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Volumn 38, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 201-228

Habitus clivé: Aesthetics and politics in the work of Pierre Bourdieu

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EID: 42449148894     PISSN: 00286087     EISSN: 1080661X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/nlh.2007.0013     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (73)

References (47)
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    • These aspects of my discussion develop further a vein of criticism begun in Bennett, "The Historical Universal: The Role of Cultural Value in the Historical Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu," British Journal of Sociology 56 (2005): 141-64
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  • 10
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    • ed. Lahire Paris: Éditions la découverte
    • Bernard Lahire, "De la théorie de l'habitus à une sociologie psychologique," in Le travail sociologique de Pierre Bourdieu: Dettes et critique, ed. Lahire (Paris: Éditions la découverte, 2001), 121-52
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    • From the Habitus to an Individual Heritage of Dispositions: Towards a Sociology at the Level of the Individual
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    • Reflexivity: Freedom or Habit of Gender?
    • ed. Lisa Adkins and Beverley Skeggs Oxford: Blackwell
    • Bourdieu's work is most vulnerable to criticism here by feminist challenges to the centrality he accords class as the source of the unity of the habitus. See, for example, Lisa Adkins, "Reflexivity: Freedom or Habit of Gender?" in Feminism after Bourdieu, ed. Lisa Adkins and Beverley Skeggs (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005)
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    • Field Manoeuvres: Bourdieu and Young British Artists
    • Grenfell and C. Hardy include Renaissance art and impressionism among what they characterize as a rearguard formation (yesterday's most consecrated art) and the consecrated avant-garde respectively, while classifying examples of what we defined as modern art as an avant-garde still struggling for legitimacy. Greenfell and Hardy, "Field Manoeuvres: Bourdieu and Young British Artists," Space and Culture 6 (2003): 19-34
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    • For a full account of the methods used to construct this space, see Modesto Gayo-Cal, Mike Savage, and Alan Warde, "A Cultural Map of the United Kingdom, 2003," Cultural Trends 15 (2006): 213-38
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    • It might seem that the literature on omniverousness initiated by R. A. Peterson and A. Simkus is also concerned with dissonance, at least for the omnivore who is said to "graze" across legitimacy divisions. But this is not so. As Lahire notes in relation to Peterson's work and later studies modelled on it, the omnivore thesis depends on being able to demonstrate omniverousness on the part of individual members of elite groups. However, owing to the nature of the data he works with and the methods of analysis he deploys, all Peterson is able to demonstrate is omniverousness at the group level. But all this establishes is variations between individuals rather than variations within the taste profiles of individuals as the omnivore thesis requires. Work on our own data suggests that "the omnivore" is a mythic construction, which, when considered more closely, breaks down into a number of different omnivore types - a position closer to Lahire's than to Peterson's. See R. A. Peterson, "Understanding Audience Segmentation: From Elite and Mass to Omnivore and Univore," Poetics 21 (1992): 243-58
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    • and Peterson and A. Simkus, "How Musical Tastes Mark Occupational Status Groups," in Cultivating Differences: Sympbolic Boundaries and the Making of Inequality, ed. Michelle Lamont and Marciel Fournier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). See also Alan Warde and David Wright, "Understanding Cultural Omniverousness, or the Myth of the Cultural Omnivore, "internal working paper for the CCSE project
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    • ed. S. MacDonald Oxford: Blackwell
    • See Tony Bennett, "Civic Seeing: Museums and the Organisation of Vision," in Companion to Museum Studies, ed. S. MacDonald (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006), 263-81
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    • Nicholas Thoburn suggests a helpful qualification to this position by showing how, when Marx does allow the working class to act in its own right, this is only via the production of the lumpenproletariat as a position of absolute negation from which the working class can distinguish itself. "Difference in Marx: The Lumpenproletariat and the Proletarian Unnameable," Economy and Society 31 (2002): 434-60
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    • What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups
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