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Volumn 32, Issue 5-6, 2003, Pages 725-773

Haunted by the specter of communism: Collective identity and resource mobilization in the demise of the Workers Alliance of America

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EID: 4143087487     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/b:ryso.0000004955.37481.89     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (20)

References (335)
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    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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    • May
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
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    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1978) From Mobilization to Revolution
    • Tilly, C.1
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    • 0003424516 scopus 로고
    • Chicago: University of Chicago Press
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1982) Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970
    • McAdam, D.1
  • 5
    • 84936628954 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Strategy or identity: New theoretical paradigms and contemporary social movements
    • Winter
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1985) Social Research , vol.52 , Issue.4 , pp. 663-716
    • Cohen, J.L.1
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    • The new social movements: A theoretical approach
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1980) Social Science Information , vol.19 , Issue.2 , pp. 199-226
    • Melucci, A.1
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    • 84935413280 scopus 로고
    • The symbolic challenge of contemporary movements
    • Winter
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1985) Social Research , vol.52 , Issue.4 , pp. 789-816
    • Melucci, A.1
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    • 0003395859 scopus 로고
    • ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press)
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1989) Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society
    • Melucci, A.1
  • 9
    • 0002755415 scopus 로고
    • The process of collective identity
    • ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press)
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1995) Social Movements and Culture
    • Melucci, A.1
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    • 0001482336 scopus 로고
    • Political exchange and collective identity in industrial conflict
    • chapter 11, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno (New York: Holmes & Meier)
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1978) The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968 , vol.2
    • Pizzorno, A.1
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    • 84928216403 scopus 로고
    • On the rationality of democratic choice
    • Spring
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1985) Telos , vol.63 , pp. 41-69
    • Pizzorno, A.1
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    • Collective identity in social movement communities: Lesbian feminist mobilization
    • ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press)
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1992) Frontiers in Social Movement Theory
    • Taylor, V.1    Whittier, N.2
  • 13
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    • An introduction to the study of social movements
    • Winter
    • The quotation is from Francesca Polletta and James M. Jasper, "Collective Identity and Social Movements," Annual Review of Sociology 27 (2001): 286. For resource mobilization and political process theories, see John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82/6 (May 1977): 1212-1241; Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978); and Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982). For new social movement theories, see Jean L. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity: New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 663-716; Alberto Melucci, "The New Social Movements: A Theoretical Approach," Social Science Information 19/2 (1980): 199-226; idem, "The Symbolic Challenge of Contemporary Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 789-816; idem, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society, ed. John Keane and Paul Mier (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); idem, "The Process of Collective Identity," in Social Movements and Culture, ed. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Alessandro Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity in Industrial Conflict," chapter 11 in The Resurgence of Class Conflict in Western Europe since 1968, ed. Colin Crouch and Alessandro Pizzorno, Vol. 2 (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1978); idem, "On the Rationality of Democratic Choice," Telos 63 (Spring 1985): 41-69; Verta Taylor and Nancy Whittier, "Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobilization," in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory, ed. Aldon Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); and Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 749-787.
    • (1985) Social Research , vol.52 , Issue.4 , pp. 749-787
    • Touraine, A.1
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    • Introduction: Social movement organizations and the study of social movements
    • See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
    • (1989) International Social Movement Research , vol.2 , pp. 1-17
    • Klandermans, B.1
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    • See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
    • Frontiers in Social Movement Theory
    • Morris1    Mueller2
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    • 0004128117 scopus 로고
    • Philadelphia: Temple University Press
    • See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
    • (1994) New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity
    • Larana, E.1    Johnston, H.2    Gusfield, J.R.3
  • 17
    • 0004114738 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
    • Social Movements and Culture
    • Johnston1    Klandermans2
  • 18
    • 21844498223 scopus 로고
    • Moving in the wrong direction in social movement theory
    • See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
    • (1995) Theory and Society , vol.24 , Issue.4 , pp. 595-612
    • Shefner, J.1
  • 19
    • 0004222128 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: Cambridge University Press
    • See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
    • (2001) Dynamics of Contention
    • McAdam, D.1    Tarrow, S.2    Tilly, C.3
  • 20
    • 79953564945 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: Oxford University Press
    • See Bert Klandermans, "Introduction: Social Movement Organizations and the Study of Social Movements," International Social Movement Research 2 (1989): 1-17; Morris and Mueller, editors, Frontiers in Social Movement Theory; Enrique Larana, Hank Johnston, and Joseph R. Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; Jon Shefner, "Moving in the Wrong Direction in Social Movement Theory," Theory and Society 24/4 (1995): 595-612; Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and David S. Meyer, Nancy Whittier, and Belinda Robnett, editors, Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). This shift is part of a broader "cultural turn" in social movement theory.
    • (2002) Social Movements: Identity, Culture, and the State
    • Meyer, D.S.1    Whittier, N.2    Robnett, B.3
  • 21
    • 0000527663 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Goffman's legacy to political sociology
    • September
    • On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
    • (1985) Theory and Society , vol.14 , Issue.5 , pp. 605-622
    • Gamson, W.A.1
  • 22
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    • Constructing social protest
    • Johnston and Klandermans, editors
    • On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
    • Social Movements and Culture
    • Gamson, W.A.1
  • 23
    • 0000527663 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Frame alignment processes, micromobilization and movement participation
    • On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
    • (1986) American Sociological Review , vol.51 , pp. 464-481
    • Snow, D.A.1    Rochford Jr., E.B.2    Worden, S.K.3    Benford, R.D.4
  • 24
    • 0000527663 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: Cambridge University Press
    • On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
    • (1994) Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics
    • Tarrow, S.1
  • 25
    • 0000527663 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: Cambridge University Press
    • On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
    • (1996) Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements
    • McAdam, D.1    McCarthy, J.D.2    Zald, M.N.3
  • 26
    • 17244368371 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Framing processes and social movements: An overview and assessment
    • On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
    • (2000) Annual Review of Sociology , vol.26 , pp. 611-639
    • Benford, R.D.1    Snow, D.A.2
  • 27
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    • Identity fields: Framing processes and the construction of movement identities
    • Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors
    • On framing, see William A. Gamson, "Goffman's Legacy to Political Sociology," Theory and Society 14/5 (September 1985): 605-622; William A. Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest," in Johnston and Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture; David A. Snow, E. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford, "Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization and Movement Participation," American Sociological Review 51 (1986): 464-481; Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Robert D. Benford and David A. Snow, "Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment," Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611-639. Scott A. Hunt, Robert D. Benford, and David A. Snow, "Identity Fields: Framing Processes and the Construction of Movement Identities," in Larana, Johnston, and Gusfield, editors, New Social Movements, provide a valuable discussion of the relation between framing and collective identity, but they, too, take the existence of "SMO [social movement organization] actors" as a given. I do not mean to suggest that framing theory has been useless or should be discarded. Rather, my point is that we need to modify and expand how the concept of framing is used in social movement theory.
    • New Social Movements
    • Hunt, S.A.1    Benford, R.D.2    Snow, D.A.3
  • 28
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    • The framing function of movement tactics
    • chapter 15 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors
    • Doug McAdam, "The Framing Function of Movement Tactics," chapter 15 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
    • Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements
    • McAdam, D.1
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    • ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press), (emphasis in the original)
    • Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 220-221, 223 (emphasis in the original). Idem, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984 [1979]), 477-479. See also Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski, "The Educational System and the Economy: Titles and Jobs," chapter 8 in French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) and Luc Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45," Social Science Information 23/3 (1984): 469-491.
    • (1991) Language and Symbolic Power , pp. 220-221
    • Bourdieu, P.1
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    • trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press)
    • Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 220-221, 223 (emphasis in the original). Idem, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984 [1979]), 477-479. See also Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski, "The Educational System and the Economy: Titles and Jobs," chapter 8 in French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) and Luc Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45," Social Science Information 23/3 (1984): 469-491.
    • (1979) Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste , pp. 477-479
    • Bourdieu, P.1
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    • The educational system and the economy: Titles and jobs
    • chapter 8, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press)
    • Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 220-221, 223 (emphasis in the original). Idem, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984 [1979]), 477-479. See also Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski, "The Educational System and the Economy: Titles and Jobs," chapter 8 in French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) and Luc Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45," Social Science Information 23/3 (1984): 469-491.
    • (1981) French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968
    • Bourdieu, P.1    Boltanski, L.2
  • 33
    • 4143061108 scopus 로고
    • How a social group objectified itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45
    • Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John B. Thompson, trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 220-221, 223 (emphasis in the original). Idem, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984 [1979]), 477-479. See also Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski, "The Educational System and the Economy: Titles and Jobs," chapter 8 in French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal since 1968, ed. Charles Lemert (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981) and Luc Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself: 'Cadres' in France, 1936-45," Social Science Information 23/3 (1984): 469-491.
    • (1984) Social Science Information , vol.23 , Issue.3 , pp. 469-491
    • Boltanski, L.1
  • 35
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    • On resource acquisition, see McAdam, Political Process, 20-59; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 44, 47-48. By arguing that collective identity shapes resource mobilization, I do not mean to deny that resource mobilization also shapes collective identity. Although I emphasize the former here, I acknowledge that causality runs in both directions.
    • Political Process , pp. 20-59
    • McAdam1
  • 36
    • 4143087899 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • On resource acquisition, see McAdam, Political Process, 20-59; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 44, 47-48. By arguing that collective identity shapes resource mobilization, I do not mean to deny that resource mobilization also shapes collective identity. Although I emphasize the former here, I acknowledge that causality runs in both directions.
    • Dynamics of Contention , vol.44 , pp. 47-48
    • McAdam1    Tarrow2    Tilly3
  • 37
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    • New social movements: Challenging the boundaries of institutional politics
    • Winter
    • Claus Offe, "New Social Movements: Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics," Social Research 52/4 (Winter 1985): 817-868.
    • (1985) Social Research , vol.52 , Issue.4 , pp. 817-868
    • Offe, C.1
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    • New social movements' of the early nineteenth century
    • ed. Mark Traugott (Durham: Duke University Press)
    • Craig Calhoun, "'New Social Movements' of the Early Nineteenth Century," in Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action, ed. Mark Traugott (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), 173.
    • (1995) Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action , pp. 173
    • Calhoun, C.1
  • 40
    • 0004092356 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Cf. William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power; and Calhoun, "New Social Movements."
    • Language and Symbolic Power
    • Bourdieu1
  • 41
    • 77951454351 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Cf. William H. Sewell, Jr., Work and Revolution in France: The Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power; and Calhoun, "New Social Movements."
    • New Social Movements
    • Calhoun1
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    • Pizzorno, "Political Exchange and Collective Identity," 293. Cf. Cohen, "Strategy or Identity."
    • Strategy or Identity
    • Cohen1
  • 44
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    • Melucci, "The Process of Collective Identity," 48-49. Cf. Marc W. Steinberg, "The Roar of the Crowd: Repertoires of Discourse and Collective Action among the Spitalfields Silk Weavers in Nineteenth-Century London," in Traugott, editor, Repertoires and Cycles; and idem, "Toward a More Dialogic Analysis of Social Movement Culture," in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
    • The Process of Collective Identity , pp. 48-49
    • Melucci1
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    • The roar of the crowd: Repertoires of discourse and collective action among the spitalfields silk weavers in nineteenth-century London
    • Traugott, editor
    • Melucci, "The Process of Collective Identity," 48-49. Cf. Marc W. Steinberg, "The Roar of the Crowd: Repertoires of Discourse and Collective Action among the Spitalfields Silk Weavers in Nineteenth-Century London," in Traugott, editor, Repertoires and Cycles; and idem, "Toward a More Dialogic Analysis of Social Movement Culture," in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
    • Repertoires and Cycles
    • Steinberg, M.W.1
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    • Toward a more dialogic analysis of social movement culture
    • Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors
    • Melucci, "The Process of Collective Identity," 48-49. Cf. Marc W. Steinberg, "The Roar of the Crowd: Repertoires of Discourse and Collective Action among the Spitalfields Silk Weavers in Nineteenth-Century London," in Traugott, editor, Repertoires and Cycles; and idem, "Toward a More Dialogic Analysis of Social Movement Culture," in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
    • Social Movements
    • Steinberg, M.W.1
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    • External political change, collective identities, and participation in social movement organizations
    • Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors
    • E.g, Belinda Robnett, "External Political Change, Collective Identities, and Participation in Social Movement Organizations," in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
    • Social Movements
    • Robnett, B.1
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    • note
    • Due to space constraints, this article only addresses the reasons for the decline and demise of the Workers Alliance. A separate work on the rise of the movement is in progress.
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    • Glencoe: Free Press
    • By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21 (1991): 367-388; Charles Tilly, "Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology," Comparative Social Research 16 (1997): 47-57; and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention.
    • (1968) Social Theory and Social Structure, Third Edition
    • Merton, R.1
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    • 0004196529 scopus 로고
    • New York: Cambridge University Press
    • By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21 (1991): 367-388; Charles Tilly, "Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology," Comparative Social Research 16 (1997): 47-57; and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention.
    • (1989) Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences
    • Elster, J.1
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    • The conditions of fruitfulness of theorizing about mechanisms in social science
    • By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21 (1991): 367-388; Charles Tilly, "Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology," Comparative Social Research 16 (1997): 47-57; and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention.
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    • Stinchcombe, A.L.1
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    • Means and ends of comparison in macrosociology
    • By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21
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    • Tilly, C.1
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    • By causal mechanisms, I mean "a delimited class of events that alter relations among specified sets of elements in identical or closely similar ways over a variety of situations." Following McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, this article eschews "general models ... that purport to summarize whole categories of contention and moves toward the analysis of smaller-scale causal mechanisms that recur in different combinations with different aggregate consequences in varying historical settings" (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 24). I do not deny that other causal mechanisms besides classification struggles contributed to the demobilization of the Workers Alliance, nor do I wish to minimize the impact of those mechanisms, but I do argue that those mechanisms alone (i.e., without reference to classification struggles) cannot explain the demobilization of the Workers Alliance. On causal mechanisms as an alternative to both general covering laws and historicist accounts that eschew generalization altogether, see Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, third edition (Glencoe: Free Press, 1968); Jon Elster, Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Arthur L. Stinchcombe, "The Conditions of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science," Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21 (1991): 367-388; Charles Tilly, "Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology," Comparative Social Research 16 (1997): 47-57; and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention.
    • Dynamics of Contention
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    • Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall
    • Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1963), 107-108. Like all causal mechanisms, in-group purification produces "different aggregate outcomes depending on the initial conditions, combinations, and sequences" in which it occurs and concatenates with other mechanisms (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 37). On the potential benefits of factionalism, see Mildred A. Schwartz, "Factions and the Continuity of Political Challengers," and Jo Reger, "More than One Feminism: Organizational Structure and the Construction of Collective Identity," both in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
    • (1963) Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity , pp. 107-108
    • Goffman, E.1
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    • Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1963), 107-108. Like all causal mechanisms, in-group purification produces "different aggregate outcomes depending on the initial conditions, combinations, and sequences" in which it occurs and concatenates with other mechanisms (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 37). On the potential benefits of factionalism, see Mildred A. Schwartz, "Factions and the Continuity of Political Challengers," and Jo Reger, "More than One Feminism: Organizational Structure and the Construction of Collective Identity," both in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
    • Dynamics of Contention , pp. 37
    • McAdam1    Tarrow2    Tilly3
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    • Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1963), 107-108. Like all causal mechanisms, in-group purification produces "different aggregate outcomes depending on the initial conditions, combinations, and sequences" in which it occurs and concatenates with other mechanisms (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 37). On the potential benefits of factionalism, see Mildred A. Schwartz, "Factions and the Continuity of Political Challengers," and Jo Reger, "More than One Feminism: Organizational Structure and the Construction of Collective Identity," both in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
    • Factions and the Continuity of Political Challengers
    • Schwartz, M.A.1
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    • More than one feminism: Organizational structure and the construction of collective identity
    • both in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors
    • Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1963), 107-108. Like all causal mechanisms, in-group purification produces "different aggregate outcomes depending on the initial conditions, combinations, and sequences" in which it occurs and concatenates with other mechanisms (McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, 37). On the potential benefits of factionalism, see Mildred A. Schwartz, "Factions and the Continuity of Political Challengers," and Jo Reger, "More than One Feminism: Organizational Structure and the Construction of Collective Identity," both in Meyer, Whittier, and Robnett, editors, Social Movements.
    • Social Movements
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    • New York: Basic Books
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1984) The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade , pp. 297-298
    • Klehr, H.1
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    • (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago)
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1937) The Organized Unemployed
    • Seymour, H.1
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    • The impact of the political left
    • chapter 2, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press)
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1961) Labor and the New Deal
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    • Winter
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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    • Rosenzweig, R.1
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    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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    • chapter 8, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press)
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1983) Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader
    • Rosenzweig, R.1
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    • New York: Vintage
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1977) Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail
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    • June
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
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    • Lower class insurgency and the political process: The response of the U.S. unemployed, 1890-1940
    • May
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1992) Social Problems , vol.39 , Issue.2 , pp. 139-154
    • Kerbo, H.R.1    Shaffer, R.A.2
  • 70
    • 0003536027 scopus 로고
    • The unemployed workers movement of the 1930s: A reexamination of the Piven and Cloward thesis
    • May
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1990) Social Problems , vol.37 , Issue.2 , pp. 191-205
    • Valocchi, S.1
  • 71
    • 4143150380 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • Impatient Armies of the Poor
    • Folsom1
  • 72
    • 0003761335 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • Poor People's Movements
    • Piven1    Cloward2
  • 73
    • 4143092313 scopus 로고
    • Port Washington: Kennikat Press
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1980) Congress and the Waning of the New Deal
    • Porter, D.L.1
  • 74
    • 0003651353 scopus 로고
    • New York: Basic Books
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1986) In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America
    • Katz, M.B.1
  • 75
    • 0003502021 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Princeton: Princeton University Press
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • (1998) Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy
    • Amenta, E.1
  • 76
    • 4143073343 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • Congress and the Waning of the New Deal , vol.61 , pp. 70
    • Porter1
  • 77
    • 0039858628 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Harvey Klehr, The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 297-298. For an overview of the political mobilization of the unemployed in the 1930s, see Helen Seymour, "The Organized Unemployed," (Ph.D. dissertation, Division of the Social Sciences, University of Chicago, 1937); Bernard Karsh and Phillips L. Garman, "The Impact of the Political Left," chapter 2 in Labor and the New Deal, ed. Milton Derber and Edwin Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961); Roy Rosenzweig, "Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932-1936," Labor History 16/1 (Winter 1975): 52-77; idem, "'Socialism in Our Time': The Socialist Party and the Unemployed, 1929-1936," Labor History 20/4 (Fall 1979): 485-509; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed: The Early Years of the Great Depression, 1929-1933," chapter 8 in Workers' Struggles, Past and Present: A "Radical America" Reader, ed. James Green (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983); Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Vintage, 1977); Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Unemployment and Protest in the United States, 1890-1940: A Methodological Critique and Research Note," Social Forces 64/4 (June 1986): 1046-1056; Harold R. Kerbo and Richard A. Shaffer, "Lower Class Insurgency and the Political Process: The Response of the U.S. Unemployed, 1890-1940," Social Problems 39/2 (May 1992): 139-154; Steve Valocchi, "The Unemployed Workers Movement of the 1930s: A Reexamination of the Piven and Cloward Thesis," Social Problems 37/2 (May 1990): 191-205; and Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor. On the WPA, see Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements; David L. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal (Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980); Michael B. Katz, In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America (New York: Basic Books, 1986); and Edwin Amenta, Bold Relief: Institutional Politics and the Origins of Modern American Social Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998). "The WPA ... by 1939 had become the most comprehensive, ambitious, and controversial government program," and it "was regarded as the cornerstone of domestic relief" (Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 61, 70). It "absorbed both the greatest amount of public spending and public attention" and was "Roosevelt's top priority in social policy" (Amenta, Bold Relief, 81, 83, 144).
    • Bold Relief , pp. 81
    • Amenta1
  • 78
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    • New York: Vintage
    • Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, updated edition (New York: Vintage, 1993 [1971]), 106. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 421. The New York Times, August 12, 1938, p. 16. Work, August 27, 1938, p. 5 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568).
    • (1971) Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, Updated Edition , pp. 106
    • Piven, F.F.1    Cloward, R.A.2
  • 79
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    • Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, updated edition (New York: Vintage, 1993 [1971]), 106. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 421. The New York Times, August 12, 1938, p. 16. Work, August 27, 1938, p. 5 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568).
    • Impatient Armies of the Poor , pp. 421
    • Folsom1
  • 80
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    • August 12
    • Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, updated edition (New York: Vintage, 1993 [1971]), 106. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 421. The New York Times, August 12, 1938, p. 16. Work, August 27, 1938, p. 5 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568)
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 16
  • 81
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    • August 27 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568).
    • Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare, updated edition (New York: Vintage, 1993 [1971]), 106. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 421. The New York Times, August 12, 1938, p. 16. Work, August 27, 1938, p. 5 (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1568).
    • (1938) Work , pp. 5
  • 82
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    • note
    • The author gathered all protest event data from The New York Times Index and The New York Times. Because of the way the data were originally reported, it was necessary to count as a single event coordinated protests occurring at the same time but in different locations within the same city (e.g., at different relief offices or WPA projects).
  • 83
    • 84885831532 scopus 로고
    • Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office
    • All unemployment data are from United States Department of Commerce (Bureau of the Census), Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, Part 1 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office, 1975), 135. 25.
    • (1975) Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970 , Issue.PART 1 , pp. 135
  • 86
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    • February 15
    • Harrington is quoted in Work, February 15, 1940, 3. It was only in 1942 that the unemployment rate dropped below five percent. WPA employment also remained high; the average number of persons employed on WPA projects per month did not fall below one million until March 1942. See United States Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program, 1935-43 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office. 1946), 28.
    • (1940) Work , pp. 3
    • Harrington1
  • 87
    • 0346972385 scopus 로고
    • Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office
    • Harrington is quoted in Work, February 15, 1940, 3. It was only in 1942 that the unemployment rate dropped below five percent. WPA employment also remained high; the average number of persons employed on WPA projects per month did not fall below one million until March 1942. See United States Federal Works Agency, Final Report on the WPA Program, 1935-43 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office. 1946), 28.
    • (1946) Final Report on the WPA Program, 1935-43 , pp. 28
  • 88
    • 0003885645 scopus 로고
    • (New York: Russell Sage Foundation) (emphasis added)
    • Quotations are from Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1943), 132-133 (emphasis added). Also see Work, November 23, 1939, 1; Basil Rauch, The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 (New York: Creative Age Press, 1944), 314-315, 326; and Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File #6794 (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
    • (1943) The WPA and Federal Relief Policy , pp. 132-133
    • Howard, D.S.1
  • 89
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    • November 23
    • Quotations are from Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1943), 132-133 (emphasis added). Also see Work, November 23, 1939, 1; Basil Rauch, The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 (New York: Creative Age Press, 1944), 314-315, 326; and Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File #6794 (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
    • (1939) Work , pp. 1
  • 90
    • 0012854316 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: Creative Age Press
    • Quotations are from Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1943), 132-133 (emphasis added). Also see Work, November 23, 1939, 1; Basil Rauch, The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 (New York: Creative Age Press, 1944), 314-315, 326; and Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File #6794 (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
    • (1944) The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 , pp. 314-315
    • Rauch, B.1
  • 91
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    • (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York
    • Quotations are from Donald S. Howard, The WPA and Federal Relief Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1943), 132-133 (emphasis added). Also see Work, November 23, 1939, 1; Basil Rauch, The History of the New Deal, 1933-1938 (New York: Creative Age Press, 1944), 314-315, 326; and Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File #6794 (American Security Union), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
    • President's Personal File, File #6794
    • Roosevelt, F.D.1
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    • Quotation is from Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 76. Cf. Rosenzweig, "Socialism in Our Time," 503; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed," 177; and James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 82, 115, 272.
    • Poor People's Movements , pp. 76
    • Piven1    Cloward2
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    • Quotation is from Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 76. Cf. Rosenzweig, "Socialism in Our Time," 503; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed," 177; and James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 82, 115, 272.
    • Socialism in Our Time , pp. 503
    • Rosenzweig1
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    • Quotation is from Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 76. Cf. Rosenzweig, "Socialism in Our Time," 503; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed," 177; and James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 82, 115, 272.
    • Organizing the Unemployed , pp. 177
    • Rosenzweig1
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    • Quotation is from Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 76. Cf. Rosenzweig, "Socialism in Our Time," 503; idem, "Organizing the Unemployed," 177; and James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), 82, 115, 272.
    • (1996) Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland , pp. 82
    • Lorence, J.J.1
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    • See James T. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal: The Growth of the Conservative Coalition in Congress, 1933-1939 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1967); and Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal.
    • Congress and the Waning of the New Deal
    • Porter1
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    • (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1569): August 15; October 2, 1935, 2; "Second October Issue" [1935], 1; "November Issue" [1935], 1; "Second April Issue" [1936], 2; "First June Issue" [1936], 1; and "First July Issue" [1936], 1.
    • See the following issues of The Workers Alliance: The Official Newspaper of the Workers Alliance of America (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library, Microfilm R1569): August 15, 1935, 1; October 2, 1935, 2; "Second October Issue" [1935], 1; "November Issue" [1935], 1; "Second April Issue" [1936], 2; "First June Issue" [1936], 1; and "First July Issue" [1936], 1.
    • (1935) The Workers Alliance: The Official Newspaper of the Workers Alliance of America , pp. 1
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    • September 24; October 8, 1938, 4; October 22, 1938, 12; July 29, 1939, 6, 12; and August 12, 1939, 6
    • See the following issues of Work: September 24, 1938, 7; October 8, 1938, 4; October 22, 1938, 12; July 29, 1939, 6, 12; and August 12, 1939, 6. On the way in which dyadic interaction is altered by the addition of a third party, see Georg Simmel, "The Triad," in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, trans. and ed. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Free Press, 1950).
    • (1938) Work , pp. 7
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    • The triad
    • trans. and ed. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Free Press)
    • See the following issues of Work: September 24, 1938, 7; October 8, 1938, 4; October 22, 1938, 12; July 29, 1939, 6, 12; and August 12, 1939, 6. On the way in which dyadic interaction is altered by the addition of a third party, see Georg Simmel, "The Triad," in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, trans. and ed. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Free Press, 1950).
    • (1950) The Sociology of Georg Simmel
    • Simmel, G.1
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    • Boston: Houghton Mifflin
    • While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264).
    • (1960) The Politics of Upheaval , pp. 264
    • Schlesinger Jr., A.M.1
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    • While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
    • (1994) Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression , pp. 53
    • Rose, N.E.1
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    • unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, note 12)
    • While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
    • (1996) The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy , pp. 50
    • Amenta, E.1    Benoit, E.2    Bonastia, C.3    Cauthen, N.K.4    Halfmann, D.T.5
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    • While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
    • Put to Work , pp. 53
    • Rose1
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    • While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
    • Put to Work , pp. 54
    • Rose1
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    • While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
    • Politics of Upheaval , pp. 264
    • Schlesinger1
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    • While the Workers Alliance pushed for an expansion of the WPA, business largely opposed New Deal experiments with work relief (Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Politics of Upheaval [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960], 264; Nancy Ellen Rose, Put to Work: Relief Programs in the Great Depression [New York: Monthly Review Press, 1994], 53; Edwin Amenta, Ellen Benoit, Chris Bonastia, Nancy K. Cauthen, and Drew T. Halfmann, "The Works Progress Administration and the Origins of Welfare Reform: Work and Relief in New Deal Social Policy" [unpublished manuscript, Department of Sociology, New York University, 1996], 50, note 12). Their concerns were threefold: First, employers feared that work relief would cause labor shortages and create pressure for private-sector wage increases (Rose, Put to Work, 53). Second, they believed that too much was being spent on relief and they favored cutbacks in order to balance the federal budget (Rose, Put to Work, 54, 77; Schlesinger, Politics of Upheaval, 264). Third, they feared that production-for-use projects would lead to government competition with the private sector and crowd out production for profit (Rose, Put to Work, 76-80).
    • Put to Work , pp. 76-80
    • Rose1
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    • The toad in the garden: Thatcherism among the theorists
    • ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press) (emphasis in the original)
    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
    • (1988) Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture , pp. 45-46
    • Hall, S.1
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
    • (1996) Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" , pp. 60
    • Tynes, S.R.1
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    • The political mobilization of business
    • chapter 8, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview)
    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
    • (1992) The Politics of Interests , pp. 176
    • Plotke, D.1
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    • trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press)
    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
    • (1946) From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology , pp. 280
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
    • (1987) Berkeley Journal of Sociology , vol.32 , pp. 1-18
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
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    • Quotations are from Stuart Hall, "The Toad in the Garden: Thatcherism Among the Theorists," in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-46 (emphasis in the original); Sheryl R. Tynes, Turning Points in Social Security: From "Cruel Hoax" to "Sacred Entitlement" (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 60; and David Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business," chapter 8 in The Politics of Interests, ed. Mark Petracca (Boulder: Westview, 1992), 176. On the multiple interests of social collectivities, also see Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280; Pierre Bourdieu, "What Makes a Social Class? On the Theoretical and Practical Existence of Groups," Berkeley Journal of Sociology 32 (1987): 1-18; idem, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990); and idem, Language and Symbolic Power. On the discursive definition of interests, see idem, "What Makes a Social Class?"; Mustafa Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism: The Politics and Discourse of Progressive School Reform, 1890-1930," Theory and Society 21/5 (1992): 621-664; Mustafa Emirbayer, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830-1860," Studies in American Political Development 6 (Fall 1992): 391-419; Plotke, "The Political Mobilization of Business"; David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Adam Przeworski, Capitalism and Social Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 47-97; and Weber, From Max Weber, 184-185. Proponents of the collective identity approach to social movements have also stressed the discursive definition of interests. Rather than seeing interpretation as driven by prior strategic calculations, it makes more sense to understand political action as always simultaneously involving interpretation and strategy (Jeffrey C. Alexander, Action and Its Environments [New York: Columbia University Press, 1988], 311-316). On corporate liberalism, see James Weinstein, The Corporate Ideal in the Liberal State, 1900-1918 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); G. William Domhoff, "How the Power Elite Shape Social Legislation," chapter 6 in The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America (New York: Vintage, 1971); and Ronald Radosh, "The Myth of the New Deal," in A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State, ed. Ronald Radosh and Murray Rothbard (New York: Dutton, 1972).
    • (1972) A New History of Leviathan: Essays on the Rise of the Corporate State
    • Radosh, R.1
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
    • (1893) The Division of Labor in Society
    • Durkheim, E.1
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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    • Weber1
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
    • (1971) Selections from the Prison Notebooks
    • Gramsci, A.1
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
    • (1978) The Marx-Engels Reader, Second Edition , pp. 174
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978),
    • The Toad in the Garden , vol.47 , pp. 53
    • Hall1
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
    • (1983) The Politics of Thatcherism
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
    • Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
    • The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry
    • Emirbayer1
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    • See Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. W. D. Halls (New York: Free Press, 1984 [1893]); Weber, From Max Weber; Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Robert C. Tucker, editor, The Marx-Engels Reader, second edition (New York: W. W. Norton, 1978), 174. Quotations on constructing a leading bloc are from Hall, "The Toad in the Garden," 47, 53 (emphasis in the original). Also see Stuart Hall, "The Great Moving Right Show," in The Politics of Thatcherism, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jaques (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983); Emirbayer, "Beyond Structuralism and Voluntarism"; idem, "The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry"; and Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order.
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    • Plotke1
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    • For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
    • (1963) The Radical Right
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    • For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
    • (1978) The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, Second Edition
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    • (1963) Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement
    • Gusfield, J.R.1
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    • (Berkeley: University of California Press), chapter 3
    • For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
    • (1990) To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism
    • Himmelstein, J.L.1
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    • For the psychological expressivism thesis, see Daniel Bell, editor, The Radical Right (Garden City: Doubleday, 1963), and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977, second edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978). For critical reviews of this perspective, see Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), and Jerome L. Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 3. Quotations are from Himmelstein, To the Right, 73; Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 179, 19; and Bell, The Radical Right, 12.
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    • Himmelstein1
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    • Symbolic Crusade , vol.179 , pp. 19
    • Gusfield1
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    • The Radical Right , pp. 12
    • Bell1
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    • Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 19, 175, 18. Of course, in the case of the Workers Alliance, it was mainly the status of organized WPA workers (their worthiness to receive social assistance) rather than the movement's anti-Communist opponents that was at stake.
    • Symbolic Crusade , vol.19 , pp. 175
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    • Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
    • Poor People's Movements , pp. 41-44
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    • Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
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    • Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
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    • Klehr1
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    • Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
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    • chapter 5
    • Piven and Cloward, Poor People's Movements, 41-44. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 297-298. I borrow the concept of ritual profanation from Erving Goffman, Interaction Ritual: Essays in Face-to-Face Behavior (Chicago: Aldine, 1967), 85-90 (cf. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, chapter 5).
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    • There is debate among political sociologists about whether the imposition of stigmatizing categorical identities discourages political mobilization or provides a basis for it. Piven and Cloward, e.g., argue that turning welfare recipients into "a clearly demarcated ... class of pariahs deters political mobilization for public relief" (Poor People's Movements, 42-43). In contrast, Anthony Marx, e.g., argues that legal discrimination creates a stigmatized categorical identity that provides a "potential base for resistance," establishing the "who" that then challenges exclusion and discrimination ("Race-Making and the Nation-State," World Politics 48/2 [January 1996]: 180-208). What I am suggesting here is that both views may be correct under different conditions. In other words, whether categorical identities that are created through exclusion and/or discrimination also become the basis for political mobilization depends in part on whether those categorical identities are aligned with other social divisions or weakened by crosscutting social divisions. Political mobilization, I argue, is more common under the former condition than the latter condition.
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    • There is debate among political sociologists about whether the imposition of stigmatizing categorical identities discourages political mobilization or provides a basis for it. Piven and Cloward, e.g., argue that turning welfare recipients into "a clearly demarcated ... class of pariahs deters political mobilization for public relief" (Poor People's Movements, 42-43). In contrast, Anthony Marx, e.g., argues that legal discrimination creates a stigmatized categorical identity that provides a "potential base for resistance," establishing the "who" that then challenges exclusion and discrimination ("Race-Making and the Nation-State," World Politics 48/2 [January 1996]: 180-208). What I am suggesting here is that both views may be correct under different conditions. In other words, whether categorical identities that are created through exclusion and/or discrimination also become the basis for political mobilization depends in part on whether those categorical identities are aligned with other social divisions or weakened by crosscutting social divisions. Political mobilization, I argue, is more common under the former condition than the latter condition.
    • (1996) World Politics , vol.48 , Issue.2 , pp. 180-208
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    • I borrow the notion of citizen-earner from Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991). On the gendered character of the citizen-earner, see Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the U.S. Welfare State," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19/2 (1994): 309-336. These two forms of ritual profanation, which represent what might be called the civic death of relief recipients bear a striking resemblance to Orlando Patterson's two ways of representing the social death of slaves (Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982], 39, 41).
    • (1991) American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion
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    • I borrow the notion of citizen-earner from Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991). On the gendered character of the citizen-earner, see Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the U.S. Welfare State," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19/2 (1994): 309-336. These two forms of ritual profanation, which represent what might be called the civic death of relief recipients bear a striking resemblance to Orlando Patterson's two ways of representing the social death of slaves (Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982], 39, 41).
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    • I borrow the notion of citizen-earner from Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991). On the gendered character of the citizen-earner, see Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon, "A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the U.S. Welfare State," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 19/2 (1994): 309-336. These two forms of ritual profanation, which represent what might be called the civic death of relief recipients bear a striking resemblance to Orlando Patterson's two ways of representing the social death of slaves (Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982], 39, 41).
    • (1982) Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study , pp. 39
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    • Irving Howe and Lewis Coser, The American Communist Party: A Critical History, 1919-1957 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), 325, 362-363, 385. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 103-104. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism.
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    • Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 391-392. Klehr, Heyday of American Communism, 400-409. Eli Jaffe, Oklahoma Odyssey: A Memoir (Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives of the Tamiment Institute Library, New York University Elmer Holmes Bobst Library), 91.
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    • United States House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 76th Congress, First Session, Acting Under House Resolution 130 (1939-40), in Record Group 233: House of Representatives, 76th Congress, Appropriations Committee: Subcommittee on the Works Progress Administration, Hearings: Acting Under House Resolution 130, 9E2, Row 31, Compartments 11-14, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, DC. Arthur W. Macmahon, John D. Millett, and Gladys Ogden, The Administration of Federal Work Relief (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1941), 289-290.
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    • United States House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 76th Congress, First Session, Acting Under House Resolution 130 (1939-40), in Record Group 233: House of Representatives, 76th Congress, Appropriations Committee: Subcommittee on the Works Progress Administration, Hearings: Acting Under House Resolution 130, 9E2, Row 31, Compartments 11-14, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, DC. Arthur W. Macmahon, John D. Millett, and Gladys Ogden, The Administration of Federal Work Relief (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1941), 289-290.
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    • The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
    • Interaction Ritual , pp. 48-56
    • Goffman1
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    • The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
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    • The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
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    • The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
    • (1989) Structure and Meaning
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    • The investigations and hearings conducted by these two committees may be seen as ritualized in at least three ways. First, this activity was partly ceremonial in Goffman's sense, i.e., a conventionalized means of communicating one's evaluation or assessment of another's status (Goffman, Interaction Ritual, 48-56). Unlike the micro-level ceremonial profanations described by Goffman (Interaction Ritual, 85-90), however, the individuals involved here typically represented, spoke, and acted on behalf of large groups of people (or at least attempted to do so). Second, these congressional investigations, and the red scare of the late 1930s more broadly, appear to have involved the kind of "generalization" that Jeffrey C. Alexander sees in political rituals like Watergate, through which "social solidarities are reworked" and classificatory systems (and the relation of actors to them) are shifted and transformed ("Three Models of Culture and Society Relations: Toward an Analysis of Watergate," chapter 5 in Action and Its Environments; idem, "Culture and Political Crisis: 'Watergate' and Durkheimian Sociology," chapter 6 in Structure and Meaning [New York: Columbia University Press, 1989]). Third, committee hearings helped to bring about a convergence of ethos and world-view in the manner described by Clifford Geertz. For participants, he suggests, ritual involves not only the presentation of a world-view, but "in addition enactments, materializations, realizations of it - not only models of what they believe, but also models for the believing of it. In these plastic dramas men attain their faith as they portray it." The dispositions that rituals induce, Geertz adds, "have their most important impact ... outside the boundaries of the ritual itself as they reflect back to color the individual's conception of the established world of bare fact" (The Interpretation of Cultures [New York: Basic Books, 1973], 113-114, 119 [emphasis in the original]).
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    • Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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    • Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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    • Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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    • Howard S. Becker, Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Glencoe: Free Press, 1963), 132, 121, 139. Social movement theorists have usefully extended and elaborated Becker's point about the importance of the mass media for moral entrepreneurship. See, e.g., William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, "Media Discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach," American Journal of Sociology 95/1 (1989): 1-37; William A. Gamson, David Croteau, William Hoynes, and Theodore Sasson, "Media Images and the Social Construction of Reality, "Annual Review of Sociology 18 (1992): 373-393; Gamson, "Constructing Social Protest"; William A. Gamson and David S. Meyer, "Framing Political Opportunity," chapter 12 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; and Bert Klandermans and Sjoerd Goslinga, "Media Discourse, Movement Publicity, and the Generation of Collective Action Frames," chapter 14 in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements.
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    • Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 145. Ogden, Dies Committee, 104, 107, 113, 152, 177-188, 208. Rauch, History of the New Deal, 284. The coalition between conservative factions of the Republican and Democratic parties had to be actively brokered and constructed (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism). Just as the Workers Alliance relied on the Popular Front discourse of the 1930s to forge a collective identity that bridged differences between Communists and non-Communists, so anti-Communist discourse forged a collective identity that bridged party differences between conservatives and provided a basis for their alliance. The forging of this conservative coalition after the 1938 election signaled the end of the New Deal (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism; Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War [New York: Knopf, 1995]). Even Amenta, who argues that the 1939 Congress was "far from dominated by conservatives," concedes that "the pro-spenders lost their majority" (Bold Relief, 137).
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    • Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 145. Ogden, Dies Committee, 104, 107, 113, 152, 177-188, 208. Rauch, History of the New Deal, 284. The coalition between conservative factions of the Republican and Democratic parties had to be actively brokered and constructed (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism). Just as the Workers Alliance relied on the Popular Front discourse of the 1930s to forge a collective identity that bridged differences between Communists and non-Communists, so anti-Communist discourse forged a collective identity that bridged party differences between conservatives and provided a basis for their alliance. The forging of this conservative coalition after the 1938 election signaled the end of the New Deal (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism; Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War [New York: Knopf, 1995]). Even Amenta, who argues that the 1939 Congress was "far from dominated by conservatives," concedes that "the pro-spenders lost their majority" (Bold Relief, 137).
    • (1995) The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War
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    • Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 145. Ogden, Dies Committee, 104, 107, 113, 152, 177-188, 208. Rauch, History of the New Deal, 284. The coalition between conservative factions of the Republican and Democratic parties had to be actively brokered and constructed (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism). Just as the Workers Alliance relied on the Popular Front discourse of the 1930s to forge a collective identity that bridged differences between Communists and non-Communists, so anti-Communist discourse forged a collective identity that bridged party differences between conservatives and provided a basis for their alliance. The forging of this conservative coalition after the 1938 election signaled the end of the New Deal (Patterson, Congressional Conservatism; Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War [New York: Knopf, 1995]). Even Amenta, who argues that the 1939 Congress was "far from dominated by conservatives," concedes that "the pro-spenders lost their majority" (Bold Relief, 137).
    • Bold Relief , pp. 137
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    • The study of boundaries in the social sciences
    • "Symbolic boundaries are conceptual distinctions made by social actors to categorize objects, people, practices, and even time and space.... Social boundaries are objectified forms of social differences manifested in unequal access to and unequal distribution of resources (material and nonmaterial) and social opportunities" (Michèle Lamont and Virag Molnar, "The Study of Boundaries in the Social Sciences, "Annual Review of Sociology 28 [2002]: 168).
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    • Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself," 485-486. Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," in Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis, ed. Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
    • How a Social Group Objectified Itself , pp. 485-486
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    • Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself," 485-486. Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," in Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis, ed. Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
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    • June 23
    • The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 336. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 119, 138-139, 303-324. Lewis Meriam, Relief and Social Security (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1946), 369-370. Sexton, War on Labor, 148. Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57).
    • (1940) The New York Times , pp. 1
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    • The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 336. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 119, 138-139, 303-324. Lewis Meriam, Relief and Social Security (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1946), 369-370. Sexton, War on Labor, 148. Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57).
    • Administration of Federal Work Relief , pp. 336
    • Macmahon1
  • 196
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    • The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 336. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 119, 138-139, 303-324. Lewis Meriam, Relief and Social Security (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1946), 369-370. Sexton, War on Labor, 148. Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57).
    • WPA and Federal Relief Policy , pp. 119
    • Howard1
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    • Washington, DC: Brookings Institution
    • The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 336. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 119, 138-139, 303-324. Lewis Meriam, Relief and Social Security (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1946), 369-370. Sexton, War on Labor, 148. Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57).
    • (1946) Relief and Social Security , pp. 369-370
    • Meriam, L.1
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    • The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 336. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 119, 138-139, 303-324. Lewis Meriam, Relief and Social Security (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1946), 369-370. Sexton, War on Labor, 148. Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57).
    • War on Labor , pp. 148
    • Sexton1
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    • notes 56 and 57
    • The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 336. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 119, 138-139, 303-324. Lewis Meriam, Relief and Social Security (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1946), 369-370. Sexton, War on Labor, 148. Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57).
    • Put to Work , pp. 112-114
    • Rose1
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  • 201
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    • June 18
    • The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 287. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 109. Sexton, War on Labor, 148-149. Jaffe, Oklahoma Odyssey. Brinkley, End of Reform, 141.
    • (1939) The New York Times
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    • June 13
    • The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 287. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 109. Sexton, War on Labor, 148-149. Jaffe, Oklahoma Odyssey. Brinkley, End of Reform, 141.
    • (1939) The New York Times , pp. 1
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    • The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 287. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 109. Sexton, War on Labor, 148-149. Jaffe, Oklahoma Odyssey. Brinkley, End of Reform, 141.
    • Administration of Federal Work Relief , pp. 287
    • Macmahon1
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    • The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 287. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 109. Sexton, War on Labor, 148-149. Jaffe, Oklahoma Odyssey. Brinkley, End of Reform, 141.
    • Congress and the Waning of the New Deal , pp. 109
    • Porter1
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    • The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 287. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 109. Sexton, War on Labor, 148-149. Jaffe, Oklahoma Odyssey. Brinkley, End of Reform, 141.
    • War on Labor , pp. 148-149
    • Sexton1
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    • The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 287. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 109. Sexton, War on Labor, 148-149. Jaffe, Oklahoma Odyssey. Brinkley, End of Reform, 141.
    • Oklahoma Odyssey
    • Jaffe1
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    • The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Macmahon et al., Administration of Federal Work Relief, 287. Porter, Congress and the Waning of the New Deal, 109. Sexton, War on Labor, 148-149. Jaffe, Oklahoma Odyssey. Brinkley, End of Reform, 141.
    • End of Reform , pp. 141
    • Brinkley1
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    • August 25
    • Lasser is quoted in The New York Times, August 25, 1936, 11. On restrictions on aid to aliens and preferences for veterans, see John D. Millet, The Works Progress Administration in New York City (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1938), 65; Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 523; Meriam, Relief and Social Security, 381-382; and Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57). New Dealers opposed special programs and benefits for veterans, preferring instead to meet the needs of veterans through "programs directed at the entire population." As late as 1942, Roosevelt's National Resources Planning Board envisioned comprehensive expansion of New Deal programs rather than special legislation for veterans following the war. However, the Second World War brought "what the New Deal reformers had hoped to avoid: a special welfare state for a substantial sector of the population [veterans] deemed especially deserving" (Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," chapter 2 in The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed. Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 85, 93-94).
    • (1936) The New York Times , pp. 11
    • Lasser1
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    • Chicago: Public Administration Service
    • Lasser is quoted in The New York Times, August 25, 1936, 11. On restrictions on aid to aliens and preferences for veterans, see John D. Millet, The Works Progress Administration in New York City (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1938), 65; Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 523; Meriam, Relief and Social Security, 381-382; and Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57). New Dealers opposed special programs and benefits for veterans, preferring instead to meet the needs of veterans through "programs directed at the entire population." As late as 1942, Roosevelt's National Resources Planning Board envisioned comprehensive expansion of New Deal programs rather than special legislation for veterans following the war. However, the Second World War brought "what the New Deal reformers had hoped to avoid: a special welfare state for a substantial sector of the population [veterans] deemed especially deserving" (Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," chapter 2 in The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed. Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 85, 93-94).
    • (1938) The Works Progress Administration in New York City , pp. 65
    • Millet, J.D.1
  • 210
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    • Lasser is quoted in The New York Times, August 25, 1936, 11. On restrictions on aid to aliens and preferences for veterans, see John D. Millet, The Works Progress Administration in New York City (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1938), 65; Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 523; Meriam, Relief and Social Security, 381-382; and Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57). New Dealers opposed special programs and benefits for veterans, preferring instead to meet the needs of veterans through "programs directed at the entire population." As late as 1942, Roosevelt's National Resources Planning Board envisioned comprehensive expansion
    • WPA and Federal Relief Policy , pp. 523
    • Howard1
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    • Lasser is quoted in The New York Times, August 25, 1936, 11. On restrictions on aid to aliens and preferences for veterans, see John D. Millet, The Works Progress Administration in New York City (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1938), 65; Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 523; Meriam, Relief and Social Security, 381-382; and Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57). New Dealers opposed special programs and benefits for veterans, preferring instead to meet the needs of veterans through "programs directed at the entire population." As late as 1942, Roosevelt's National Resources Planning Board envisioned comprehensive expansion of New Deal programs rather than special legislation for veterans following the war. However, the Second World War brought "what the New Deal reformers had hoped to avoid: a special welfare state for a substantial sector of the population [veterans] deemed especially deserving" (Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," chapter 2 in The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed. Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 85, 93-94).
    • Relief and Social Security , pp. 381-382
    • Meriam1
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    • notes 56 and 57
    • Lasser is quoted in The New York Times, August 25, 1936, 11. On restrictions on aid to aliens and preferences for veterans, see John D. Millet, The Works Progress Administration in New York City (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1938), 65; Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 523; Meriam, Relief and Social Security, 381-382; and Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57). New Dealers opposed special programs and benefits for veterans, preferring instead to meet the needs of veterans through "programs directed at the entire population." As late as 1942, Roosevelt's National Resources Planning Board envisioned comprehensive expansion of New Deal programs rather than special legislation for veterans following the war. However, the Second World War brought "what the New Deal reformers had hoped to avoid: a special welfare state for a substantial sector of the population [veterans] deemed especially deserving" (Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," chapter 2 in The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed. Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 85, 93-94).
    • Put to Work , pp. 112-114
    • Rose1
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    • Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the development of social provision in the United States
    • chapter 2, ed. Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol [Princeton: Princeton University Press]
    • Lasser is quoted in The New York Times, August 25, 1936, 11. On restrictions on aid to aliens and preferences for veterans, see John D. Millet, The Works Progress Administration in New York City (Chicago: Public Administration Service, 1938), 65; Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 523; Meriam, Relief and Social Security, 381-382; and Rose, Put to Work, 112-114, 137-138 (notes 56 and 57). New Dealers opposed special programs and benefits for veterans, preferring instead to meet the needs of veterans through "programs directed at the entire population." As late as 1942, Roosevelt's National Resources Planning Board envisioned comprehensive expansion of New Deal programs rather than special legislation for veterans following the war. However, the Second World War brought "what the New Deal reformers had hoped to avoid: a special welfare state for a substantial sector of the population [veterans] deemed especially deserving" (Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol, "Redefining the New Deal: World War II and the Development of Social Provision in the United States," chapter 2 in The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, ed. Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 85, 93-94).
    • (1988) The Politics of Social Policy in the United States , pp. 85
    • Amenta, E.1    Skocpol, T.2
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    • Collective identity and informal groups in revolutionary mobilization: East Germany in 1989
    • See Steven Pfaff, "Collective Identity and Informal Groups in Revolutionary Mobilization: East Germany in 1989," Social Forces 75/1 (1996): 91-118; and Stephen Adair, "Overcoming a Collective Action Frame in the Remaking of an Antinuclear Opposition," Sociological Forum 11/2 (June 1996): 347-375.
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    • June
    • See Steven Pfaff, "Collective Identity and Informal Groups in Revolutionary Mobilization: East Germany in 1989," Social Forces 75/1 (1996): 91-118; and Stephen Adair, "Overcoming a Collective Action Frame in the Remaking of an Antinuclear Opposition," Sociological Forum 11/2 (June 1996): 347-375.
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    • Adair, S.1
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    • November 9
    • See Work, November 9, 1939, 4; Work, February 15, 1940, 1; Work, June 20, 1940, 1; and Work, November 9, 1939, 4. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Papers as President, Official File, File 2366 (Workers Alliance of America, 1935-1942), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York (emphasis in the original). The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1.
    • (1939) Work , pp. 4
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    • See Work, November 9, 1939, 4; Work, February 15, 1940, 1; Work, June 20, 1940, 1; and Work, November 9, 1939, 4. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Papers as President, Official File, File 2366 (Workers Alliance of America, 1935-1942), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York (emphasis in the original). The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1.
    • (1940) Work , pp. 1
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    • See Work, November 9, 1939, 4; Work, February 15, 1940, 1; Work, June 20, 1940, 1; and Work, November 9, 1939, 4. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Papers as President, Official File, File 2366 (Workers Alliance of America, 1935-1942), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York (emphasis in the original). The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1.
    • (1940) Work , pp. 1
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    • See Work, November 9, 1939, 4; Work, February 15, 1940, 1; Work, June 20, 1940, 1; and Work, November 9, 1939, 4. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Papers as President, Official File, File 2366 (Workers Alliance of America, 1935-1942), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York (emphasis in the original). The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1.
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    • See Work, November 9, 1939, 4; Work, February 15, 1940, 1; Work, June 20, 1940, 1; and Work, November 9, 1939, 4. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Papers as President, Official File, File 2366 (Workers Alliance of America, 1935-1942), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York (emphasis in the original). The New York Times, June 23, 1940, 1.
    • (1940) The New York Times , pp. 1
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    • Rose, Put to Work, 111-114. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 522-523. Work, February 15, 1940, 1. Work, September 28, 1939, 1.
    • Put to Work , pp. 111-114
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    • Rose, Put to Work, 111-114. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 522-523. Work, February 15, 1940, 1. Work, September 28, 1939, 1.
    • (1939) The New York Times , pp. 1
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    • Rose, Put to Work, 111-114. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 522-523. Work, February 15, 1940, 1. Work, September 28, 1939, 1.
    • WPA and Federal Relief Policy , pp. 522-523
    • Howard1
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    • Rose, Put to Work, 111-114. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 522-523. Work, February 15, 1940, 1. Work, September 28, 1939, 1.
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    • Rose, Put to Work, 111-114. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. Howard, WPA and Federal Relief Policy, 522-523. Work, February 15, 1940, 1. Work, September 28, 1939, 1.
    • (1939) Work , pp. 1
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    • Amenta, Bold Relief, 141, 222. Work, July 1, 1939, 7. On the use of tighter eligibility requirements to divide "ins" from "outs," see Paul Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 22-23.
    • Bold Relief , pp. 141
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    • Amenta, Bold Relief, 141, 222. Work, July 1, 1939, 7. On the use of tighter eligibility requirements to divide "ins" from "outs," see Paul Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 22-23.
    • (1939) Work , pp. 7
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    • Work, July 29, 1939, 7. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6.
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    • Work, July 29, 1939, 7. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6.
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    • Work, July 29, 1939, 7. The New York Times, June 13, 1939, 1. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6.
    • (1939) The New York Times
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    • U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
    • Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations , pp. 37-39
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    • U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
    • (1939) The New York Times , pp. 3
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    • U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
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    • U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
    • (1939) The New York Times
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    • June 17
    • U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
    • (1939) Work , pp. 2
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    • June 3
    • U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
    • (1939) Work , pp. 3
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    • 4143153634 scopus 로고
    • June 17
    • U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, April 18, 1939, 3. Work, June 20, 1940, 3. The New York Times, June 18, 1939, IV, 6. Work, June 17, 1939, 2. Similar defunding measures were considered at the state level. In California, where the Workers Alliance was particularly strong, the state legislature in 1939 considered prohibiting recipients of public assistance from paying dues to any unemployed organization. Assemblyman Hugh Burns, who introduced the proposed legislation, admitted openly that it was aimed at the Workers Alliance (Work, June 3, 1939, 3; Work, June 17, 1939, 3).
    • (1939) Work , pp. 3
  • 239
    • 4143149332 scopus 로고
    • July 1
    • Work, July 1, 1939, 1. Work, August 12, 1939, 1, 8. Work, July 29, 1939, 8. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 157.
    • (1939) Work , pp. 1
  • 240
    • 4143112129 scopus 로고
    • August 12
    • Work, July 1, 1939, 1. Work, August 12, 1939, 1, 8. Work, July 29, 1939, 8. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 157.
    • (1939) Work , pp. 1
  • 241
    • 4143115403 scopus 로고
    • July 29
    • Work, July 1, 1939, 1. Work, August 12, 1939, 1, 8. Work, July 29, 1939, 8. Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 157.
    • (1939) Work , pp. 8
  • 243
    • 4143073341 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • quoted in Swartz
    • Group formation requires political representation (delegation of authority to act on behalf of another or of another's interests) as well as social representation (symbolic or discursive depiction). Through the delegation of symbolic power, mandated representatives and spokespersons receive "from the group the power to make the group" (Bourdieu, quoted in Swartz, Culture and Power, 187; cf. Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself").
    • Culture and Power , pp. 187
    • Bourdieu1
  • 244
    • 4143150382 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Group formation requires political representation (delegation of authority to act on behalf of another or of another's interests) as well as social representation (symbolic or discursive depiction). Through the delegation of symbolic power, mandated representatives and spokespersons receive "from the group the power to make the group" (Bourdieu, quoted in Swartz, Culture and Power, 187; cf. Boltanski, "How a Social Group Objectified Itself").
    • How a Social Group Objectified Itself
    • Boltanski1
  • 245
    • 0007540881 scopus 로고
    • June 29
    • In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
    • (1939) The New York Times , pp. 12
  • 246
    • 4143063361 scopus 로고
    • July 1
    • In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
    • (1939) Work , pp. 2
  • 247
    • 4143128555 scopus 로고
    • July 15
    • In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
    • (1939) Work , pp. 11
  • 248
    • 4143146120 scopus 로고
    • November 9
    • In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
    • (1939) Work , pp. 4
  • 249
    • 0007540881 scopus 로고
    • June 29
    • In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
    • (1939) The New York Times , pp. 12
  • 250
    • 4143153633 scopus 로고
    • July 1
    • In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
    • (1939) Work , pp. 2
  • 251
    • 4143140611 scopus 로고
    • The star spangled banner
    • January 13
    • In 1939, for example, movement leaders sought to demonstrate the organization's commitment to Americanism by requiring Alliance officers and members to take an oath of allegiance to the Constitution and the U.S. government, in conscious imitation of the requirements of the 1940 emergency relief bill (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12; Work, July 1, 1939, 2; Work, July 15, 1939, 11; Work, November 9, 1939, 4). "The idea," said Willis Morgan, head of the New York Workers Alliance, "is to answer those who charge we are subversive and against the Government." At the same time, Morgan added that he did not believe the oath would exclude Communists from membership in the Alliance (The New York Times, June 29, 1939, 12). The Alliance's national executive board recommended that the oath be "administered by city officials or ministers" at "special Fourth of July membership meetings." In addition, the board recommended that "addresses on Americanism ... should also form part of the meetings." Workers Alliance leaders declared that the movement was "adopting this oath voluntarily, rededicating itself to true Americanism and leaving no doubt as to where it stands on upholding the Constitution and form of government of the United States" (Work, July 1, 1939, 2). The patriotic character of the movement was similarly emphasized at the second annual convention of the New York Workers Alliance in January 1940, where the first session was opened by delegates singing "The Star Spangled Banner" (The New York Times, January 13, 1940, 6).
    • (1940) The New York Times , pp. 6
  • 252
    • 0004187572 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Weber, From Max Weber, 302-322. Cf. Christopher K. Ansell, Schism and Solidarity in Social Movements: The Politics of Labor in the French Third Republic (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
    • From Max Weber , pp. 302-322
    • Weber1
  • 254
    • 0004272335 scopus 로고
    • translator Patrick Gregory (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press)
    • Cf. René Girard, Violence and the Sacred, translator Patrick Gregory (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977).
    • (1977) Violence and the Sacred
    • Girard, R.1
  • 255
    • 4143117594 scopus 로고
    • Resource mobilization and social movements
    • September 4
    • On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 1
    • McCarthy1    Zald2
  • 256
    • 0004194060 scopus 로고
    • October 2
    • On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 45
  • 257
    • 0004194060 scopus 로고
    • October 3
    • On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 16
  • 258
    • 4143145006 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York
    • On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
    • The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party
  • 259
    • 84885722150 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • On constituents and bystander publics, see McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." The New York Times, September 4, 1938, 1. The New York Times, October 2, 1938, 45. The New York Times, October 3, 1938, 16. On Rourke's defection, see also the report dated July 7, 1938, on "The Workers Alliance and Its Dominance by the Communist Party," in the Harry L. Hopkins Collection, Container 100, File: Workers Alliance, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On Rourke, see also U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 111.
    • Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations , pp. 111
  • 260
    • 0004194060 scopus 로고
    • September 19
    • The New York Times, September 19, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 20, 1938, 2.
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 1
  • 261
    • 0004194060 scopus 로고
    • September 20
    • The New York Times, September 19, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 20, 1938, 2.
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 2
  • 262
    • 0004194060 scopus 로고
    • September 23
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 18
  • 263
    • 4143077853 scopus 로고
    • November 19
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • (1938) Work , pp. 9
  • 264
    • 4143143960 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • Impact of the Political Left , pp. 94
    • Karsh1    Garman2
  • 265
    • 0004217632 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • Hammer and Hoe , pp. 156-157
    • Kelley1
  • 266
    • 84885722150 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations , pp. 1096
  • 267
    • 4143127467 scopus 로고
    • dated November 6, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • (1940) George Breitman's Letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation
  • 268
    • 0348145260 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • Beyond Tocqueville
    • Smith1
  • 269
    • 0004248236 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • Civic Ideals
    • Smith1
  • 270
    • 4143062242 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • American Communist Party , pp. 206-208
    • Howe1    Coser2
  • 271
    • 4143062242 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • American Communist Party
    • Howe1    Coser2
  • 272
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    • The New York Times, September 23, 1938, 18. Work, November 19, 1938, 9. Karsh and Garman, "Impact of the Political Left," 94. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe, 156-157. U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 1096. For a detailed account of splits within the New Jersey Workers Alliance, and the decision of some locals to form a rival organization (the Workers Relief and WPA Union), see George Breitman's letter to the Robert Marshall Foundation, dated November 6, 1940, in the Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York. On ascriptive Americanism, see Smith, "Beyond Tocqueville," and idem, Civic Ideals. The Sixth Comintern Congress in 1928 did in fact call for the establishment of a separate "Negro republic" in those Southern counties that contained a majority of African Americans, but the American Communist Party no longer "pushed this theory" after 1934 (Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 206-208). On the American Communist Party's efforts to promote racial equality and mobilize African Americans in the 1930s, see Howe and Coser, American Communist Party, 204-216ff. For an account that is more sympathetic to the Communist Party, see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), chapter 6.
    • (1997) The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics
    • Goldfield, M.1
  • 273
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    • The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. David Lasser, Work and Security: A Program for America (Washington, DC: Workers Alliance of America, 1938), 15. The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 26, 1938, 9. Work, September 28, 1939, 11. For an account of events at the 1938 convention from the perspective of the Workers Alliance, see Work, October 8, 1938, 4. The Alliance referred to the excluded delegates as "splitting disrupters" who had "aided and abetted a small group of dissidents in New York who sought to break up of the Alliance [sic]."
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 1
  • 274
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    • Washington, DC: Workers Alliance of America
    • The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. David Lasser, Work and Security: A Program for America (Washington, DC: Workers Alliance of America, 1938), 15. The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 26, 1938, 9. Work, September 28, 1939, 11. For an account of events at the 1938 convention from the perspective of the Workers Alliance, see Work, October 8, 1938, 4. The Alliance referred to the excluded delegates as "splitting disrupters" who had "aided and abetted a small group of dissidents in New York who sought to break up of the Alliance [sic]."
    • (1938) Work and Security: A Program for America , pp. 15
    • Lasser, D.1
  • 275
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    • September 25
    • The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. David Lasser, Work and Security: A Program for America (Washington, DC: Workers Alliance of America, 1938), 15. The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 26, 1938, 9. Work, September 28, 1939, 11. For an account of events at the 1938 convention from the perspective of the Workers Alliance, see Work, October 8, 1938, 4. The Alliance referred to the excluded delegates as "splitting disrupters" who had "aided and abetted a small group of dissidents in New York who sought to break up of the Alliance [sic]."
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 1
  • 276
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    • September 26
    • The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. David Lasser, Work and Security: A Program for America (Washington, DC: Workers Alliance of America, 1938), 15. The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 26, 1938, 9. Work, September 28, 1939, 11. For an account of events at the 1938 convention from the perspective of the Workers Alliance, see Work, October 8, 1938, 4. The Alliance referred to the excluded delegates as "splitting disrupters" who had "aided and abetted a small group of dissidents in New York who sought to break up of the Alliance [sic]."
    • (1938) The New York Times , pp. 9
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    • September 28
    • The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. David Lasser, Work and Security: A Program for America (Washington, DC: Workers Alliance of America, 1938), 15. The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 26, 1938, 9. Work, September 28, 1939, 11. For an account of events at the 1938 convention from the perspective of the Workers Alliance, see Work, October 8, 1938, 4. The Alliance referred to the excluded delegates as "splitting disrupters" who had "aided and abetted a small group of dissidents in New York who sought to break up of the Alliance [sic]."
    • (1939) Work , pp. 11
  • 278
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    • October 8
    • The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. David Lasser, Work and Security: A Program for America (Washington, DC: Workers Alliance of America, 1938), 15. The New York Times, September 25, 1938, 1. The New York Times, September 26, 1938, 9. Work, September 28, 1939, 11. For an account of events at the 1938 convention from the perspective of the Workers Alliance, see Work, October 8, 1938, 4. The Alliance referred to the excluded delegates as "splitting disrupters" who had "aided and abetted a small group of dissidents in New York who sought to break up of the Alliance [sic]."
    • (1938) Work , pp. 4
  • 279
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    • On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
    • (1987) Women of the New Right
    • Klatch, R.E.1
  • 281
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    • On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
    • The Process of Collective Identity
    • Melucci1
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    • trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton]
    • On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
    • (1922) Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego , pp. 40-41
  • 283
    • 4143150380 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
    • Impatient Armies of the Poor , pp. 427-428
    • Folsom1
  • 284
    • 4143113211 scopus 로고
    • June 20
    • On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
    • (1940) Work , pp. 2
  • 285
    • 84885700685 scopus 로고
    • August 1
    • On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
    • (1940) Work , pp. 1
  • 286
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    • June 12
    • On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June 20, 1940, 2. Work, August 1, 1940, 1. The New York Times, June 12, 1940, 18. On exit and voice, see Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).
    • (1940) The New York Times , pp. 18
  • 287
    • 0003610739 scopus 로고
    • Cambridge: Harvard University Press
    • On the use of symbols to bridge political differences, see Rebecca E. Klatch, Women of the New Right (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). As Melucci ("The Process of Collective Identity") has emphasized, collective identity involves emotional investments as well as cognitive definitions. In line with this view, Sigmund Freud suggests that group members identify themselves with one another because they have made similar emotional investments in the group leader. He adds that an idea or abstraction may take the place of the leader, and that "the leader or the leading idea might also, so to speak, be negative; hatred against a particular person or institution might operate in just the same unifying way, and might call up the same kind of emotional ties as positive attachment" (Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego, trans. and ed. James Strachey [New York: W.W. Norton, 1959 [1922], 40-41). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 427-428. Work, June
    • (1970) Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States
    • Hirschman, A.O.1
  • 288
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    • January 31
    • The New York Times, January 31, 1940, 6. Work, February 15, 1940, 1, 3-4. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • (1940) The New York Times , pp. 6
  • 289
    • 4143131885 scopus 로고
    • February 15
    • The New York Times, January 31, 1940, 6. Work, February 15, 1940, 1, 3-4. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • (1940) Work , pp. 1
  • 290
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    • The New York Times, January 31, 1940, 6. Work, February 15, 1940, 1, 3-4. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • Impatient Armies of the Poor , pp. 428-429
    • Folsom1
  • 291
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    • June 20
    • The New York Times, June 20, 1940, 16. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 429-430. Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
    • (1940) The New York Times , pp. 16
  • 292
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    • The New York Times, June 20, 1940, 16. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 429-430. Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
    • Impatient Armies of the Poor , pp. 429-430
    • Folsom1
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    • 4143140612 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York
    • The New York Times, June 20, 1940, 16. Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 429-430. Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David), Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
  • 294
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    • Rethinking the public sphere: A contribution to the critique of actually existing democracy
    • chapter 5, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: MIT Press)
    • On the distinction between strong and weak publics, see Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," chapter 5 in Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). Ogden, Dies Committee, 101-102, 230. Work, April 23, 1938, 4.
    • (1992) Habermas and the Public Sphere
    • Fraser, N.1
  • 295
    • 4143103325 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • On the distinction between strong and weak publics, see Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," chapter 5 in Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). Ogden, Dies Committee, 101-102, 230. Work, April 23, 1938, 4.
    • Dies Committee , vol.101-102 , pp. 230
    • Ogden1
  • 296
    • 4143134010 scopus 로고
    • April 23
    • On the distinction between strong and weak publics, see Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy," chapter 5 in Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992). Ogden, Dies Committee, 101-102, 230. Work, April 23, 1938, 4.
    • (1938) Work , pp. 4
  • 298
    • 84885722150 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • According to Benjamin's testimony before the Woodrum Committee in 1939," dues, initiation fees and charter fees" accounted for approximately half of the national organization's monthly income of $4,000. "Income from the sale of other organizational supplies such as literature and our newspaper" accounted for an additional forty-five percent of that total (U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82). On the Alliance's difficulties mobilizing resources in the early years of the movement, see The Workers Alliance, October 2, 1935, 2; The Workers Alliance, "First June Issue" [1936], 4; and The Workers Alliance, "First September Issue" [1936], 4.
    • Hearings before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations , pp. 37-39
  • 299
    • 4143087896 scopus 로고
    • October 2
    • According to Benjamin's testimony before the Woodrum Committee in 1939," dues, initiation fees and charter fees" accounted for approximately half of the national organization's monthly income of $4,000. "Income from the sale of other organizational supplies such as literature and our newspaper" accounted for an additional forty-five percent of that total (U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82). On the Alliance's difficulties mobilizing resources in the early years of the movement, see The Workers Alliance, October 2, 1935, 2; The Workers Alliance, "First June Issue" [1936], 4; and The Workers Alliance, "First September Issue" [1936], 4.
    • (1935) The Workers Alliance , pp. 2
  • 300
    • 4143139497 scopus 로고
    • First June Issue
    • According to Benjamin's testimony before the Woodrum Committee in 1939," dues, initiation fees and charter fees" accounted for approximately half of the national organization's monthly income of $4,000. "Income from the sale of other organizational supplies such as literature and our newspaper" accounted for an additional forty-five percent of that total (U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82). On the Alliance's difficulties mobilizing resources in the early years of the movement, see The Workers Alliance, October 2, 1935, 2; The Workers Alliance, "First June Issue" [1936], 4; and The Workers Alliance, "First September Issue" [1936], 4.
    • (1936) The Workers Alliance , pp. 4
  • 301
    • 4143139497 scopus 로고
    • First September Issue
    • According to Benjamin's testimony before the Woodrum Committee in 1939," dues, initiation fees and charter fees" accounted for approximately half of the national organization's monthly income of $4,000. "Income from the sale of other organizational supplies such as literature and our newspaper" accounted for an additional forty-five percent of that total (U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82). On the Alliance's difficulties mobilizing resources in the early years of the movement, see The Workers Alliance, October 2, 1935, 2; The Workers Alliance, "First June Issue" [1936], 4; and The Workers Alliance, "First September Issue" [1936], 4.
    • (1936) The Workers Alliance , pp. 4
  • 302
    • 4143150380 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • Impatient Armies of the Poor , pp. 428-429
    • Folsom1
  • 303
    • 4143105460 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: Rowman & Littlefield
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • (1999) The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present , pp. 109
    • Babson, S.1
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    • 84965410101 scopus 로고
    • New York: Free Press
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • (1966) A History of American Labor, Expanded and Updated Edition , pp. 399
    • Rayback, J.G.1
  • 305
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    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • Unfinished Struggle , pp. 130
    • Babson1
  • 306
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    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • Unfinished Struggle , pp. 133
    • Babson1
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    • 0039717380 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • History of American Labor , pp. 408
    • Rayback1
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    • Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • (1995) The CIO, 1935-1955 , pp. 253
    • Zieger, R.H.1
  • 309
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    • Westport: Greenwood Press
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • (1981) Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO , pp. 312
    • Levenstein, H.A.1
  • 310
    • 84883915784 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • The CIO , pp. 285-286
    • Zieger1
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    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • Unfinished Struggle , pp. 136
    • Babson1
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    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO , pp. 299-300
    • Levenstein1
  • 313
    • 84883915784 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • The CIO , pp. 290
    • Zieger1
  • 314
    • 0004253051 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429. The CIO was also subjected to red baiting by the Dies Committee in the late 1930s. However, in contrast to the Workers Alliance, the CIO received countervailing legitimation and support from the National Labor Relations Board, "which partially countered the adverse circumstances of 1938-39" (Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present [New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999], 109). In this respect, the CIO was as dependent on the federal government as the Workers Alliance. In 1947, Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act, which required "each union official of a national or international ... to file an affidavit assuring the government that he was not affiliated with communism or the Communist party; failing to comply would cause the union to lose the protection and privileges" of the National Labor Relations Act (Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, expanded and updated edition [New York: Free Press, 1966], 399; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 130). In this respect, the Taft-Hartley Act was comparable to the legislation that excluded Communists from participation in the WPA. Moreover, international politics - the 1939 Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact in the case of the Workers Alliance, and the Marshall Plan in the case of the CIO - exacerbated internal conflict between Communists and non-Communists in both cases (Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 133). Like the Workers Alliance, the CIO ultimately responded with in-group purification, expelling eleven affiliates between 1949 and 1950 on grounds of Communist domination. These parallels raise an obvious question: Why was in-group purification a more successful response to anti-communism for the CIO than for the Workers Alliance? Non-Communists in the Workers Alliance were unable to dislodge the Communists and instead left the organization, while non-Communists in the CIO were able to expel them and take control. As a result, in-group purification was more successful for the CIO: "As the Korean War reached its critical stage, the CIO could claim a purity equal to that of the AFL and was able, thereby, to escape public indictment during the years when the anti-communist hysteria in the nation reached its height" (Rayback, History of American Labor, 408). Nevertheless, in-group purification was not without serious costs for the CIO, including the loss of nearly a million members (Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955 [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995], 253). CIO raids on the expelled Communist unions diverted time and money from organizing the unorganized, and competition played into employers' hands, particularly in the electrical industry, where union membership declined, wages fell, and working conditions deteriorated (Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO [Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981], 312; Zieger, The CIO, 285-286; Babson, Unfinished Struggle, 136). The CIO was able to partly compensate for these costs by raising per capita dues (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 299-300; Zieger, The CIO, 290), a course of action that WPA reforms made far more difficult for the Workers Alliance. Even so, with membership rolls stagnating, the CIO was forced into a merger with the AFL in 1955 (Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO, 330). A similar attempt by the Workers Alliance to affiliate with the CIO in the late 1930s was less successful.
    • Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO , pp. 330
    • Levenstein1
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    • June 4
    • On the growth of the Workers Alliance through most of 1938, see, e.g., Work, June 4, 1938, 7; Work, September 24, 1938, 9-10; and Work, October 8, 1938, 4. On membership decline, see The New York Times, February 12, 1939, 9; and The New York Post, August 7, 1940, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • (1938) Work , pp. 7
  • 317
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    • September 24
    • On the growth of the Workers Alliance through most of 1938, see, e.g., Work, June 4, 1938, 7; Work, September 24, 1938, 9-10; and Work, October 8, 1938, 4. On membership decline, see The New York Times, February 12, 1939, 9; and The New York Post, August 7, 1940, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • (1938) Work , pp. 9-10
  • 318
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    • On the growth of the Workers Alliance through most of 1938, see, e.g., Work, June 4, 1938, 7; Work, September 24, 1938, 9-10; and Work, October 8, 1938, 4. On membership decline, see The New York Times, February 12, 1939, 9; and The New York Post, August 7, 1940, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • (1938) Work , pp. 4
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    • On the growth of the Workers Alliance through most of 1938, see, e.g., Work, June 4, 1938, 7; Work, September 24, 1938, 9-10; and Work, October 8, 1938, 4. On membership decline, see The New York Times, February 12, 1939, 9; and The New York Post, August 7, 1940, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • (1939) The New York Times , pp. 9
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    • On the growth of the Workers Alliance through most of 1938, see, e.g., Work, June 4, 1938, 7; Work, September 24, 1938, 9-10; and Work, October 8, 1938, 4. On membership decline, see The New York Times, February 12, 1939, 9; and The New York Post, August 7, 1940, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • (1940) The New York Post
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    • Lasser, David
    • On the growth of the Workers Alliance through most of 1938, see, e.g., Work, June 4, 1938, 7; Work, September 24, 1938, 9-10; and Work, October 8, 1938, 4. On membership decline, see The New York Times, February 12, 1939, 9; and The New York Post, August 7, 1940, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • President's Personal File, File 7649
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    • On the growth of the Workers Alliance through most of 1938, see, e.g., Work, June 4, 1938, 7; Work, September 24, 1938, 9-10; and Work, October 8, 1938, 4. On membership decline, see The New York Times, February 12, 1939, 9; and The New York Post, August 7, 1940, in Franklin D. Roosevelt, President's Personal File, File 7649 (Lasser, David). Folsom, Impatient Armies of the Poor, 428-429.
    • Impatient Armies of the Poor , pp. 428-429
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    • Work, December 3, 1938, 7. Work, September 14, 1939, 3. Work, September 28, 1939, 3.
    • (1938) Work , pp. 7
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    • Work, December 3, 1938, 7. Work, September 14, 1939, 3. Work, September 28, 1939, 3.
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    • Work, December 3, 1938, 7. Work, September 14, 1939, 3. Work, September 28, 1939, 3.
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    • File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York
    • Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85, File: Workers Alliance of America, Franklin Delano Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.
    • Gardner Jackson Collection, Container 85
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    • U.S. House of Representatives, Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, 37-39, 82. The New York Times, November 20, 1941, 29.
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    • Regulating the Poor , pp. 97
    • Piven1    Cloward2


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