Why Donbass votes for Yanukovych: Confronting the Ukrainian Orange Revolution

Demokratizatsiya

Volumn 14, Issue 4, 2006, Pages 495-517

  Osipian, Ararat L ^a   Osipian, Alexandr L ^b  

^a VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b Department of History and Anthropology   (Ukraine)

Author keywords

Donbass; Elections; Local identity; Orange Revolution; Stereotypes; Ukraine

Indexed keywords

CIVIL SOCIETY; ELECTION; POLITICAL REFORM; VOTING BEHAVIOR;

EASTERN EUROPE; EURASIA; EUROPE; UKRAINE;

EID: 34250802727     PISSN: 10746846     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.3200/DEMO.14.4.495-517     Document Type: Article

References (98)

1. Taras Kuzio, "Kravchuk to Kuchma: The 1994 Presidential Elections in Ukraine 1994," Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 12, no. 2 (1996): 117-44;
2. "History, Memory and Nation Building in the Post-Soviet Colonial Space," Nationalities Papers 30, no. 2 (2002): 241-64;
3. "The 2002 Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine: Democratization or Authoritarianism," Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 19, no. 2 (2003): 24-54;
4. "From Kuchma to Yushchenko: Ukraine's 2004 Presidential Elections and the Orange Revolution," Problems of Post-Communism 52, no. 2 (2005): 29-44;
5. "Regime Type and Politics in Ukraine under Kuchma," Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005): 167-90;
6. "Russian Policy toward Ukraine During Elections," Demokratizatsiya 13, no. 4 (Fall 2005): 491-514.
7. Adrian Karatnycky, "Ukraine's Orange Revolution," Foreign Affairs 84, no. 2 (March-April 2005): 35-42.
8. Kimitaka Matsuzato, "All Kuchma's Men: The Reshuffling of Ukrainian Governors and the Presidential Election of 1999," Post-Soviet Geography and Economics 42, no. 6 (2001): 416-39;
9. "From Communist Boss Politics to Post-Communist Caciquismo - The Meso-Elite and Meso-Governments in Post-Communist Countries," Communist and Post-Communist Studies 34, no. 2 (2001): 175-201;
10. "Semipresidentialism in Ukraine Institutionalist Centrism in Rampant Clan Politics," Demokratizatsiya 13, no. 1 (Winter 2005): 45-59.
11. Fabian Niculae and Oana Popesku, "Disputes between Ukrainian Political Elites on the Eve of Presidential Elections in 2004," in Ukraine: A Country Torn Apart between Europe and Russia, ed. Fabian Niculae and Oana Popesku, 112-67 (Bucuresti: Politeia-SNSPA, 2004).
12. Stephen Shulman, "Competing versus Complementary Identities: Ukrainian-Russian Relations and the Loyalties of Russians in Ukraine," Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (1998): 615-32;
13. "The Internal-External Nexus in the Formation of Ukrainian National Identity: The Case for Slavic Integration," in Dilemmas of State-Led Nation Building in Ukraine, ed. Taras Kuzio and Paul D'Anieri (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002).
14. Victor Stepanenko and Sergei Sorokopud, "The Construction of National Identity: A Case Study of the Ukraine" in Ethnicity and Nationalism in Russia, the CIS and the Baltic States, ed. Christopher Williams and Thanasis Sfikas, 184-210 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999);
15. Victor Stepanenko, "How Ukrainians View Their Orange Revolution: Public Opinion and the National Peculiarities of Citizenry Political Activities," Demokratizatsiya 13, no. 4 (Fall 2005): 595-617.
16. A. Wilson, "The Donbass between Ukraine and Russia: The Use of History in Political Disputes," Journal of Contemporary History 35 no. 2, (1995): 265-90;
17. "Ukraine's 2002 Elections: Less Fraud, More Virtuality" East European Constitutional Review 11, no. 3 (2002): 91-98;
18. Ukraine's Orange Revolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).
19. Kerstin Zimmer, "Ukraine: The Donetsk Factor," Transitions Online, December 21, 2004;
20. "The Captured Region. Actors and Institutions in the Ukrainian Donbass," in Making Regions in Post-Socialist Europe: The Impact of History, Economic Structure and Institutions. Volume 1: Case Studies from Poland, Hungary, Romania and Ukraine, ed. M. Tatur, 231-348 (Opladen: Leske and Budrich, 2004);
21. Kerstin Zimmer, Donetsk in Kyiv and Kyiv in Donetsk: Center-Periphery Linkages in the Post-Soviet Context (forthcoming).
22. F. Niculae and O. Popesku, "Disputes between Ukrainian Political Elites on the Eve of Presidential Elections in 2004," in Ukraine: A Country Torn Apart between Europe and Russia, ed. F. Niculae and O. Popesku, 212 (Bucuresti: Politeia-SNSPA, 2004).
23. Golos Donbassa, "Observers Have Recorded Obvious Violations of the Electoral Process in Western Ukraine," November 2004, 6.
24. See, for example, I. Grabovska, "Modern Ukrainians as Reflected in Light of Theirs and Others' Stereotypes," Suchasnist [Modernity] 9 (2004): 138-47;
25. G. Schöpflin, "The Political Traditions of Eastern Europe," Daedalus 119, no. 1 (2002): 55-90;
26. R. Szporluk, "Why Ukrainians Are Ukrainians," Transit, 23 http://www.iwm.at/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id= 271&Itemid=449 (accessed March 2006) (trans. into Ukrainian in Suchasnist 4, 2003);
27. S. Grabovski, "Ukrainians: Independent Nation or Dwellers of a Cultural Ghetto?" Suchasnist 7-8 (2004): 86-100.
28. H. Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror in the Donbass. A Ukrainian-Russian Borderland 1870s-1990s (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
29. I. Losev, "Ukrainians - Inner Diaspora?" Suchasnist 7-8 (2004): 101-3.
30. Interestingly, Josef Kobzon - one of the most influential members of the Donbass's community in Moscow - is a persona nongrata in the USA. He was an active supporter of Yanukovych.
31. V. Litvin, "If Someone Was Violating the Law by Abusing His Public Authority, One Must Face the Trial," Dzerkalo Tyzhnia [Weekly Mirror], January 2005.
32. Ibid.
33. See S. Shulman, "Competing versus Complementary Identities: Ukrainian-Russian Relations and the Loyalties of Russians in Ukraine," Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (1998): 615-32;
34. S. Shulman, "The Internal-External Nexus in the Formation of Ukrainian National Identity: The Case for Slavic Integration," in Dilemmas of State-Led Nation Building in Ukraine, ed. T. Kuzio and P. D'Anieri, 103-30 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002).
35. It is a fact that Donbass gets more from the central budget than it contributes if one takes into account the subsidies and tax breaks the numerous free economic zones concentrated in the region receive. At the same time, masterminds of Yanukovych's presidential campaign tried to persuade people that Donbass is a major contributor to the central budget.
36. The original Tsar Pushka - a giant canon - was made in Moscow in the sixteenth century as a symbol of Russia's military superiority.
37. See, for instance, J. Armstrong, "Nationalism and the East Ukrainian Social Science," in Ukrainian Nationalism, ed. J. Armstrong, 62-110 (Englewood, CO: Ukrainian Academic Press, 1990);
38. Y. Hrytsak, "Dvadtsat' Dvi Ukrainy," [Twenty Two Ukraines] Krytyka 4 (2002): 18-32;
39. M. Riabchuk, "Ukraine: One State, Two Countries?" Transit 23 (2002) http://www.iwm.at/ index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=269&Item=447 (accessed March 5, 2005) (trans. into Ukrainian in Suchasnist 4, 2003).
40. Armstrong, "East Ukrainian," 207.
41. "Ukraina: Pole Mnenij," Sociologicheskie soobshenija Fonda "Obshestvennoe mnenie," 2004, 142 (as cited in Lapkin and Pantin, 2005, 8).
42. See S. Birch, Elections and Democratization in Ukraine (London: Macmillan, 2000);
43. P. Craumer, and J. Clem, "Ukraine's Emerging Electoral Geography: A Regional Analysis of the 1998 Parliamentary Elections," Post-Soviet Geography and Economics 40, no. 1 (1999): 1-26;
44. O. Sushko, "The 2002 Parliamentary Elections as an Indicator of the Sociopolitical Development of Ukraine," Demokratizatsiya 10, no. 4 (Fall 2002): 568-76;
45. C. Wanner, "Crafting Identity, Marking Time: An Anthropological Perspective on Nation Building in Ukraine," in Dilemmas of State-Led Nation Building in Ukraine, ed. T. Kuzio and P. D' Anieri (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002).
46. S. Birch, "The Presidential Elections in Ukraine, October 1999," Electoral Studies 21, no. 2 (2002): 339-45.
47. See S. Whitmore, State-Building in Ukraine: The Ukrainian Parliament, 1990-2003 (London: Routledge Corzon, 2004).
48. V. Zablotski, "Donbass Is the Region with Character," Golos Donbassa [Voice of Donbass], October 2004.
49. Patronymic of Vladimir Illich Ulyanov Lenin. Patronymics are normally used as a way of addressing good fellows or older people rather than national leaders.
50. See V. Kravchenko, "Fighting the Shadow: The Soviet Past in the Historical Memory of Contemporary Ukrainian Society," Ab Imperio: Studies of New Imperial History and Nationalism in the Post-Soviet Space 2 (2004): 329-68.
51. V. Zablotski, "Donbass Is the Region with Character," Golos Donbassa, October 2004.
52. See, for example, V. Zorina, "No One Put Donbass down on Its Knees, and No One Ever Will!" Vestnik NKMZ (November 2004): 2-4.
53. K. Zimmer, "The Captured Region. Actors and Institutions in the Ukrainian Donbass," in Making Regions in Post-Socialist Europe: The Impact of History, Economic Structure and Institutions. Case Studies from Poland, Hungary, Romania and Ukraine, ed. M. Tatur, 231-348 (Opladen: Leske and Budrich, 2004).
54. "Elections 2004: The Voice of Donbass Decides," Golos Donbassa, October 29, 2004.
55. Referring to Yulia Tymoshenko, Yushchenko's key ally and one of the leaders of the Orange Revolution. Yushchenko appointed her prime minister in 2005, but later dismissed her.
56. "Elections 2004: The Voice of Donbass Decides," Golos Donbassa, November, 26 2004.
57. See, for example, I. Baboshin, "Students Are Zombyefied by Victor Yanukovych," Bez Tsenzury [Without Censorship], October 2004;
58. B. Bahteev, "Silent Numbers," Suchasnist 12 (2004): 155-57;
59. A. Dorofeev, "'New Political Nation' or the Crowd of Reptiles," Vestnik NKMZ 1091 (December 2004): 3;
60. A. Kolesnikov, Pervy Ukrainski: Zapiski s Peredovoi [First Ukrainian: Notes from the Frontline] (Moskva: Vagrius, 2005);
61. T. Steshenko, "Saakashvili and Yushchenko - Political Twin-brothers," Golos Donbassa, November 2004, 6.
62. For details, see V. Stepanenko, "How Ukrainians View Their Orange Revolution: Public Opinion and the National Peculiarities of Citizenry Political Activities," Demokratizatsiya 13, no. 4 (Fall 2005): 595-617.
63. See, for example, T. Steshenko, "Saakashvili and Yushchenko - Political Twin-brothers," Golos Donbassa, November 2004, 6;
64. V. Tanskiy, "Moment of Truth: There Was a Coup d'etat in Ukraine, Not a Democratic Revolution," Kramatorskaya Pravda, December 16, 2004, 1;
65. Kramatorskaya Pravda, "Ukraine Is Threatened with Pro-American Neo-Fascist Dictatorship," December 16, 2004, 3.
66. "Ukrainian Fascism - The Terrible Truth," Golos Donbassa, October 29, 2004.
67. "The Second Round: The East against the West," Golos Donbassa, November 2004.
68. Inform-agency, "Partaktiv," Golos Donbassa, November 2004.
69. This word is taken out of context for political reasons. Here is the objective description of the events. Yushchenko intended to organize an Our Ukraine meeting in Donetsk. For this reason he had rented one of the largest concert halls in the city - Palace Yunost. When the buses with the attendees of the meeting started to arrive, they found that there were about five hundred drunken students of vocational schools, notorious for their discipline problems. These students were let into the hall to provoke a mass fight and disorder. Yushchenko flew to Donetsk. At the airport, thousands of students and merchants from the flea markets and farmers markets, many of whom were forced to come by the members of the local mafia, met him with hostility. These students and small merchants held anti-Yushchenko posters. There were also numerous posters and billboards placed around the city with the content that can be interpreted as "Yushchenko needs Donbass, but Donbass does not need Yushchenko." On some posters Yushchenko was depicted a la Fuhrer. On the others his head was drilled with a sledgehammer by a miner. Those who put it into action were called lackeys by Yushchenko. The governor of the oblast, Blizniuk, is suspected to be the organizer of this action. Apparently, Blizniuk was acting under directions from Yanukovych.
70. "Where Is Your Character Donbass?" Golos Donbassa, November 12, 2004.
71. See I. Preobrazhenskiy, "Doctrine of Yanukovych," Golos Donbassa, October 2004, 3.
72. "Where Is Your Character Donbass?" Golos Donbassa, November 12, 2004.
73. Ibid.
74. Offensive identity-word for Russians.
75. "Opinions," Golos Donbassa, November 26, 2004.
76. "Vote with Donbass in Heart," Golos Donbassa, October 8, 2004.
77. "October 31 Is the Day of Presidential Elections. Choose the Right to Live for Donbass," Golos Donbassa, October 29, 2004.
78. "Donbass Is Winning. Your Voice Is Needed," Golos Donbassa, November 5, 2004.
79. "Shared Destiny. Good Choice. Donbass Will Win," Golos Donbassa, November 12, 2004.
80. "Congratulations on Your Victory! [in Russian] Congratulations on Your Victory! [in Ukrainian]" Golos Donbassa, November 26, 2004.
81. Alluding to the "brown plague," i.e., German fascism, and the orange color that symbolized support for Yushchenko. The "brown-orange plague" expression was intended to inflict fear of Yushchenko. Using TV and newspapers, the government-controlled mass media painted Yushchenko as a Fascist, as part of an antidemocratic campaign that was fraudulent.
82. "We will survive without them, but they won't," i.e., "We will survive without underdeveloped Western and Central pro-Yushchenko regions, but they will not be able to survive without us."
83. See M. Riabchuk, Dvi Ukrainy: Real'ni Mezhi, Virtual'ny Viiny [Two Ukraines: Real Frontiers, Virtual Wars] (Kyiv: Krytyka, 2003).
84. V. Lapkin and V. Pantin, "Assimilation of Democratic Institutions and Values by the Ukrainian and Russian Masses," Russian Social Science Review 47, no. 3 (2006): 10-11.
85. See Zhurzhenko, "The Myth of Two Ukraines," Transit 23 (2002) http://www.iwm.at/index.php?option=com_content&task= view&id=273&Itemid=451 (accessed March 2006) (translated into Ukrainian in Suchasnist 4, 2003).
86. Newsru, "Yanukovych Promised to Give Russian Language Status of the Second Official Language in the Country," December 18, 2004, http://www.newsru.com/arch/world/18dec2004/yan.html (accessed July 22, 2006).
87. Newsru, "Party of Regions Can Leave Its Intent to Make Russian the Second Official Language," July 22, 2006, http://www.newsru.com/ arch/world/22jul2006/yanuk.html (accessed July 22, 2006).
88. See, for instance, M. Afanasiev, "Whoever Wins, Metal Workers Lose," Ukkrudprom, December 12, 2004, http://ukrrudprom.com/ analytics/anght221104.html (accessed July 22, 2006);
89. G. Skudar, "We Are on the Pathway to Success, and We Must Not Leave It" Kramatorskaya Pravda, December 16, 2004, 2-4.
90. See A. Shehovtsov, "'Donetskie' Are Coming," Narodnaya Volia, [People's Will] August 14, 2004, 1;
91. A. Shehovtsov, "Compatriots, Day without Laws," Narodnaya Volia, December 20, 2004, 1.
92. A. Shehovtsov, "Compatriots, You Are Not Right," Narodnaya Volia, December 20, 2004, 1.
93. Central Election Commission of Ukraine, retrieved from http://www.cvk.gov.ua/vnd2006 (accessed June 5, 2006).
94. Central Election Commission of Ukraine, http://www.cvk.gov.ua/pls/vp/ 2004/wp00l1 (accessed July 12, 2005).
95. V. Tarasov, "Vybory 'Po-kharkovski': Mezhdometija i Epitety Pridumajte Sami" [Elections Kharkov-style: Epithets Are up to Your Imagination], (May 2006). Retrieved from http://www.maidan.org.ua/static/ mai/1143839500.html (accessed May 30, 2006).
96. Newsru, "Party of Regions Demands from Yushchenko to Introduce Candidacy of Yanukovych for Premiership," July 8, 2006, http://www.newsru.com/arch/worl/08Jul2006/pobeda.html (accessed July 8, 2006).
97. Ibid.
98. Sberbank was the only bank in the Soviet Union that dealt with individual savings accounts. The bank never went bankrupt but at the same time owes a large amount of money to its clients. The deposits made in Soviet currency lost their value due to inflation in the early 1990s. Debt repayment is still an important political issue, and is often used for political purposes.