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1
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0035647297
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Collective identity and social movements
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(2001)
Annual Review of Sociology
, vol.27
, pp. 286
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Polletta, F.1
Jasper, J.M.2
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2
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0001330012
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Resource mobilization and social movements: A partial theory
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May
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1977)
American Journal of Sociology
, vol.82
, Issue.6
, pp. 1212-1241
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McCarthy, J.D.1
Zald, M.N.2
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3
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0004106424
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New York: McGraw-Hill
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1978)
From Mobilization to Revolution
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Tilly, C.1
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4
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0003424516
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Chicago: University of Chicago Press
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1982)
Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970
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McAdam, D.1
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5
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84936628954
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Strategy or identity: New theoretical paradigms and contemporary social movements
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Winter
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1985)
Social Research
, vol.52
, Issue.4
, pp. 663-716
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Cohen, J.L.1
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6
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34248028012
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The new social movements: A theoretical approach
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1980)
Social Science Information
, vol.19
, Issue.2
, pp. 199-226
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Melucci, A.1
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7
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84935413280
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The symbolic challenge of contemporary movements
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Winter
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1985)
Social Research
, vol.52
, Issue.4
, pp. 789-816
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Melucci, A.1
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8
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0003395859
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ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press)
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1989)
Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society
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Melucci, A.1
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9
-
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0002755415
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The process of collective identity
-
ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press)
-
The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1995)
Social Movements and Culture
-
-
Melucci, A.1
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10
-
-
0001482336
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Political exchange and collective identity in industrial conflict
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chapter 11, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno (New York: Holmes & Meier)
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1978)
The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968
, vol.2
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Pizzorno, A.1
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11
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84928216403
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On the rationality of democratic choice
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Spring
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1985)
Telos
, vol.63
, pp. 41-69
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Pizzorno, A.1
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12
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0001142770
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Collective identity in social movement communities: Lesbian feminist mobilization
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ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press)
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The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1992)
Frontiers in Social Movement Theory
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Taylor, V.1
Whittier, N.2
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13
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84936628637
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An introduction to the study of social movements
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Winter
-
The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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(1985)
Social Research
, vol.52
, Issue.4
, pp. 749-787
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Touraine, A.1
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14
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84928848397
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Introduction: Social movement organizations and the study of social movements
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See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
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(1989)
International Social Movement Research
, vol.2
, pp. 1-17
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Klandermans, B.1
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15
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0003432653
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See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
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Frontiers in Social Movement Theory
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Morris1
Mueller2
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16
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0004128117
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Philadelphia: Temple University Press
-
See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
-
(1994)
New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity
-
-
Larana, E.1
Johnston, H.2
Gusfield, J.R.3
-
17
-
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0004114738
-
-
See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
-
Social Movements and Culture
-
-
Johnston1
Klandermans2
-
18
-
-
21844498223
-
Moving in the wrong direction in social movement theory
-
See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
-
(1995)
Theory and Society
, vol.24
, Issue.4
, pp. 595-612
-
-
Shefner, J.1
-
19
-
-
0004222128
-
-
New York: Cambridge University Press
-
See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
-
(2001)
Dynamics of Contention
-
-
McAdam, D.1
Tarrow, S.2
Tilly, C.3
-
20
-
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79953564945
-
-
New York: Oxford University Press
-
See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
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(2002)
Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State
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Meyer, D.S.1
Whittier, N.2
Robnett, B.3
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21
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0000527663
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Goffman's legacy to political sociology
-
September
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On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
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(1985)
Theory and Society
, vol.14
, Issue.5
, pp. 605-622
-
-
Gamson, W.A.1
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22
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0000527663
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Constructing social protest
-
Johnston and Klandermans, editors
-
On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
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Social Movements and Culture
-
-
Gamson, W.A.1
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23
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0000527663
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Frame alignment processes, micromobilization and movement participation
-
On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
-
(1986)
American Sociological Review
, vol.51
, pp. 464-481
-
-
Snow, D.A.1
Rochford Jr., E.B.2
Worden, S.K.3
Benford, R.D.4
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24
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0000527663
-
-
New York: Cambridge University Press
-
On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
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(1994)
Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics
-
-
Tarrow, S.1
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25
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0000527663
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New York: Cambridge University Press
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On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
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(1996)
Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements
-
-
McAdam, D.1
McCarthy, J.D.2
Zald, M.N.3
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26
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17244368371
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Framing processes and social movements: An overview and assessment
-
On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
-
(2000)
Annual Review of Sociology
, vol.26
, pp. 611-639
-
-
Benford, R.D.1
Snow, D.A.2
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27
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0000527663
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Identity fields: Framing processes and the construction of movement identities
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Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors
-
On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
-
New Social Movements
-
-
Hunt, S.A.1
Benford, R.D.2
Snow, D.A.3
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28
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0002041165
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The framing function of movement tactics
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chapter 15 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors
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Doug McAdam, "The Framing Function of Movement Tactics," chapter 15 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements
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McAdam, D.1
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30
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0002883514
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ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press), (emphasis in the original)
-
Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 220-221, 223 (emphasis in the original). Idem, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984 [1979]), 477-479. See also Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski, "The Educational System and the Economy: Titles and Jobs," chapter 8 in French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) and Luc Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45," Social Science Information 23/3 (1984): 469-491.
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(1991)
Language and Symbolic Power
, pp. 220-221
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Bourdieu, P.1
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31
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0003583974
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trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press)
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Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 220-221, 223 (emphasis in the original). Idem, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984 [1979]), 477-479. See also Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski, "The Educational System and the Economy: Titles and Jobs," chapter 8 in French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) and Luc Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45," Social Science Information 23/3 (1984): 469-491.
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(1979)
Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste
, pp. 477-479
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Bourdieu, P.1
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32
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0003202720
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The educational system and the economy: Titles and jobs
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chapter 8, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press)
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Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 220-221, 223 (emphasis in the original). Idem, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984 [1979]), 477-479. See also Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski, "The Educational System and the Economy: Titles and Jobs," chapter 8 in French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) and Luc Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45," Social Science Information 23/3 (1984): 469-491.
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(1981)
French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968
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Bourdieu, P.1
Boltanski, L.2
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33
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4143061108
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How a social group objectified itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45
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Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 220-221, 223 (emphasis in the original). Idem, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984 [1979]), 477-479. See also Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski, "The Educational System and the Economy: Titles and Jobs," chapter 8 in French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) and Luc Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45," Social Science Information 23/3 (1984): 469-491.
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(1984)
Social Science Information
, vol.23
, Issue.3
, pp. 469-491
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Boltanski, L.1
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35
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0004331245
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On resource acquisition, see McAdam, Political Process, 20-59; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 44, 47-48. By arguing that collective identity shapes resource mobilization, I do not mean to deny that resource mobilization also shapes collective identity. Although I emphasize the former here, I acknowledge that causality runs in both directions.
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Political Process
, pp. 20-59
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McAdam1
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36
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4143087899
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On resource acquisition, see McAdam, Political Process, 20-59; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 44, 47-48. By arguing that collective identity shapes resource mobilization, I do not mean to deny that resource mobilization also shapes collective identity. Although I emphasize the former here, I acknowledge that causality runs in both directions.
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Dynamics of Contention
, vol.44
, pp. 47-48
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McAdam1
Tarrow2
Tilly3
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37
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New social movements: Challenging the boundaries of institutional politics
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Winter
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Claus Offe, "New Social Movements: Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 817-868.
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(1985)
Social Research
, vol.52
, Issue.4
, pp. 817-868
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Offe, C.1
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New social movements' of the early nineteenth century
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ed. Mark Traugott (Durham: Duke University Press)
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Craig Calhoun, "'New Social Movements' of the Early Nineteenth Century," in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action, ed. Mark Traugott (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), 173.
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(1995)
Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action
, pp. 173
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Calhoun, C.1
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40
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0004092356
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Cf. William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power; and Calhoun, "New Social Movements."
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Language and Symbolic Power
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Bourdieu1
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41
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77951454351
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Cf. William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power; and Calhoun, "New Social Movements."
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New Social Movements
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Calhoun1
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43
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84936628954
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Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity," 293. Cf. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity."
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Strategy or Identity
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Cohen1
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44
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84885776260
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Melucci, "The Process of Collective Identity," 48-49. Cf. Marc W. Steinberg, "The Roar of the Crowd: Repertoires of Discourse and Collective Action among the Spitalfields Silk Weavers in Nineteenth-Century London," in Traugott, editor, Repertoires and Cycles; and idem, "Toward a More Dialogic Analysis of Social Movement Culture," in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
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The Process of Collective Identity
, pp. 48-49
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Melucci1
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45
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The roar of the crowd: Repertoires of discourse and collective action among the spitalfields silk weavers in nineteenth-century London
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Traugott, editor
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Melucci, "The Process of Collective Identity," 48-49. Cf. Marc W. Steinberg, "The Roar of the Crowd: Repertoires of Discourse and Collective Action among the Spitalfields Silk Weavers in Nineteenth-Century London," in Traugott, editor, Repertoires and Cycles; and idem, "Toward a More Dialogic Analysis of Social Movement Culture," in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
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Repertoires and Cycles
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Steinberg, M.W.1
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46
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34547273597
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Toward a more dialogic analysis of social movement culture
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Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors
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Melucci, "The Process of Collective Identity," 48-49. Cf. Marc W. Steinberg, "The Roar of the Crowd: Repertoires of Discourse and Collective Action among the Spitalfields Silk Weavers in Nineteenth-Century London," in Traugott, editor, Repertoires and Cycles; and idem, "Toward a More Dialogic Analysis of Social Movement Culture," in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
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Social Movements
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Steinberg, M.W.1
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47
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84889272459
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External political change, collective identities, and participation in social movement organizations
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Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors
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E.g, Belinda Robnett, "External Political Change, Collective Identities, and Participation in Social Movement Organizations," in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
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Social Movements
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Robnett, B.1
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48
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4143081191
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note
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Due to space constraints, this article only addresses the reasons for the decline and demise of the Workers Alliance. A separate work on the rise of the movement is in progress.
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49
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0003782731
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Glencoe: Free Press
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By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21 (1991): 367-388; Charles Tilly, "Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology," Comparative Social Research 16 (1997): 47-57; and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention.
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(1968)
Social Theory and Social Structure, Third Edition
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Merton, R.1
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50
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0004196529
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New York: Cambridge University Press
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By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21 (1991): 367-388; Charles Tilly, "Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology," Comparative Social Research 16 (1997): 47-57; and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention.
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(1989)
Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences
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Elster, J.1
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51
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By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21 (1991): 367-388; Charles Tilly, "Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology," Comparative Social Research 16 (1997): 47-57; and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention.
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By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21
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By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21 (1991): 367-388; Charles Tilly, "Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology," Comparative Social Research 16 (1997): 47-57; and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention.
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Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1963), 107-108. Like all causal mechanisms, in-group purification produces "different aggregate outcomes depending on the initial conditions, combinations, and sequences" in which it occurs and concatenates with other mechanisms (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 37). On the potential benefits of factionalism, see Mildred A. Schwartz, "Factions and the Continuity of Political Challengers," and Jo Reger, "More than One Feminism: Organizational Structure and the Construction of Collective Identity," both in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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May
-
Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
-
(1992)
Social Problems
, vol.39
, Issue.2
, pp. 139-154
-
-
Kerbo, H.R.1
Shaffer, R.A.2
-
70
-
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0003536027
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The unemployed workers movement of the 1930s: A reexamination of the Piven and Cloward thesis
-
May
-
Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
-
(1990)
Social Problems
, vol.37
, Issue.2
, pp. 191-205
-
-
Valocchi, S.1
-
71
-
-
4143150380
-
-
Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Impatient Armies of the Poor
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-
Folsom1
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72
-
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0003761335
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-
Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
-
Poor People's Movements
-
-
Piven1
Cloward2
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73
-
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4143092313
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-
Port Washington: Kennikat Press
-
Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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(1980)
Congress and the Waning of the New Deal
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Porter, D.L.1
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74
-
-
0003651353
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-
New York: Basic Books
-
Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
-
(1986)
In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America
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-
Katz, M.B.1
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75
-
-
0003502021
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-
Princeton: Princeton University Press
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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(1998)
Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy
-
-
Amenta, E.1
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76
-
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4143073343
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-
Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Congress and the Waning of the New Deal
, vol.61
, pp. 70
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-
Porter1
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77
-
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0039858628
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Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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Bold Relief
, pp. 81
-
-
Amenta1
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78
-
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0003531035
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-
New York: Vintage
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Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, updated edition (New York: Vintage, 1993 [1971]), 106. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 421. The New York Times, August 12, 1938, p. 16. Work, August 27, 1938, p. 5 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568).
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(1971)
Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, Updated Edition
, pp. 106
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Piven, F.F.1
Cloward, R.A.2
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79
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4143150380
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-
Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, updated edition (New York: Vintage, 1993 [1971]), 106. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 421. The New York Times, August 12, 1938, p. 16. Work, August 27, 1938, p. 5 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568).
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Impatient Armies of the Poor
, pp. 421
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Folsom1
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80
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0004194060
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August 12
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Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, updated edition (New York: Vintage, 1993 [1971]), 106. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 421. The New York Times, August 12, 1938, p. 16. Work, August 27, 1938, p. 5 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568)
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(1938)
The New York Times
, pp. 16
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-
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81
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4143060024
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August 27 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568).
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Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, updated edition (New York: Vintage, 1993 [1971]), 106. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 421. The New York Times, August 12, 1938, p. 16. Work, August 27, 1938, p. 5 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568).
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(1938)
Work
, pp. 5
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-
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82
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4143128558
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-
note
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The author gathered all protest event data from The New York Times Index and The New York Times. Because of the way the data were originally reported, it was necessary to count as a single event coordinated protests occurring at the same time but in different locations within the same city (e.g., at different relief offices or WPA projects).
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-
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83
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84885831532
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Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office
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All unemployment data are from United States Department of Commerce (Bureau of the Census), Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, Part 1 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1975), 135. 25.
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(1975)
Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970
, Issue.PART 1
, pp. 135
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86
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February 15
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Harrington is quoted in Work, February 15, 1940, 3. It was only in 1942 that the unemployment rate dropped below five percent. WPA employment also remained high; the average number of persons employed on WPA projects per month did not fall below one million until March 1942. See United States Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program, 1935-43 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office. 1946), 28.
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(1940)
Work
, pp. 3
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Harrington1
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87
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0346972385
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Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office
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Harrington is quoted in Work, February 15, 1940, 3. It was only in 1942 that the unemployment rate dropped below five percent. WPA employment also remained high; the average number of persons employed on WPA projects per month did not fall below one million until March 1942. See United States Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program, 1935-43 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office. 1946), 28.
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(1946)
Final Report on the WPA Program, 1935-43
, pp. 28
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88
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0003885645
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(New York: Russell Sage Foundation) (emphasis added)
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Quotations are from Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1943), 132-133 (emphasis added). Also see Work, November 23, 1939, 1; Basil Rauch, The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 (New York: Creative Age Press, 1944), 314-315, 326; and Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File #6794 (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
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(1943)
The WPA and Federal Relief Policy
, pp. 132-133
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Howard, D.S.1
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89
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4143052186
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November 23
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Quotations are from Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1943), 132-133 (emphasis added). Also see Work, November 23, 1939, 1; Basil Rauch, The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 (New York: Creative Age Press, 1944), 314-315, 326; and Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File #6794 (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
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(1939)
Work
, pp. 1
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90
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0012854316
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New York: Creative Age Press
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Quotations are from Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1943), 132-133 (emphasis added). Also see Work, November 23, 1939, 1; Basil Rauch, The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 (New York: Creative Age Press, 1944), 314-315, 326; and Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File #6794 (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
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Rauch, B.1
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Quotations are from Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1943), 132-133 (emphasis added). Also see Work, November 23, 1939, 1; Basil Rauch, The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 (New York: Creative Age Press, 1944), 314-315, 326; and Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File #6794 (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
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Quotation is from Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 76. Cf. Rosenzweig, "Socialism in Our Time," 503; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed," 177; and James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 82, 115, 272.
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Poor People's Movements
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Piven1
Cloward2
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Quotation is from Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 76. Cf. Rosenzweig, "Socialism in Our Time," 503; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed," 177; and James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 82, 115, 272.
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Quotation is from Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 76. Cf. Rosenzweig, "Socialism in Our Time," 503; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed," 177; and James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 82, 115, 272.
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Quotation is from Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 76. Cf. Rosenzweig, "Socialism in Our Time," 503; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed," 177; and James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 82, 115, 272.
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Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland
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Lorence, J.J.1
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See James T. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal: The Growth of the Conservative Coalition in Congress, 1933-1939 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1967); and Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal.
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Congress and the Waning of the New Deal
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Porter1
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98
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4143138410
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(Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1569): August 15; October 2, 1935, 2; "Second October Issue" [1935], 1; "November Issue" [1935], 1; "Second April Issue" [1936], 2; "First June Issue" [1936], 1; and "First July Issue" [1936], 1.
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See the following issues of The Workers Alliance: The Official Newspaper of the Workers Alliance of America (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1569): August 15, 1935, 1; October 2, 1935, 2; "Second October Issue" [1935], 1; "November Issue" [1935], 1; "Second April Issue" [1936], 2; "First June Issue" [1936], 1; and "First July Issue" [1936], 1.
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The Workers Alliance: The Official Newspaper of the Workers Alliance of America
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September 24; October 8, 1938, 4; October 22, 1938, 12; July 29, 1939, 6, 12; and August 12, 1939, 6
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See the following issues of Work: September 24, 1938, 7; October 8, 1938, 4; October 22, 1938, 12; July 29, 1939, 6, 12; and August 12, 1939, 6. On the way in which dyadic interaction is altered by the addition of a third party, see Georg Simmel, "The Triad," in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, trans. and ed. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Free Press, 1950).
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Work
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The triad
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trans. and ed. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Free Press)
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See the following issues of Work: September 24, 1938, 7; October 8, 1938, 4; October 22, 1938, 12; July 29, 1939, 6, 12; and August 12, 1939, 6. On the way in which dyadic interaction is altered by the addition of a third party, see Georg Simmel, "The Triad," in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, trans. and ed. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Free Press, 1950).
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The Sociology of Georg Simmel
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0003868047
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While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264).
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(1960)
The Politics of Upheaval
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While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
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(1994)
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Rose, N.E.1
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While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
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(1996)
The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy
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Halfmann, D.T.5
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While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
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Put to Work
, pp. 53
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Rose1
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While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
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Put to Work
, pp. 54
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Rose1
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106
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0003868047
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While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
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Politics of Upheaval
, pp. 264
-
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Schlesinger1
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107
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4143095629
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While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
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Put to Work
, pp. 76-80
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Rose1
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108
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0002924397
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The toad in the garden: Thatcherism among the theorists
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ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press) (emphasis in the original)
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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(1988)
Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture
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Hall, S.1
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109
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45749139375
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Stanford: Stanford University Press
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement"
, pp. 60
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Tynes, S.R.1
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The political mobilization of business
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chapter 8, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview)
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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(1992)
The Politics of Interests
, pp. 176
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111
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology
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112
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0001947232
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Berkeley Journal of Sociology
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trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press)
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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(1990)
The Logic of Practice
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Bourdieu, P.1
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114
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0004092356
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Language and Symbolic Power
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Bourdieu, P.1
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115
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4143074479
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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What Makes a Social Class?
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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(1992)
Theory and Society
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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(1992)
Studies in American Political Development
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Political Mobilization of Business
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New York: Cambridge University Press
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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(1971)
The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America
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Domhoff, G.W.1
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125
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ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton).
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Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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(1972)
A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State
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Radosh, R.1
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126
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0004181580
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trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press)
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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(1893)
The Division of Labor in Society
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Durkheim, E.1
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127
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0004187572
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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From Max Weber
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Weber1
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128
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0004252976
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ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers)
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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Selections from the Prison Notebooks
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New York: W. W. Norton
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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The Marx-Engels Reader, Second Edition
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Tucker, R.C.1
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978),
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The Toad in the Garden
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Hall1
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ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart)
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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(1983)
The Politics of Thatcherism
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Hall, S.1
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism
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Emirbayer1
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133
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4143119747
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry
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Emirbayer1
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134
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0004140422
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See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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Building a Democratic Political Order
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Plotke1
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135
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0003972446
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Garden City: Doubleday
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For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
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The Radical Right
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Bell, D.1
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For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
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The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, Second Edition
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Lipset, S.M.1
Raab, E.2
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137
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Urbana: University of Illinois Press
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For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
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Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement
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Gusfield, J.R.1
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(Berkeley: University of California Press), chapter 3
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For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
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To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism
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Himmelstein, J.L.1
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For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
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For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
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For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
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Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 19, 175, 18. Of course, in the case of the Workers Alliance, it was mainly the status of organized WPA workers (their worthiness to receive social assistance) rather than the movement's anti-Communist opponents that was at stake.
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Poor People's Movements
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Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
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Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
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Heyday of American Communism
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Klehr1
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Chicago: Aldine
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Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
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(1967)
Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior
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Goffman, E.1
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chapter 5
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Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
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Regulating the Poor
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There is debate among political sociologists about whether the imposition of stigmatizing categorical identities discourages political mobilization or provides a basis for it. Piven and Cloward, e.g., argue that turning welfare recipients into "a clearly demarcated ... class of pariahs deters political mobilization for public relief" (Poor People's Movements, 42-43). In contrast, Anthony Marx, e.g., argues that legal discrimination creates a stigmatized categorical identity that provides a "potential base for resistance," establishing the "who" that then challenges exclusion and discrimination ("Race-Making and the Nation-State," World Politics 48/2 [January 1996]: 180-208). What I am suggesting here is that both views may be correct under different conditions. In other words, whether categorical identities that are created through exclusion and/or discrimination also become the basis for political mobilization depends in part on whether those categorical identities are aligned with other social divisions or weakened by crosscutting social divisions. Political mobilization, I argue, is more common under the former condition than the latter condition.
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Poor People's Movements
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Piven1
Cloward2
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Race-making and the nation-state
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There is debate among political sociologists about whether the imposition of stigmatizing categorical identities discourages political mobilization or provides a basis for it. Piven and Cloward, e.g., argue that turning welfare recipients into "a clearly demarcated ... class of pariahs deters political mobilization for public relief" (Poor People's Movements, 42-43). In contrast, Anthony Marx, e.g., argues that legal discrimination creates a stigmatized categorical identity that provides a "potential base for resistance," establishing the "who" that then challenges exclusion and discrimination ("Race-Making and the Nation-State," World Politics 48/2 [January 1996]: 180-208). What I am suggesting here is that both views may be correct under different conditions. In other words, whether categorical identities that are created through exclusion and/or discrimination also become the basis for political mobilization depends in part on whether those categorical identities are aligned with other social divisions or weakened by crosscutting social divisions. Political mobilization, I argue, is more common under the former condition than the latter condition.
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(1996)
World Politics
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, pp. 180-208
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I borrow the notion of citizen-earner from Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991). On the gendered character of the citizen-earner, see Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the U.S. Welfare State," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19/2 (1994): 309-336. These two forms of ritual profanation, which represent what might be called the civic death of relief recipients bear a striking resemblance to Orlando Patterson's two ways of representing the social death of slaves (Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982], 39, 41).
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(1991)
American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion
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Shklar, J.N.1
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I borrow the notion of citizen-earner from Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991). On the gendered character of the citizen-earner, see Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the U.S. Welfare State," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19/2 (1994): 309-336. These two forms of ritual profanation, which represent what might be called the civic death of relief recipients bear a striking resemblance to Orlando Patterson's two ways of representing the social death of slaves (Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982], 39, 41).
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(1994)
Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society
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, pp. 309-336
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I borrow the notion of citizen-earner from Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991). On the gendered character of the citizen-earner, see Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the U.S. Welfare State," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19/2 (1994): 309-336. These two forms of ritual profanation, which represent what might be called the civic death of relief recipients bear a striking resemblance to Orlando Patterson's two ways of representing the social death of slaves (Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982], 39, 41).
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(1982)
Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study
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Irving Howe and Lewis Coser, The American Communist Party: A Critical History, 1919-1957 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), 325, 362-363, 385. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 103-104. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism.
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The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
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The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
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The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
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chapter 6 [New York: Columbia University Press]
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The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
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Structure and Meaning
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New York: Basic Books
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The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
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The Interpretation of Cultures
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Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 249. On the aims and activities of the Communist Party, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, and Klehr, Heyday of American Communism. On republicanism and ascriptive Americanism, see Suzanne Mettler, Dividing Citizens: Gender and Federalism in New Deal Public Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Rogers M. Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America," American Political Science Review 87/3 (September 1993): 549-566; idem, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); and Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
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Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 249. On the aims and activities of the Communist Party, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, and Klehr, Heyday of American Communism. On republicanism and ascriptive Americanism, see Suzanne Mettler, Dividing Citizens: Gender and Federalism in New Deal Public Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Rogers M. Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America," American Political Science Review 87/3 (September 1993): 549-566; idem, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); and Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
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Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 249. On the aims and activities of the Communist Party, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, and Klehr, Heyday of American Communism. On republicanism and ascriptive Americanism, see Suzanne Mettler, Dividing Citizens: Gender and Federalism in New Deal Public Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Rogers M. Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America," American Political Science Review 87/3 (September 1993): 549-566; idem, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); and Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
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Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 249. On the aims and activities of the Communist Party, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, and Klehr, Heyday of American Communism. On republicanism and ascriptive Americanism, see Suzanne Mettler, Dividing Citizens: Gender and Federalism in New Deal Public Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Rogers M. Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America," American Political Science Review 87/3 (September 1993): 549-566; idem, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); and Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
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Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 249. On the aims and activities of the Communist Party, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, and Klehr, Heyday of American Communism. On republicanism and ascriptive Americanism, see Suzanne Mettler, Dividing Citizens: Gender and Federalism in New Deal Public Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Rogers M. Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America," American Political Science Review 87/3 (September 1993): 549-566; idem, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); and Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
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Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 249. On the aims and activities of the Communist Party, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, and Klehr, Heyday of American Communism. On republicanism and ascriptive Americanism, see Suzanne Mettler, Dividing Citizens: Gender and Federalism in New Deal Public Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Rogers M. Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America," American Political Science Review 87/3 (September 1993): 549-566; idem, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); and Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
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Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 249. On the aims and activities of the Communist Party, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, and Klehr, Heyday of American Communism. On republicanism and ascriptive Americanism, see Suzanne Mettler, Dividing Citizens: Gender and Federalism in New Deal Public Policy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); Rogers M. Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville, Myrdal, and Hartz: The Multiple Traditions in America," American Political Science Review 87/3 (September 1993): 549-566; idem, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); and Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
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Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race
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Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance
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Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 145. Ogden, Dies Committee, 104, 107, 113, 152, 177-188, 208. Rauch, History of the New Deal, 284. The coalition between conservative factions of the Republican and Democratic parties had to be actively brokered and constructed (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism). Just as the Workers Alliance relied on the Popular Front discourse of the 1930s to forge a collective identity that bridged differences between Communists and non-Communists, so anti-Communist discourse forged a collective identity that bridged party differences between conservatives and provided a basis for their alliance. The forging of this conservative coalition after the 1938 election signaled the end of the New Deal (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism; Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War [New York: Knopf, 1995]). Even Amenta, who argues that the 1939 Congress was "far from dominated by conservatives," concedes that "the pro-spenders lost their majority" (Bold Relief, 137).
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Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 145. Ogden, Dies Committee, 104, 107, 113, 152, 177-188, 208. Rauch, History of the New Deal, 284. The coalition between conservative factions of the Republican and Democratic parties had to be actively brokered and constructed (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism). Just as the Workers Alliance relied on the Popular Front discourse of the 1930s to forge a collective identity that bridged differences between Communists and non-Communists, so anti-Communist discourse forged a collective identity that bridged party differences between conservatives and provided a basis for their alliance. The forging of this conservative coalition after the 1938 election signaled the end of the New Deal (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism; Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War [New York: Knopf, 1995]). Even Amenta, who argues that the 1939 Congress was "far from dominated by conservatives," concedes that "the pro-spenders lost their majority" (Bold Relief, 137).
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Lasser is quoted in The New York Times, August 25, 1936, 11. On restrictions on aid to aliens and preferences for veterans, see John D. Millet, The Works Progress Administration in New York City (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1938), 65; Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 523; Meriam, Relief and Social Security, 381-382; and Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57). New Dealers opposed special programs and benefits for veterans, preferring instead to meet the needs of veterans through "programs directed at the entire population." As late as 1942, Roosevelt's National Resources Planning Board envisioned comprehensive expansion of New Deal programs rather than special legislation for veterans following the war. However, the Second World War brought "what the New Deal reformers had hoped to avoid: a special welfare state for a substantial sector of the population [veterans] deemed especially deserving" (Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," chapter 2 in The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed. Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 85, 93-94).
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Amenta, Bold Relief, 141, 222. Work, July 1, 1939, 7. On the use of tighter eligibility requirements to divide "ins" from "outs," see Paul Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 22-23.
-
(1994)
Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment
, pp. 22-23
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Pierson, P.1
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229
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4143124156
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July 29
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Work, July 29, 1939, 7. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6.
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(1939)
Work
, pp. 7
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230
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0007540881
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June 13
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Work, July 29, 1939, 7. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6.
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(1939)
The New York Times
, pp. 1
-
-
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231
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0007540881
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June 18
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Work, July 29, 1939, 7. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6.
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(1939)
The New York Times
-
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232
-
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84885722150
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U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
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Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations
, pp. 37-39
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233
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0007540881
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April 18
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U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
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(1939)
The New York Times
, pp. 3
-
-
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234
-
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4143148241
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June 20
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U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
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(1940)
Work
, pp. 3
-
-
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235
-
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0007540881
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-
June 18
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U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
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(1939)
The New York Times
-
-
-
236
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4143069987
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June 17
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U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
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(1939)
Work
, pp. 2
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-
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237
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4143069988
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June 3
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U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
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(1939)
Work
, pp. 3
-
-
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238
-
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4143153634
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June 17
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U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
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(1939)
Work
, pp. 3
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239
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4143149332
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July 1
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Work, July 1, 1939, 1. Work, August 12, 1939, 1, 8. Work, July 29, 1939, 8. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 157.
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(1939)
Work
, pp. 1
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240
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August 12
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Work, July 1, 1939, 1. Work, August 12, 1939, 1, 8. Work, July 29, 1939, 8. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 157.
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(1939)
Work
, pp. 1
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241
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4143115403
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July 29
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Work, July 1, 1939, 1. Work, August 12, 1939, 1, 8. Work, July 29, 1939, 8. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 157.
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(1939)
Work
, pp. 8
-
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242
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0003657766
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Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press
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Work, July 1, 1939, 1. Work, August 12, 1939, 1, 8. Work, July 29, 1939, 8. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 157.
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(1990)
Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression
, pp. 157
-
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Kelley, R.D.G.1
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243
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4143073341
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quoted in Swartz
-
Group formation requires political representation (delegation of authority to act on behalf of another or of another's interests) as well as social representation (symbolic or discursive depiction). Through the delegation of symbolic power, mandated representatives and spokespersons receive "from the group the power to make the group" (Bourdieu, quoted in Swartz, Culture and Power, 187; cf. Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself").
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Culture and Power
, pp. 187
-
-
Bourdieu1
-
244
-
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4143150382
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Group formation requires political representation (delegation of authority to act on behalf of another or of another's interests) as well as social representation (symbolic or discursive depiction). Through the delegation of symbolic power, mandated representatives and spokespersons receive "from the group the power to make the group" (Bourdieu, quoted in Swartz, Culture and Power, 187; cf. Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself").
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How a Social Group Objectified Itself
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Boltanski1
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245
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0007540881
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June 29
-
In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
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(1939)
The New York Times
, pp. 12
-
-
-
246
-
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4143063361
-
-
July 1
-
In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
-
(1939)
Work
, pp. 2
-
-
-
247
-
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4143128555
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July 15
-
In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
-
(1939)
Work
, pp. 11
-
-
-
248
-
-
4143146120
-
-
November 9
-
In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
-
(1939)
Work
, pp. 4
-
-
-
249
-
-
0007540881
-
-
June 29
-
In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
-
(1939)
The New York Times
, pp. 12
-
-
-
250
-
-
4143153633
-
-
July 1
-
In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
-
(1939)
Work
, pp. 2
-
-
-
251
-
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4143140611
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The star spangled banner
-
January 13
-
In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
-
(1940)
The New York Times
, pp. 6
-
-
-
252
-
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0004187572
-
-
Weber, From Max Weber, 302-322. Cf. Christopher K. Ansell, Schism and Solidarity in Social Movements: The Politics of Labor in the French Third Republic (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
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From Max Weber
, pp. 302-322
-
-
Weber1
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254
-
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0004272335
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translator Patrick Gregory (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press)
-
Cf. René Girard, Violence and the Sacred, translator Patrick Gregory (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977).
-
(1977)
Violence and the Sacred
-
-
Girard, R.1
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255
-
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4143117594
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Resource mobilization and social movements
-
September 4
-
On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
-
(1938)
The New York Times
, pp. 1
-
-
McCarthy1
Zald2
-
256
-
-
0004194060
-
-
October 2
-
On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
-
(1938)
The New York Times
, pp. 45
-
-
-
257
-
-
0004194060
-
-
October 3
-
On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
-
(1938)
The New York Times
, pp. 16
-
-
-
258
-
-
4143145006
-
-
the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York
-
On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
-
The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party
-
-
-
259
-
-
84885722150
-
-
On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
-
Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations
, pp. 111
-
-
-
260
-
-
0004194060
-
-
September 19
-
The New York Times, September 19, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 20, 1938, 2.
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(1938)
The New York Times
, pp. 1
-
-
-
261
-
-
0004194060
-
-
September 20
-
The New York Times, September 19, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 20, 1938, 2.
-
(1938)
The New York Times
, pp. 2
-
-
-
262
-
-
0004194060
-
-
September 23
-
The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
-
(1938)
The New York Times
, pp. 18
-
-
-
263
-
-
4143077853
-
-
November 19
-
The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
-
(1938)
Work
, pp. 9
-
-
-
264
-
-
4143143960
-
-
The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
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Impact of the Political Left
, pp. 94
-
-
Karsh1
Garman2
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265
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0004217632
-
-
The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
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On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
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On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
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On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
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On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
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On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June
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According to Benjamin's testimony before the Woodrum Committee in 1939," dues, initiation fees and charter fees" accounted for approximately half of the national organization's monthly income of $4,000. "Income from the sale of other organizational supplies such as literature and our newspaper" accounted for an additional forty-five percent of that total (U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82). On the Alliance's difficulties mobilizing resources in the early years of the movement, see The Workers Alliance, October 2, 1935, 2; The Workers Alliance, "First June Issue" [1936], 4; and The Workers Alliance, "First September Issue" [1936], 4.
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According to Benjamin's testimony before the Woodrum Committee in 1939," dues, initiation fees and charter fees" accounted for approximately half of the national organization's monthly income of $4,000. "Income from the sale of other organizational supplies such as literature and our newspaper" accounted for an additional forty-five percent of that total (U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82). On the Alliance's difficulties mobilizing resources in the early years of the movement, see The Workers Alliance, October 2, 1935, 2; The Workers Alliance, "First June Issue" [1936], 4; and The Workers Alliance, "First September Issue" [1936], 4.
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(1935)
The Workers Alliance
, pp. 2
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According to Benjamin's testimony before the Woodrum Committee in 1939," dues, initiation fees and charter fees" accounted for approximately half of the national organization's monthly income of $4,000. "Income from the sale of other organizational supplies such as literature and our newspaper" accounted for an additional forty-five percent of that total (U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82). On the Alliance's difficulties mobilizing resources in the early years of the movement, see The Workers Alliance, October 2, 1935, 2; The Workers Alliance, "First June Issue" [1936], 4; and The Workers Alliance, "First September Issue" [1936], 4.
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(1936)
The Workers Alliance
, pp. 4
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According to Benjamin's testimony before the Woodrum Committee in 1939," dues, initiation fees and charter fees" accounted for approximately half of the national organization's monthly income of $4,000. "Income from the sale of other organizational supplies such as literature and our newspaper" accounted for an additional forty-five percent of that total (U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82). On the Alliance's difficulties mobilizing resources in the early years of the movement, see The Workers Alliance, October 2, 1935, 2; The Workers Alliance, "First June Issue" [1936], 4; and The Workers Alliance, "First September Issue" [1936], 4.
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(1936)
The Workers Alliance
, pp. 4
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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Impatient Armies of the Poor
, pp. 428-429
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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(1999)
The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present
, pp. 109
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Babson, S.1
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304
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New York: Free Press
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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(1966)
A History of American Labor, Expanded and Updated Edition
, pp. 399
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Rayback, J.G.1
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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Unfinished Struggle
, pp. 130
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Babson1
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306
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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Unfinished Struggle
, pp. 133
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0039717380
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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History of American Labor
, pp. 408
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Rayback1
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308
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0003601804
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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(1995)
The CIO, 1935-1955
, pp. 253
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Zieger, R.H.1
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309
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0004253051
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Westport: Greenwood Press
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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(1981)
Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO
, pp. 312
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Levenstein, H.A.1
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
-
The CIO
, pp. 285-286
-
-
Zieger1
-
311
-
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
-
Unfinished Struggle
, pp. 136
-
-
Babson1
-
312
-
-
0004253051
-
-
Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
-
Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO
, pp. 299-300
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-
Levenstein1
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313
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
-
The CIO
, pp. 290
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-
Zieger1
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314
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Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
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Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO
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On the growth of the Workers Alliance through most of 1938, see, e.g., Work, June 4, 1938, 7; Work, September 24, 1938, 9-10; and Work, October 8, 1938, 4. On membership decline, see The New York Times, February 12, 1939, 9; and The New York Post, August 7, 1940, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
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