What the elections tell us

Journal of Democracy

Volumn 15, Issue 3, 2004, Pages 20-31

  McFaul, Michael ^a,b   Petrov, Nikolai ^c  

^a STANFORD UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b STANFORD UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^c Carnegie Moscow Center   (Russian Federation)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 3543003504     PISSN: 10455736     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jod.2004.0048     Document Type: Review

References (23)

1. Since the election, the bloc's two leading figures, Sergei Glaziev and Dmitry Rogozin, have had a falling out. Glaziev eventually quit the bloc and ran for president against Putin.
2. Exit polls and unofficial parallel vote counts showed both parties winning more than 5 percent, sparking claims of falsification (see www.fairgame.ru). Citing their parallel-vote-count results, Yabloko and CPRF leaders charged that government authorities falsified the result of the December 2003 vote. Yabloko has pressed for a legal investigation.
3. For more information, see www.vciom-a.ru/press/2004011601.html.
4. On why they refused to unite, see Susan Glasser, "Russia's Democrats Face Prospect of Irrelevance Ahead of Elections: Two Small Parties Sink and Squabble," Washington Post, 14 November 2003, A19.
5. For details, see Michael McFaul, Nikolai Petrov, and Andrei Ryabov, Between Dictatorship and Democracy: Russian Post-Communist Political Reform (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2004).
6. On the weakness of Russian liberal institutions, see Michael McFaul, Russia's Unfinished Revolution: Political Change from Gorbachev to Putin (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2001), 309.
7. See his even more emotional statements quoted in Kommersant-Vlast' (Moscow), 29 August 2000.
8. For more information, see www.rsf.fr/article.php3?id_article=4116.
9. For details, see Timothy Colton and Michael McFaul, Popular Choice and Managed Democracy: The Russian Elections of 1999 and 2000 (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2003).
10. Transparency International (TI) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) conducted quantitative analyses of press coverage. See TI's press release, "From Myths to Facts: The Use of the Administrative Resource in Election Campaign Figures," 23 December 2003, at www.transparency.org.ru/proj_adm.asp; and OSCE International Election Observation Mission, "Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions, Russian Federation State Duma Elections, 7 December 2003." The full report is available at wwn.osce.org/documents/odihr/2003/12/1629_en.pdf.
11. Transparency International (TI) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) conducted quantitative analyses of press coverage. See TI's press release, "From Myths to Facts: The Use of the Administrative Resource in Election Campaign Figures," 23 December 2003, at www.transparency.org.ru/proj_adm.asp; and OSCE International Election Observation Mission, "Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions, Russian Federation State Duma Elections, 7 December 2003." The full report is available at wwn.osce.org/documents/odihr/2003/12/1629_en.pdf.
12. Anatoly Chubais, one of the leaders of SPS, owned Ren-TV, but this network had a very small audience.
13. Before his arrest, Khodorkovsky was the main financial backer of Yabloko. Yet both Khodorkovsky and senior Yabloko officials reported that even this financial support was sanctioned by the Kremlin before being delivered.
14. OSCE International Election Observation Mission, "Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions, Russian Federation State Duma Elections, 7 December 2003."
15. Yabloko disagreed and filed suit to annul the parliamentary election. See www.eng.yabloko.ru/Publ/2004/PAPERS/03/040317_gzt_cur.html.
16. There was one major scandal in the presidential election. Between December 2003 and the March 2004 presidential vote, more than a million voters disappeared from the register. This change in the number of registered voters inflated turnout in the presidential race. See Caroline McGregor, "Election Numbers Do Not Add Up," Moscow Times, 19 March 2004, 1.
17. Timothy Colton and Michael McFaul, Popular Choice and Managed Democracy, 171.
18. On how these kinds of parties remain in power and how they fall, see Beatriz Magaloni, "The Politics of Party Dominant Autocracy," Unpubl. ms., Department of Political Science, Stanford University, 2004.
19. This kind of electoral regime may be one of the most prevalent in recent democratizing states. See Thomas Carothers, "The End of the Transition Paradigm," Journal of Democracy 13 (January 2002): 5-21; Andreas Schedler, "Elections Without Democracy: The Menu of Manipulation," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 36-50; Larry Diamond, "Thinking About Hybrid Regimes," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 21-35; and Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, "The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 51-65.
20. This kind of electoral regime may be one of the most prevalent in recent democratizing states. See Thomas Carothers, "The End of the Transition Paradigm," Journal of Democracy 13 (January 2002): 5-21; Andreas Schedler, "Elections Without Democracy: The Menu of Manipulation," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 36-50; Larry Diamond, "Thinking About Hybrid Regimes," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 21-35; and Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, "The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 51-65.
21. This kind of electoral regime may be one of the most prevalent in recent democratizing states. See Thomas Carothers, "The End of the Transition Paradigm," Journal of Democracy 13 (January 2002): 5-21; Andreas Schedler, "Elections Without Democracy: The Menu of Manipulation," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 36-50; Larry Diamond, "Thinking About Hybrid Regimes," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 21-35; and Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, "The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 51-65.
22. This kind of electoral regime may be one of the most prevalent in recent democratizing states. See Thomas Carothers, "The End of the Transition Paradigm," Journal of Democracy 13 (January 2002): 5-21; Andreas Schedler, "Elections Without Democracy: The Menu of Manipulation," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 36-50; Larry Diamond, "Thinking About Hybrid Regimes," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 21-35; and Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way, "The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism," Journal of Democracy 13 (April 2002): 51-65.
23. Charles H. Fairbanks, Jr., "Georgia's Rose Revolution," Journal of Democracy 15 (April 2004): 110-24.