Owes the World, 123-24.
55. Beard, "National Politics and War," Scribner's Magazine 97 (February 1935): 66-67, 70. See also Brands, What America Owes the World, 123-24.
56. Beard, "National Politics and War," 70.
57. Beard seems in this article to have stuck with this ill-conceived historical hypothesis just to make the larger, contemporary point - a point that did not depend on the "Jeffersonian" argument at all. When in his penultimate sentence Beard refers to Wilson's having led the nation into war, having earlier in the essay denied that Wilson belonged in the "Jeffersonian" category, one can guess that the historical hypothesis wasn't that important to Beard.
58. Beard, The Devil Theory of War: An Inquiry into the Nature of History and the Possibility of Keeping out of War (New York, 1936), 20-29.
59. White, Social Thought in America, 114.
60. Beard, Devil Theory, 15. On Beard's sly use of this book also see Cohen, The American Revisionists, 182.
61. Beard, Devil Theory, 15. On Beard's sly use of this book also see Cohen, The American Revisionists, 182.
62. Ibid., 32, 33, 58 and passim.
63. Beard and Beard, America in Midpassage, 407-20.
64. Beard, Giddy Minds and Foreign Quarrels, 15, 27, 32.
65. Ibid., 56.
66. Beard and Beard, America in Midpassage, 468-70. Here again Beard's views parallel those of the Cold War realists in opposition to whom he is normally placed. On the similarities between Beard and "classical realists" like Niebuhr or Kennan see A. J. Bacevich's irritating little article, "Charles Beard, Properly Understood," National Interest 35 (Spring 1994): 73-83.
67. Beard and Beard, America in Midpassage, 468-70. Here again Beard's views parallel those of the Cold War realists in opposition to whom he is normally placed. On the similarities between Beard and "classical realists" like Niebuhr or Kennan see A. J. Bacevich's irritating little article, "Charles Beard, Properly Understood," National Interest 35 (Spring 1994): 73-83.
68. Ibid., 482.
69. This was the main editorial theme of Niebuhr's new periodical, Christianity and Crisis.
70. Beard, "A Reply to Mr. Browder," New Republic 83 (2 February 1938): 357-59.
71. Ibid., 357.
72. On this question of Beard's moral indifference see Brands, What America Owes the World, 138-39.
73. Beard, Giddy Minds and Foreign Quarrels, 65, 74, 86-87.
74. Beard, "We're Blundering Into War," The American Mercury 46 (April 1939): 389-90.
75. Ibid., 395-99; the quotation is from 399.
76. On this work also see Brands, What America Owes the World, 132-34.
77. Beard, A Foreign Policy for America (New York, 1940), 12.
78. Ibid., 61.
79. Ibid.
80. Ibid., 146.
81. Beard to Oswald Garrison Villard, 20 October 1944, Villard Papers, folder 2, Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Also see Nore, Charles A. Beard, 203.
82. Beard to Villard, 18 July 1945, Villard Papers, folder 3.
83. Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretation of American Foreign Policy," 145-46, Kennedy, Beard and American Foreign Policy, 107, 125-26, Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 313-14, and Howard K. Beale, "Charles Beard: Historian," in Charles A. Beard: An Appraisal, ed. Beale (Lexington, KY, 1954), 125-26, all acknowledge the evolution of Beard's thought during the war. None of these authors, however, revise their interpretation of Beard's approach to American foreign policy in light of this evolution.
84. Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretation of American Foreign Policy," 145-46, Kennedy, Beard and American Foreign Policy, 107, 125-26, Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 313-14, and Howard K. Beale, "Charles Beard: Historian," in Charles A. Beard: An Appraisal, ed. Beale (Lexington, KY, 1954), 125-26, all acknowledge the evolution of Beard's thought during the war. None of these authors, however, revise their interpretation of Beard's approach to American foreign policy in light of this evolution.
85. Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretation of American Foreign Policy," 145-46, Kennedy, Beard and American Foreign Policy, 107, 125-26, Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 313-14, and Howard K. Beale, "Charles Beard: Historian," in Charles A. Beard: An Appraisal, ed. Beale (Lexington, KY, 1954), 125-26, all acknowledge the evolution of Beard's thought during the war. None of these authors, however, revise their interpretation of Beard's approach to American foreign policy in light of this evolution.
86. Stourzh, "Charles A. Beard's Interpretation of American Foreign Policy," 145-46, Kennedy, Beard and American Foreign Policy, 107, 125-26, Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 313-14, and Howard K. Beale, "Charles Beard: Historian," in Charles A. Beard: An Appraisal, ed. Beale (Lexington, KY, 1954), 125-26, all acknowledge the evolution of Beard's thought during the war. None of these authors, however, revise their interpretation of Beard's approach to American foreign policy in light of this evolution.
87. See Reinhold Niebuhr, The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness (New York, 1944). On Beard's prewar struggle with Niebuhr see Brands, What America Owes the World, 136.
88. See Reinhold Niebuhr, The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness (New York, 1944). On Beard's prewar struggle with Niebuhr see Brands, What America Owes the World, 136.
89. Beard, The Republic: Conversations on Fundamentals (New York, 1943), 307.
90. Ibid., 308.
91. Ibid., 316.
92. Ibid., 309.
93. Beard to Villard, 18 July 1945, Villard Papers, folder 3.
94. Beard, The Economic Basis of Politics, 3d ed. (New York, 1945), 91, 99.
95. Ibid., 104-5.
96. The extent of Marx's influence on Beard is the subject of significant debate. To me, it seems dominant - that is, that the Marxian concept constitutes the most significant factor in Beard's thinking, not that Beard is a Marxist himself. For a recent discussion see Clyde W. Barrow, More Than a Historian: The Political and Economic Thought of Charles A. Beard (New Brunswick, 2000), 31-49.
97. Beard, Foreign Policy for America, 6; idem, Giddy Minds and Foreign Quarrels, 74.
98. Beard, Foreign Policy for America, 6; idem, Giddy Minds and Foreign Quarrels, 74.
99. Beard, President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War: A Study in Appearances and Realities (New Haven, 1948), 577. See also Charles and Mary Beard, The American Spirit (New York, 1942), 532-34.
100. Beard, President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War: A Study in Appearances and Realities (New Haven, 1948), 577. See also Charles and Mary Beard, The American Spirit (New York, 1942), 532-34.
101. It is important to distinguish between Beard's grudging acknowledgment of the fact that U.S. security was threatened after 1941 and his statement that the war had been a waste insofar as Russia had merely replaced Germany as a tyrannical regime threatening American security. The latter assertion is an attempt to show that World War II had not been successful, in that an announced end of the war - eliminating despotic threats to American security - had not been actually accomplished. Beard does not claim that Nazi Germany did not threaten the United States, and indeed by referring to the comparable Russian threat to American survival, acknowledges that it did.
102. Beard, President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War, 580.
103. Beard's unwillingness to be drawn into a systematic attack on the Cold War à la his 1930s writing comes through very clearly in his correspondence with Oswald Villard. On three occasions Villard tried to draw Beard into making such a critique; twice Beard uncharacteristically evaded the issue entirely ("I cannot think of any comment that could be expressed in words. Hence, I refrain."), and on the third occasion Beard rather obliquely criticizes the Marshall Plan. See Villard letters of 6 February 1946, 6 March 1947, and 15 January 1948, and Beard replies of 9 February 1946, 9 March 1947, and 17 January 1948, in Villard Papers, folders 4 and 5.
104. Beard, American Foreign Policy in the Making, 1932-1940 (New Haven, 1946); idem, President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War.
105. Beard, American Foreign Policy in the Making, 1932-1940 (New Haven, 1946); idem, President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War.
106. Or as Warren Cohen puts it, "an interpretation of past events, but an interpretation which proved extremely useful as support for his foreign policy proposals." The American Revisionists, 237.
107. On Beard's "uncertain grasp of strategic matters," see Brands, What America Owes the World, 136.
108. This is the general tone of Kennedy's Charles A. Beard and American Foreign Policy, for example, and appears to be the consensus position in American historiography.
109. Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 338.
110. Persuasive data about American neutrality during the late 1930s can be found in Hadley Cantril and Mildred Strunk, eds., Public Opinion, 1935-1946 (Princeton, 1951), 966-70, most revealingly question 43 (page 969). Also see Robert Divine, The Illusion of Neutrality (Chicago, 1962), 180-82, 210, 219-22.
111. Persuasive data about American neutrality during the late 1930s can be found in Hadley Cantril and Mildred Strunk, eds., Public Opinion, 1935-1946 (Princeton, 1951), 966-70, most revealingly question 43 (page 969). Also see Robert Divine, The Illusion of Neutrality (Chicago, 1962), 180-82, 210, 219-22.