Historicizing the global, politicizing capital: Giving the present a name

History Workshop Journal

Volumn 63, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 154-188

  Eley, Geoff ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 34447500512     PISSN: 13633554     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/hwj/dbm010     Document Type: Article

References (203)

1. For the text of 'The Proclamation of Baghdad', issued to the inhabitants of the city on 19 March 1917 by Lt. Gen. Sir Stanley Maude on the occasion of the British military occupation of the city, see http://harpers.org/ProclamationBaghdad.html, published in print edition Harpers, May 2003.
2. Lt. Col. Tim Collins was Commanding Officer of the 1st Battalion, Royal Irish Regiment of the British Army. His speech may be read at: BBC News, 20 March 2003: 'UK Troops Told: Be Just and Strong', http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/2866581.stm.
3. For Tony Blair, see his 'The Left Should Not Weep If Saddam Is Toppled', which carried the subtitle 'We have to redefine Centre-Left politics to cope with a more insecure world', in The Guardian, 10 Feb. 2003;
4. also the interview reported in Jackie Ashley, 'No Moving A Prime Minister Whose Mind Is Made Up', in The Guardian, 1 March 2003.
5. For Michael Ignatieff, see his 'Human Rights as Politics', in Ignatieff, Human Rights as Politics and Idolatry, ed. Amy Gutmann, Princeton, 2001, pp. 37-43;
6. and in elegantly equivocating mode, 'Empire Lite', Prospect 83, February 2003, pp. 37-43,
7. and The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror Princeton, 2004.
8. See also Michael Walzer, Arguing About War, New Haven, 2004.
9. Reordering the World: The Long-Term Implications of September 11, London, 2002.
10. The Foreign Policy Centre was launched by Tony Blair and Robin Cook in 1998 with the aim of developing a 'vision of a fair and rule-based world order'. See the website at http://fpc.org.uk.
11. An extract from Robert Cooper's essay appeared in the print edition of The Observer, 7 April 2002, but the full text may be accessed as 'The New Liberal Imperialism' at http://observer.guardian.co.uk/comment/ story/0,,680093,00.html.
12. See also Robert Cooper, The Post-Modern State and the World Order, London, 2000;
13. The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the Twenty-First Century New York, 2003;
14. and 'Grand Strategy', Prospect 81, December 2002, pp. 26-32.
15. Cooper, 'New Liberal Imperialism' (as note 3).
16. See The National Security Strategy of the United States, Washington, DC, 2002.
17. The Project for the New American Century was established in Washington, DC in spring 1997 under the auspices of the New Citizenship Project and the Chairmanship of William Kristol as 'a non-profit, educational organization whose goal is to promote American global leadership'. Its report on Rebuilding America's Defences: Strategy, Forces, and Resources for a New Century, whose principal author was Thomas Donnelly, was released in September 2000. The PNAC website may be accessed at http://www.newamericancentury.org. For the 1992 Defence Policy Guidance document,
18. see Barton Gellman, 'Keeping the US First: Pentagon Would Preclude a Rival Superpower', Washington Post, 11 March 1992, A1.
19. For a careful analysis of the PNAC with full references, see Tom Barry, 'Rise and Demise of the New American Century', International Relations Centre Special Report, 28 June 2006, which can be accessed on the IRC's website at www.Irc-online.org.
20. I'm well aware here that the analysis of international relations, and the dynamics of US foreign policy making in particular, will require far more elaborate and nuanced treatment than this sharply binarized framework can suggest. For an admirably clear, theoretically sharp, and economical starting-point, which also uses regulation theory to explore how the post-9/11 political crisis and global capitalist restructuring can be related together, see George Steinmetz, 'The State of Emergency and the Revival of American Imperialism: Toward an Authoritarian Post-Fordism', Public Culture 15: 2, spring 2003, pp. 323-45.
21. For an uncomfortable and starkly rationalist accounting of the arguments on either side of the decision for war in March 2003, see Perry Anderson, 'Casuistries of Peace and War', London Review of Books, 6 March 2003, p. 12.
22. This is the argument brilliantly developed in RETORT (Iain Boal, T. J. Clark, Joseph Matthews and Michael Watts), Afflicted Powers: Capital and Spectacle in a New Age of War, London, 2005, especially chap. 2, 'Blood for Oil?', pp. 38-77, where the concept of 'military neo-liberalism' is proposed in criticism of the blunter attributions of US policy to the dominance of an interest-based and manipulative power bloc of big oil interests and military contractors. We may acknowledge the sometimes astonishingly naked exertion of influence by this latter-day military-industrial complex, together with all the associated chicanery, dissimulation, and profiteering, without effacing the wider political assumptions and grand-historical claims structuring the PNAC's strategic vision.
23. Michael Ledeen, 'Scowcroft Strikes Out', National Review, 6 Aug. 2002.
24. Joshua Muravchik, 'Democracy's Quiet Victory', New York Times, 19 Aug. 2002.
25. Michael Ledeen, 'The War on Terror Won't End in Baghdad', The Wall Street Journal, 4 Sept. 2002.
26. Unnamed source at the PNAC, quoted by Jonathan Freedland, 'Decisions, Decisions', Guardian, 26 Feb. 2003. The best easy and quick access to the biographies and standing of Ledeen, Muravchik, and other rightwing intellectuals around the inner edges of the Bush administration is via the website of the American Enterprise Institute, http://www.aei.org/ scholars and cognate websites and available links.
27. Again, see Steinmetz, 'State of Emergency'.
28. Many of the citations for this paragraph will follow in the more detailed exposition below. Meanwhile, see the following: Anthony Giddens, Runaway World: How Globalization is Reshaping our Lives, 2nd edn, New York, 2003;
29. Global Capitalism, ed. Will Hutton and Anthony Giddens, New York, 2000;
30. Zygmunt Bauman, Globalization: The Human Consequences, New York, 1998,
31. and Wasted Lives: Modernity and its Outcasts, Cambridge, 2003;
32. Ulrich Beek, What Is Globalization?
33. and World Risk Society, both Cambridge, 1999;
34. David Held, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt, and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture, Cambridge, 1999;
35. George Soros, The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered, New York, 1998;
36. Joseph E. Stiglitz, Globalization and its Discontents, New York, 2003,
37. and Making Globalization Work, New York: Norton, 2006;
38. David Harvey, The New Imperialism, Oxford, 2003,
39. and Spaces of Global Capitalism: Towards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development, London, 2006;
40. Frederick Cooper, 'Globalization', in Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History, Berkeley, 2005, pp. 91-112;
41. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Decline of American Power: The US in a Chaotic World, New York, 2003.
42. For a broad and rapid introduction to the range of arguments: Debating Globalization, ed. Anthony Barnett, David Held, and Caspar Henderson, Cambridge, Polity Press in association with openDemocracy, 2005.
43. One of the difficulties in writing anything sensible or useful about globalization today is the simply bewildering profusion of literatures relevant to the topic, issuing from an unmanageable diversity of academic disciplines and public sources, some of which (in sociology, economics, anthropology, communications, literature, history, and cultural studies, or broader cross-disciplinary fields like postcolonial studies) barely worry about noticing or speaking to one other. Some of my own preferred guides will become apparent from the footnotes, although others e.g. the writings of Stuart Hall) won't be as visible in that respect. One of the best starting-points is now Postcolonial Studies and Beyond, ed. Ania Loomba, Suvir Kaul, Matti Bunzl, Antoinette Burton, and Jedd Esty, Durham, NC, 2005. Otherwise, during the past decade and a half the following additional texts not cited in the footnotes below have been especially key for my own thinking:
44. Roger Rouse, 'Mexican Migration and the Social Space of Postmodernism', Diaspora 1, 1991, pp. 8-23;
45. Stuart Hall, 'When Was the "Postcolonial"? Thinking at the Limit', in The Post-Colonial Question: Common Skies, Divided Horizons, ed. Iain Chambers and Lidia Curti, New York, 1996, pp. 242 60;
46. The Cultures of Globalization, ed. Fredric Jameson and Masao Miyoshi, Durham, NC, 1998;
47. Cosmopolitics: Thinking and Feeling Beyond the Nation, ed. Pheng Cheah and Bruce Robbins, Minneapolis, 1998;
48. Fernando Coronil, 'Beyond Occidentalism: Towards Non-Imperial Geohistorical Categories', Current Anthropology 1, 1996, pp. 51-87,
49. and 'Towards a Critique of Globalcentrism: Speculations on Capitalism's Nature', Public Culture 12: 2, spring 2000, pp. 351-74;
50. Saskia Sassen, 'Spatialities and Temporalities of the Global: Elements for a Theorization', Public Culture 12: 1, winter 2000, pp. 215-32.
51. See Paul Hirst and Grahame Thompson, Globalization in Question: The International Economy and the Possibilities of Governance, 2nd edn, Cambridge, 1999;
52. Paul Hirst, 'The Global Economy: Myths and Realities', International Affairs 73 1997;
53. Kevin H. O'Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, Globalization and History: The Evolution of a Nineteenth-Century Atlantic Economy Cambridge, Mass., 1999;
54. Paul Bairoch, 'Globalization Myths and Realities: One century of External Trade and Foreign Investment', in States against Markets: the Limits of Globalization, ed. Robert Boyer and Daniel Drache, London, 1996.
55. For some careful thoughts on the issue of periodization, emphasizing the early nineteenth-century and early modern contexts of global integration, see Adam McKeown, 'Periodizing Globalization', in this issue (History Workshop Journal, 63, spring 2007).
56. See Cooper, Colonialism in Question, pp. 111, 110, 104. For a superb study of the long nineteenth century, giving globalization its deeper history and emphasizing the importance of 'great accelerations',
57. see Christopher A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World 1780-1914: Global Connections and Comparisons, Oxford, 2004, especially pp. 451-87,
58. 'Conclusion: The Great Acceleration, c.1890-1914'. At the very least, I'd argue, we are currently living through another such great acceleration, which got underway during the mid 1970s.
59. Roy Boyne, 'Cosmopolis and Risk: A Conversation with Ulrich Beek', Theory, Culture and Society 18, 2001, p. 49.
60. For a succinct introduction to this regulative history of the reconfiguring of the 'Dollar-Wall Street Regime' during the 1980s to produce the 'Washington Consensus' of the mid 1990s, see Peter Gowan, The Global Gamble: Washington's Faustian Bid for World Dominance London, 1999.
61. See also Robert Brenner, The Boom and the Bubble: The US in the World Economy London, 2003;
62. Development Policy in the Twenty-First Century: Beyond the Post-Washington Consensus, ed. Ben Fine, London, 2001,
63. and David Harvey's superb distillation in 'Neoliberalism and the Restoration of Class Power', in his Spaces of Global Capitalism, pp. 9-68.
64. James Ferguson, Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order Durham NC, 2006, p. 14.
65. Ferguson, p. 14.
66. Ferguson, 'Globalizing Africa? Observations from an Inconvenient Continent', in Global Shadows, pp. 48-9.
67. See Thomas L. Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree: Understanding Globalization New York, 1999,
68. and more recently, The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century, New York, 2005.
69. For early pioneering discussions going back to the early 1980s, see Roland Robertson, Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture, London, 1992.
70. Thomas L. Friedman, 'A Manifesto for a Fast World: From Supercharged Financial Markets to Osama bin Laden, the Emerging Global Order Demands an Enforcer. That's America's New Burden', New York Times Magazine 28 March, 1999, p. 42.
71. Friedman, 'Manifesto for a Fast World', p. 42.
72. Friedman, 'Manifesto for a Fast World', p. 43.
73. For an earlier instance of Friedman's predilection for bombing, see 'Stop the Music: Give the Air War a Chance', New York Times, 23 April 1999, A25.
74. Friedman, 'Manifesto for a Fast World', pp. 84, 96.
75. Friedman, 'Manifesto for a Fast World', p. 43.
76. Friedman, 'Manifesto for a Fast World', p. 96.
77. Friedman, 'Manifesto for a Fast World', p. 97.
78. The Report's blurb expressed this: 'Between 1917 and 1950, countries with one-third of the world's population seceded from the market economy and launched an experiment in constructing alternative systems of centrally planned economies. This transformed the political and the economic map of the world. World Development Report 1996, the 19th in this annual series, is devoted to the transition of these countries - in particular, those in Central and Eastern Europe, the newly independent states of the former Soviet Union, China, and Vietnam - back to a market orientation'. See World Bank, World Development Report: From Plan to Market, Oxford, 1996.
79. For the original reference, see Sheila Rowbotham, 'The Tale That Never Ends', in The Socialist Register 1999: Global Capitalism Versus Democracy, ed. Leo Panitch and Colin Leys, New York, 1999, p. 354.
80. Jacket description to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto. A Modern Edition, Introduction by Eric Hobsbawm, London, 1998.
81. The 150th anniversary attracted widespread attention in the daily and periodical press. New editions were also introduced by John Toews (Boston, 1999), Martin Malia (New York, 1998), and Mark Cowling (New York, 1998).
82. For the so-called transition debate, see The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism, ed. Rodney Hilton, London, 1976;
83. The Brenner Debate: Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-Industrial Europe, ed. Trevor Aston and C. H. E. Philpin, Cambridge, 1985;
84. Robert Brenner, 'The Origins of Capitalist Development: A Critique of Neo-Smithian Marxism', New Left Review 104, July August 1977, pp. 25-92.
85. The reference here is to Paul Gilroy's The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness Cambridge, MA, 1993.
86. As a bridge to the burgeoning literatures on this subject, see Stuart Hall, 'Breaking Bread with History: C. L. R. James and The Black Jacobins', History Workshop Journal 46, autumn 1998, pp. 17-31;
87. Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History, Boston, 1997;
88. Laurent Dubois, 'The Citizen's Trance. The Haitian Revolution and the Motor of History', in Magic and Modernity: Interfaces of Revelation and Concealment, ed. Birgit Meyer and Peter Pels, Stanford, 2003, pp. 103-28,
89. and Laurent Dubois, Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution, Cambridge, Mass, 2004.
90. Frederick Cooper, Thomas C. Holt, and Rebecca J. Scott, Beyond Slavery: Explorations of Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Postemancipation Societies Chapel Hill, NC, 2000, p. 23.
91. These three authors' monographs superbly address the complexities of the transitions between slavery and wage labour. See respectively Frederick Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters: Plantation Labor and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya, 1890-1925, New Haven, 1980;
92. Rebecca J. Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860-1899, Princeton, 1985;
93. Thomas C. Holt, The Problem of Freedom: Race, Labor, and Politics in Jamaica and Britain, 1832-1938, Baltimore, 1992;
94. and Rebecca J. Scott, Degrees of Freedom: Louisiana and Cuba after Slavery, Cambridge, MA, 2005.
95. For the use of indentured labour: Hugh Tinker, A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830-1920, London, 1974;
96. David Northrup, Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834-1922 Cambridge, 1995.
97. For the historically determinate processes working to produce the nineteenth-century version of 'free labour', see Robert J. Steinfeld, The Invention of Free Labor: The Employment Relation in English and American Law and Culture, 1350-1870, Chapel Hill, NC, 1991,
98. and Coercion, Contract, and Free Labor in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, 2001. I'm grateful to Dennis Sweeney for pointing me towards this reference.
99. See Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery. From the Baroque to the Modern, London, 1997,
100. and The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery 1776-1848, London, 1988;
101. Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History, New York: Viking, 1985;
102. David Scott, 'Modernity that Predated the Modern', History Workshop Journal 58, autumn 2004, pp. 191-210.
103. My thinking on this point is hugely indebted to the ideas of Carolyn Steedman and in particular to a reading of her unpublished paper, 'A Boiling Copper and Some Arsenic: Servants, Childcare and Class Consciousness in late eighteenth-century England', and our associated correspondence. See also Steedman's already published articles, 'Lord Mansfield's Women', Past and Present 176, 2002, pp. 105-43,
104. and 'The Servant's Labour: The Business of Life, England, 1760-1820', Social History 29, 2004, pp. 1-29.
105. To the labour regimes of slavery and servitude Linebaugh and Rediker have added a third, namely that of the sailing ship, which they claim as the site of production characteristic of the Atlantic arena of globalization in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. See Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic, London, 2002. Linebaugh first developed this argument in an essay of 1982, which remains foundational for what became the field of Atlantic studies: By the end of the seventeenth century we may distinguish four ways by which capital sought to organize the exploitation of human labour in its combination with the materials and tools of production. These were first, the plantation, in many ways the most important mercantilist achievement; second, petty production such as the yeoman farmer or fortunate artisan enjoyed; third, the putting-out system which had begun to evolve into manufacture; and the mode of production which at the level of circulation united the others, namely the ship'.
106. In Linebaugh's argument, ships 'carried not only the congealed labour of the plantations, the manufactories, and the workshops' in their holds, but also the 'living labor ... of transported felons, of indentured servants, above all, of African slaves'. See Peter Linebaugh, 'All the Atlantic Mountains Shook', in Reviving the English Revolution: Reflections and Elaborations on the Work of Christopher Hill, ed. Geoff Eley and William Hunt, London: Verso, 1988, pp. 207, 208.
107. The essay was first published in Labouri/Le Travail 10, autumn 1982, pp. 87-121.
108. I'm referring here to the argument in Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914-1991, New York, 1994, esp. pp. 225-400.
109. I've developed this argument in full in Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850-2000, New York, 2002, especially chap. 23: 'Class and the Politics of Labor', pp. 384-404.
110. The heyday of those critiques was the first half of the 1980s. See Charles Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin, 'Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets, and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization', Past and Present 108, 1985, pp. 133-76;
111. Charles Tilly, 'Flows of Capital and Forms of Industry in Europe, 1500-1900', Theory and Society 12, 1983, pp. 123-42,
112. and 'The Demographic Origins of the European Proletariat', in Proletarianization and Family History, ed. David Levine, Orlando, FL, 1984, pp. 1-85;
113. Geoff Eley, 'The Social History of Industrialization: "Proto-Industry" and the Origins of Capitalism', Economy and Society 13, 1984, pp. 519-39.
114. It remains axiomatic for my understanding of the argument in these paragraphs that between the later 1940s and mid 1970s Western Europe's period of relatively humanized capitalism under the aegis of the Keynesian/welfare-state synthesis was no less beholden to systems of globalized exploitation of natural resources, human materials, and grotesquely unequal terms of trade than the periods that came before or since. The privileged metropolitan prosperity of the long boom in which social-democratic gains were embedded rested (systemically, constitutively) on historically specific repertoires of extraction and exploitation operating on a world scale. Amidst all the contemporary talk of colonialism and postcoloniality, of globalization and 'empire', in this regard, a workable theory of imperialism remains in urgent need of recuperation. For one starting-point, see Alain Lipietz, 'Towards Global Fordism?', and 'Marx or Rostow?', New Left Review 132, March April 1982, pp. 33-47, 48-58.
115. For an earlier reflection seeking to make the possible meanings of this immediate post-socialist conjuncture more complex, see Geoff Eley, 'Reviewing the Socialist Tradition', in The Crisis of Socialism in Europe, ed. Christiane Lemke and Gary Marks, Durham, NC, 1992, pp. 21-60.
116. See Samir Amin, Re-Reading the Postwar Period: An Intellectual Itinerary, New York, 1994;
117. also David Scott, Refashioning Futures: Criticism After Postcolonialityi, Princeton, 1999, pp. 143-49.
118. More recently, see David Scott, Conscripts of Modernity: The Tragedy of Colonial Enlightenment, Durham, 2005.
119. For an essential starting-point, see the Forum on the Bandung era in Radical History Review 95, spring 2006, including: Antoinette Burton, Augusto Espiritu and Fanon Che Wilkins, 'Introduction: The Fate of Nationalism in the Age of Bandung', pp. 145-8;
120. Antoinette Burton, 'Cold War Cosmopolitanism: The Education of Aantha Rama Rau', pp. 149-72;
121. Augusto Espiritu, '"To Carry Water on Both Shoulders": Carlos P. Romulo, American Empire, and the Meanings of Bandung', pp. 173 90;
122. and Fanon Che Wilkins, 'Beyond Bandung: The Critical Nationalism of Lorraine Hansberry, 1950-1965', pp. 191-210.
123. See also 'Beyond What? An Introduction', in Postcolonial Studies and Beyond, ed. Loomba, Kaul, Bunzl, Burton, and Esty, pp. 1-38;
124. Penny von Eschen, Race Against Empire: Black Americans and Anti-Colonialism, 1937-1957, Ithaca, 1997.
125. Alec Nove, The Economics of Feasible Socialism Revisited, 2nd edn, Boston, 1991.
126. See Arno J. Mayer, Wilson vs. Lenin: Political Origins of the New Diplomacy, 1917 1918, New York, 1964,
127. and Dynamics of Counter-Revolution in Europe, 1870-1956: An Analytical Framework, New York, 1971.
128. This is the framework adopted by Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes. For critical discussion, see Perry Anderson, 'The Vanquished Left: Eric Hobsbawm', in Anderson, Spectrum: From Right to Left in the World of Ideas, London, 2005, pp. 277-320.
129. My thinking on the subject of post-Fordism is guided by the following: Alain Lipietz, Towards a New Economic Order: Post-Fordism, Ecology, and Democracy Oxford, 1992;
130. Robin Murray, 'Fordism and Post-Fordism, in New Times: The Changing Face of Politics in the 1990s, ed. Stuart Hall and Martin Jacques, London, 1991, pp. 38-53;
131. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, Oxford, 1989;
132. Ash Amin, 'Post-Fordism: Models, Fantasies, and Phantoms of Transition', in Post-Fordism: A Reader, ed. Ash Amin, Oxford, 1994, 1-40;
133. Bob Jessop, 'Post-Fordism and the State', in Post-Fordism, ed. Amin, pp. 251-79.
134. Fred Halliday, The World at 2000, New York, 2000, p. 61.
135. These phrases are taken from Rosenberg's critique of Giddens, in Justin Rosenberg, The Follies of Globalization Theory: Polemical Essays, London, 2000, p. 89.
136. For the key work in question, see Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, Cambridge, 1990. For the most recent statement: Giddens, Runaway World.
137. David Held and Anthony McGrew, 'The Great Globalization Debate: An Introduction', in The Global Transformations Reader: An Introduction to the Globalization Debate, ed. Held and McGrew, Cambridge, 2000, pp. 3-4.
138. David Held, 'Violence, Law, and Justice in a Global Age', in Understanding September 11, ed. Craig Calhoun, Paul Price, and Ashley Timmer, New York, 2002, p. 96.
139. For a succinct rendition of the 'Westphalian model', see David Held, Democracy and the Global Order: From the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance, Stanford, 1995, pp. 74-83;
140. and for a full-scale critique, Benno Teschke, The Myth of 1648: Class, Geopolitics, and the Making of Modern International Relations, London, 2003.
141. For additional commentaries, see also Rosenberg, Follies of Globalization Theory, pp. 27-43;
142. Andrew Linklater, 'Citizenship and Sovereignty in the Post-Westphalian European State', in Re-Imagining Political Community: Studies in Cosmopolitan Democracy, ed. Daniele Archibugi, David Held, and Martin Köhler, Stanford, 1998, pp. 113-37.
143. Bob Jessop, 'The Future of the State in an Era of Globalization', Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft, 3/2003, p. 46.
144. See also Bob Jessop, 'Globalization and the National State', in Paradigm Lost: State Theory Reconsidered, ed. Stanley Aronowitz and Peter Bratsis, Minneapolis, 2002, pp. 185-220;
145. Hirst and Thompson, Globalization in Question, pp. 256-80.
146. See especially Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War Cambridge, 2003;
147. Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World, Berkeley, 2002;
148. Held, Democracy and the Global Order; and Re-Imagining Political Community, ed. Archibugi, Held, and Köhler.
149. See also John Rennie Short, Global Dimensions: Space, Place and the Contemporary World, London, 2001, pp. 84-5, for 'an example of good globalization [the campaign for eradication of polio initiated by Rotary International in 1990], a case where a combination of international civil society, international organizations and nation-states combined to produce good things'.
150. For 'global governance' see the website of the Policy Network launched in December 2000 by Tony Blair, Gerhard Schröder, Giuliano Amato, and Göran Persson following the Progressive Governance summits originally hosted by Bill Clinton in New York in April 1999: http://www.policy-network.net or http://www.progressive-governance.net.
151. Also Globalization and Governance, ed. Aseem Prakash and Jeffrey A. Hart, London, 1999.
152. For measured and persuasive advocacy of the possibilities for a transnationally conceived legal order or Rechtstaat, a specifically global or cosmopolitan model of democracy, see David Held, 'The Transformation of Political Community: Rethinking Democracy in the Context of Globalization', in Democracy's Edges, ed. Ian Shapiro and Casiano Hacker-Cordón, Cambridge, 1999, pp. 84-111;
153. and for well-founded scepticism, Chantal Mouffe, 'Cosmopolitan Democracy or Multipolar World Order?', Soundings: 28, Frontier Markets, 2005, pp. 62-74.
154. See Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics Ithaca, 1998;
155. Matthew Evangelista, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War, Ithaca, 1999;
156. Globalizations and Social Movements: Culture, Power, and the Transnational Public Sphere, ed. John A. Guidry, Michael D. Kennedy, and Mayer N. Zald, Ann Arbor, 2000;
157. Valentine M. Moghadam, Globalizing Women: Transnational Feminist Networks, Baltimore, 2005;
158. Peter Steven, The No-Nonsense Guide to Global Media London, 2003;
159. A Movement of Movements: Is Another Really World Possible?, ed. Tom Mertes, London, 2004;
160. Another World is Possible: Popular Alternatives to Globalization at the World Social Forum, ed. William F. Fisher and Thomas Ponniah, London, 2003.
161. Joel Schalit's Anti-Capitalism Reader: Imagining a Geography of Opposition, New York, 2001;
162. Emma Bircham and John Charlton, Anti-Capitalism: A Guide to the Movement, London 2001;
163. We Are Everywhere: The Irresistible Rise of Global Anticapitalism, ed. Notes from Nowhere, London, 2003;
164. A Movement of Movements, ed. Mertes; John Carter and Dave Morland, Anti-Capitalist Britain, Cheltenham, 2004;
165. Simon Tormey, Anti-Capitalism: A Beginner's Guide Oxford, 2004;
166. Alex Callinicos, Anti-Capitalist Manifesto, Cambridge, 2003.
167. See especially No Sweat: Fashion, Free Trade, and the Rights of Garment Workers, ed. Andrew Ross, New York, 1997;
168. and Ross, Low Pay, High Profile: The Global Push for Fair Labor, New York, 2004.
169. E.g. Kevin Danaher and Jason Mark, Insurrection: Citizen Challenges to Corporate Power, New York, 2003.
170. Naomi Klein, No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies, New York, 1999;
171. Noreena Hertz, The Silent Takeover: Global Capitalism and the Death of Democracy, New York, 2001;
172. Arundhati Roy, The Cost of Living, New York, 1999.
173. Also Arundhati Roy, The Checkbook and the Cruise Missile: Conversations with Arundhati Roy by David Barsamian, Cambridge, MA, 2004.
174. Fredric Jameson, 'The Politics of Utopia', New Left Review, 2nd series, 25, January February 2004, p. 37.
175. Peter N. Stearns, 'The Effort at Continuity in Working-Class Culture', Journal of Modern History 52, 1980, pp. 625-55.
176. Strikingly, this issue of the institutionalizing of protest was omitted from the terms of discussion in Understanding September 11, ed. Calhoun, Price, and Timmer.
177. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire, Cambridge, MA, 2000,
178. and Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire, New York, 2004.
179. Hardt and Negri, Multitude, p. 358.
180. Hardt and Negri, Multitude, p. 357.
181. Hardt and Negri, Multitude, p. 354.
182. Michael Hardt, 'Today's Bandung?', in Movement of Movements, ed. Mertes, p. 232.
183. For critical symposia around the impact of Hardt and Negri's proposals, see Debating Empire, ed. Gopal Balakrishnan, London, 2003,
184. and Empire's New Clothes: Reading Hardt and Negri, ed. Paul A. Passavant and Jodi Dean, New York, 2004.
185. More generally, see Antonio Negri, Negri on Negri, with Annne Dufourmantelle, New York, 2004.
186. See Jürgen Habermas and Jacques Derrida, 'February 15, Or, What Binds Europeans Together. Plea for a Common Foreign Policy, Beginning in a Core Europe', in Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe: Transatlantic Relations after the Iraq War, ed. Daniel Levy, Max Pensky, and John Torpey, London, 2005, p. 7.
187. In Umberto Eco's contribution to the initiative proposed by Habermas and Derrida, 'An Uncertain Europe between Rebirth and Decline', he itemized Western civilization's characteristics as follows: 'the fundamental principles of the so-called Western world, the Greek and Judeo-Christian heritage, the ideas of freedom and equality born out of the French Revolution, the heritage of modern science that started with Copernicus, Galileo, Kepler, Descartes, and Francis Bacon, the capitalistic form of production, the secularization of the State, Roman or Common Law, the very idea of justice achieved through class struggle (all typical products of the European Western world, and we could cite many more) are nowadays no longer the exclusive domain of Europe. On the contrary, they have spread and become popular in America, Australia, and - although not everywhere - in many parts of Asia and Africa': Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe, p. 15.
188. I take the notion of the 'ordinariness' of culture of course from Raymond Williams. See especially his essay 'Culture is Ordinary', in Raymond Williams, Resources of Hope: Culture, Democracy, Socialism London, 1989, pp. 3-18.
189. Nor, we might add, do they provide much evidence for the practical realization of the political fantasy of the Multitude.
190. Adolf Muschg, '"Core Europe": Thoughts about the European Identity', Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe, p. 26.
191. Hans-Ulrich Wehler, 'Let the United States Be Strong! Europe Remains a Mid-Size Power: A Response to Jürgen Habermas', Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe, p. 121.
192. Hans-Ulrich Wehler, interviewed by Ralph Bollmann, TAZ, 6849, 10 Sept., 2002, p. 6.
193. Hans-Ulrich Wehler, 'Das Türkenproblem', Die Zeit 38, 12 Sept. 2002, http://zeus.zeit.de/text/archiv/2002/38/ 200238_tuerkei.contra.xml, p. 3.
194. See also the readers' letters in response, 'Diskussion: Wie ein Schlag ins Gesicht. Lesedebatte zu Hans-Ulrich Wehler: 'Dar Türkenproblem', Die Zeit 40, 27 Sept. 2002, http://zeus.zeit.de/text/archiv/2002/ 40/200240_1-tuerken.xml.
195. Also Hans-Ulrich Wehler, 'Verblendetes Harakiri. Der Türkei-Beitritt zestrört die EU', Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B 33-34/2004, pp. 6-8.
196. My reference to Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, New York, 1998, is deliberate, as Wehler invokes this book at the outset of his interview with Ralph Bollmann.
197. Rita Chin, The Guest Worker Question in Postwar Germany, Cambridge, 2007, p. 273.
198. My thinking in these paragraphs is developed more fully in 'The Trouble with 'Race': Migration, National Belonging, and Citizenship in Europe', to be published in Rita Chin, Geoff Eley, Heide Fehrenbach, and Atina Grossmann, After the Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Postfascist Germany, Ann Arbor, probably 2008.
199. For a valuable overview of the politics of migration in Europe, see Gallya Lahav, Immigration and Politics in the New Europe: Reinventing Borders, Cambridge, 2004.
200. Here I deliberately substitute 'global justice' for 'anti-globalization' as this seems a far more productive umbrella designation, whether politically or descriptively.
201. See Ann Coulter, Godless: The Church of Liberalism, New York, 2006.
202. For best guidance, see Steinmetz, 'State of Emergency'. Otherwise see the various essays in Understanding September 11, ed. Calhoun, Price, and Timmer.
203. Fred Halliday, 'Letter from Ground Zero', openDemocracy, 26 May