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Volumn 18, Issue 2, 2007, Pages 107-135

Politics between market and Islam: The electoral puzzles and changing prospects of pro-Islamic parties

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ELECTION; ELECTORAL SYSTEM; ISLAMISM; PARTY POLITICS; POLICY STRATEGY; POLITICAL INSTABILITY; POLITICAL REFORM; SOCIAL JUSTICE;

EID: 34250715848     PISSN: 10474552     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1215/10474552-2007-008     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (6)

References (29)
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    • The terms Left and Right are used in this essay to reflect the conventional classifications of the parties. In Turkish politics, Left often refers to political positions that advocate secularist intervention in the public sphere and state-centered policies in economic and social affairs. The Right refers to the policies that advocate minimum state involvement in the economic sphere and limited involvement in religious decisions and practices in the public domain. For more details see Birol Yesilada, Realignment and Party Adaptation: The Case of Refah and Fazilet Parties, in Politics, Parties, and Elections in Turkey, ed. Sabri Sayari and Yilmaz Esmer (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2002).
    • The terms Left and Right are used in this essay to reflect the conventional classifications of the parties. In Turkish politics, Left often refers to political positions that advocate secularist intervention in the public sphere and state-centered policies in economic and social affairs. The Right refers to the policies that advocate minimum state involvement in the economic sphere and limited involvement in religious decisions and practices in the public domain. For more details see Birol Yesilada, "Realignment and Party Adaptation: The Case of Refah and Fazilet Parties," in Politics, Parties, and Elections in Turkey, ed. Sabri Sayari and Yilmaz Esmer (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2002).
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    • The electoral fortune of the National Action Party (NAP, one of the most nationalist parties, in the past three elections epitomizes this pattern. Support for the party was below the national limit in the 1995 election. Yet it still managed to establish itself as one of the leading parties in 1999. Instead of increasing its electoral fortune further, the NAP failed to gain access to the National Assembly in the 2002 election, along with all other established right-wing parties, namely, the Motherland Party, the True Path, and the Prosperity Party. In this election, even though it had neither participated in a national election before nor held a national congress, the brand new Justice and Development Party (JDP) emerged as the leading party and the representative of the Right. The only other party that escaped the wrath of the public, the Republican People's Party, became de facto the sole representative of the left bloc
    • The electoral fortune of the National Action Party (NAP), one of the most nationalist parties, in the past three elections epitomizes this pattern. Support for the party was below the national limit in the 1995 election. Yet it still managed to establish itself as one of the leading parties in 1999. Instead of increasing its electoral fortune further, the NAP failed to gain access to the National Assembly in the 2002 election, along with all other established right-wing parties, namely, the Motherland Party, the True Path, and the Prosperity Party. In this election, even though it had neither participated in a national election before nor held a national congress, the brand new Justice and Development Party (JDP) emerged as the leading party and the representative of the Right. The only other party that escaped the wrath of the public, the Republican People's Party, became de facto the sole representative of the left bloc.
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    • From the voters' perspective, political realignment involves a transformation whereby voters forge new partisan alliances in response to disruptive issues and political, economic, or social developments, Dealignment, in contrast, describes a unique type of noncommittal voter who defects from the parties but refrains from forging new alliances. For a more detailed discussion of the decline of political parties and an application of the realignment thesis, see Ergun Ozbudun, The Institutional Decline of Parties in Turkey, in Political Parties and Democracy, ed. Larry Diamond and Richard Gunther (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001); and Yesilada.
    • From the voters' perspective, political realignment involves a transformation whereby voters forge new partisan alliances in response to disruptive issues and political, economic, or social developments, Dealignment, in contrast, describes a unique type of noncommittal voter who defects from the parties but refrains from forging new alliances. For a more detailed discussion of the decline of political parties and an application of the realignment thesis, see Ergun Ozbudun, "The Institutional Decline of Parties in Turkey," in Political Parties and Democracy, ed. Larry Diamond and Richard Gunther (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001); and Yesilada.
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    • The prospect theory explains that people are prone to risk-seeking decisions when they face crises (i.e, when they perceive their decisions to occur in the domain of losses, People shun risk, i.e, their decisions are risk averse, if they perceive themselves in the domain of gains. An application of the prospect theory to political science shows that when faced with severe crises, people and parties are more likely to resort to decisions that have the potential of correcting the system but lead to drastic outcomes. In other words, citizens will elect political outsiders, given the centrist parties' tendency to maintain the status quo. For more details of the prospect theory see Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision Making under Risk, in Choices, Values and Frames, ed. Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002
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    • The average scores are based on data from the 1991 - 2002 World Values Survey by the Turkish Social Economic Studies Foundation (TUSES) and a 2005 survey conducted by the author. The questionnaires and data sets of the World Values Surveys can be obtained from the Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research, www.icpsr.umich.edu.
    • The average scores are based on data from the 1991 - 2002 World Values Survey by the Turkish Social Economic Studies Foundation (TUSES) and a 2005 survey conducted by the author. The questionnaires and data sets of the World Values Surveys can be obtained from the Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research, www.icpsr.umich.edu.
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    • The question is worded as follows: Which one of the following best reflects your assessment of the current status of religious rights (minority rights and women rights) in Turkey?
    • The question is worded as follows: "Which one of the following best reflects your assessment of the current status of religious rights (minority rights and women rights) in Turkey?"
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