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The terms Left and Right are used in this essay to reflect the conventional classifications of the parties. In Turkish politics, Left often refers to political positions that advocate secularist intervention in the public sphere and state-centered policies in economic and social affairs. The Right refers to the policies that advocate minimum state involvement in the economic sphere and limited involvement in religious decisions and practices in the public domain. For more details see Birol Yesilada, Realignment and Party Adaptation: The Case of Refah and Fazilet Parties, in Politics, Parties, and Elections in Turkey, ed. Sabri Sayari and Yilmaz Esmer (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2002).
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The terms Left and Right are used in this essay to reflect the conventional classifications of the parties. In Turkish politics, Left often refers to political positions that advocate secularist intervention in the public sphere and state-centered policies in economic and social affairs. The Right refers to the policies that advocate minimum state involvement in the economic sphere and limited involvement in religious decisions and practices in the public domain. For more details see Birol Yesilada, "Realignment and Party Adaptation: The Case of Refah and Fazilet Parties," in Politics, Parties, and Elections in Turkey, ed. Sabri Sayari and Yilmaz Esmer (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 2002).
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The electoral fortune of the National Action Party (NAP, one of the most nationalist parties, in the past three elections epitomizes this pattern. Support for the party was below the national limit in the 1995 election. Yet it still managed to establish itself as one of the leading parties in 1999. Instead of increasing its electoral fortune further, the NAP failed to gain access to the National Assembly in the 2002 election, along with all other established right-wing parties, namely, the Motherland Party, the True Path, and the Prosperity Party. In this election, even though it had neither participated in a national election before nor held a national congress, the brand new Justice and Development Party (JDP) emerged as the leading party and the representative of the Right. The only other party that escaped the wrath of the public, the Republican People's Party, became de facto the sole representative of the left bloc
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The electoral fortune of the National Action Party (NAP), one of the most nationalist parties, in the past three elections epitomizes this pattern. Support for the party was below the national limit in the 1995 election. Yet it still managed to establish itself as one of the leading parties in 1999. Instead of increasing its electoral fortune further, the NAP failed to gain access to the National Assembly in the 2002 election, along with all other established right-wing parties, namely, the Motherland Party, the True Path, and the Prosperity Party. In this election, even though it had neither participated in a national election before nor held a national congress, the brand new Justice and Development Party (JDP) emerged as the leading party and the representative of the Right. The only other party that escaped the wrath of the public, the Republican People's Party, became de facto the sole representative of the left bloc.
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3
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Politico-Religious Discourse of Political Islam in Turkey: The Parties of National Outlook
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For the changing form of pro-Islamic politics and background of the JDPs success, see
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For the changing form of pro-Islamic politics and background of the JDPs success, see Ahmet Yildiz, "Politico-Religious Discourse of Political Islam in Turkey: The Parties of National Outlook," Muslim World 93, no. 2 (2003).
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(2003)
Muslim World
, vol.93
, Issue.2
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Yildiz, A.1
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4
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From the voters' perspective, political realignment involves a transformation whereby voters forge new partisan alliances in response to disruptive issues and political, economic, or social developments, Dealignment, in contrast, describes a unique type of noncommittal voter who defects from the parties but refrains from forging new alliances. For a more detailed discussion of the decline of political parties and an application of the realignment thesis, see Ergun Ozbudun, The Institutional Decline of Parties in Turkey, in Political Parties and Democracy, ed. Larry Diamond and Richard Gunther (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001); and Yesilada.
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From the voters' perspective, political realignment involves a transformation whereby voters forge new partisan alliances in response to disruptive issues and political, economic, or social developments, Dealignment, in contrast, describes a unique type of noncommittal voter who defects from the parties but refrains from forging new alliances. For a more detailed discussion of the decline of political parties and an application of the realignment thesis, see Ergun Ozbudun, "The Institutional Decline of Parties in Turkey," in Political Parties and Democracy, ed. Larry Diamond and Richard Gunther (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001); and Yesilada.
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5
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The prospect theory explains that people are prone to risk-seeking decisions when they face crises (i.e, when they perceive their decisions to occur in the domain of losses, People shun risk, i.e, their decisions are risk averse, if they perceive themselves in the domain of gains. An application of the prospect theory to political science shows that when faced with severe crises, people and parties are more likely to resort to decisions that have the potential of correcting the system but lead to drastic outcomes. In other words, citizens will elect political outsiders, given the centrist parties' tendency to maintain the status quo. For more details of the prospect theory see Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision Making under Risk, in Choices, Values and Frames, ed. Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002
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The prospect theory explains that people are prone to risk-seeking decisions when they face crises (i.e., when they perceive their decisions to occur in the domain of losses). People shun risk, i.e., their decisions are risk averse, if they perceive themselves in the domain of gains. An application of the prospect theory to political science shows that when faced with severe crises, people and parties are more likely to resort to decisions that have the potential of correcting the system but lead to drastic outcomes. In other words, citizens will elect political outsiders, given the centrist parties' tendency to maintain the status quo. For more details of the prospect theory see Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky, "Prospect Theory: An Analysis of Decision Making under Risk," in Choices, Values and Frames, ed. Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).
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6
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20644456239
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Fikret Senses, Economic Crisis as an Instigator of Distributional Conflict: The Turkish Case in 2001, in The Turkish Economy in Crisis, eds. Ziya Onis and Barry M Rubin London: Frank Cass, 2003
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Fikret Senses, "Economic Crisis as an Instigator of Distributional Conflict: The Turkish Case in 2001," in The Turkish Economy in Crisis, eds. Ziya Onis and Barry M Rubin (London: Frank Cass, 2003);
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7
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0242283212
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Financial Globalization, the Democratic Deficit, and Recurrent Crises in Emerging Markets: The Turkish Experience in the Aftermath of Capital Account Liberalization
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May-June
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C. Emre Alper and Ziya Onis, "Financial Globalization, the Democratic Deficit, and Recurrent Crises in Emerging Markets: The Turkish Experience in the Aftermath of Capital Account Liberalization," Emerging Markets Finance and Trade 39, no. 3 (May-June 2003);
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(2003)
Emerging Markets Finance and Trade
, vol.39
, Issue.3
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Emre Alper, C.1
Onis, Z.2
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8
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The Impact of Financial Liberalization and the Rise of Financial Rents on Income Inequality: The Case of Turkey
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ed. Giovanni Andrea Cornia Oxford: Oxford University Press
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Erinc Yeldan, "The Impact of Financial Liberalization and the Rise of Financial Rents on Income Inequality: The Case of Turkey," in Inequality, Growth, and Poverty in an Era of Liberalization and Globalization, ed. Giovanni Andrea Cornia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).
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(2004)
Inequality, Growth, and Poverty in an Era of Liberalization and Globalization
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Yeldan, E.1
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9
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23744433937
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Turkish Encounter with Neo-Liberalism: Economics and Politics in the 2000-2001 Crises
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Umit Cizre and Erine Yeldan, "Turkish Encounter with Neo-Liberalism: Economics and Politics in the 2000-2001 Crises," Review of International Political Economy 12, no. 3 (2005);
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(2005)
Review of International Political Economy
, vol.12
, Issue.3
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Cizre, U.1
Yeldan, E.2
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10
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0034161887
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Politics, Society and Financial Liberalization: Turkey in the 1990s
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"Politics, Society and Financial Liberalization: Turkey in the 1990s," Development and Change 31, no. 2 (2000).
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(2000)
Development and Change
, vol.31
, Issue.2
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13
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34250717209
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The questionnaire was developed by the author and conducted as face-to-face interviews by the Frekans Research Center. The sampling was designed to represent Turkish citizens of voting age, those who are at least eighteen years old. The sample included 1,016 respondents. The survey was conducted with the financial support of the University of Illinois Campus Research Board. A detailed list of the questions and sampling design can be obtained from
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The questionnaire was developed by the author and conducted as face-to-face interviews by the Frekans Research Center. The sampling was designed to represent Turkish citizens of voting age - those who are at least eighteen years old. The sample included 1,016 respondents. The survey was conducted with the financial support of the University of Illinois Campus Research Board. A detailed list of the questions and sampling design can be obtained from www.SultanTepe.edu.
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14
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23744517167
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Turkey's AKP: A Model 'Muslim-Democratic' Party?
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For a detailed discussion of the JDP's policies, see
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For a detailed discussion of the JDP's policies, see Sultan Tepe, "Turkey's AKP: A Model 'Muslim-Democratic' Party?" Journal of Democracy 16, no. 3 (2005).
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(2005)
Journal of Democracy
, vol.16
, Issue.3
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Tepe, S.1
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15
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34250761690
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Social Change and Politics in Turkey: A Structural-Historical Analysis
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For a detailed discussion of land reform, see, of, Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers
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For a detailed discussion of land reform, see Kemal H. Karpat, Social Change and Politics in Turkey: A Structural-Historical Analysis, vol. 7 of Social, Economic and Political Studies of the Middle East (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 1973).
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(1973)
Social, Economic and Political Studies of the Middle East
, vol.7
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Karpat, K.H.1
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16
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3042851721
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For an account of the repercussions of the secularist policies adopted by the Republican People's Party, see, New York: Oxford University Press
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For an account of the repercussions of the secularist policies adopted by the Republican People's Party, see Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003).
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(2003)
Islamic Political Identity in Turkey
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Yavuz, H.1
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17
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84965431712
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Elections and Party Preferences in Turkey: Changes and Continuities in the 1990s
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Ersin Kalaycioglu, "Elections and Party Preferences in Turkey: Changes and Continuities in the 1990s," Comparative Political Studies 27, no. 3 (1994).
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(1994)
Comparative Political Studies
, vol.27
, Issue.3
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Kalaycioglu, E.1
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18
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84861137327
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Turkey's November 2002 Elections: A New Beginning?
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For a broad assessment of the electoral shifts in Turkish Politics, see
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For a broad assessment of the electoral shifts in Turkish Politics, see Ali Carkoglu, "Turkey's November 2002 Elections: A New Beginning?" Middle East Review of International Affairs 6, no. 4 (2002).
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(2002)
Middle East Review of International Affairs
, vol.6
, Issue.4
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Carkoglu, A.1
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19
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0001561294
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Liberalism, Democracy and the Turkish Centre-Right: The Identity Crisis of the True Path Party
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For a detailed discussion of the True Path Party's policies, see
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For a detailed discussion of the True Path Party's policies, see Umit Cizre Sakallioglu, "Liberalism, Democracy and the Turkish Centre-Right: The Identity Crisis of the True Path Party," Middle Eastern Studies 32, no. 2 (1996).
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(1996)
Middle Eastern Studies
, vol.32
, Issue.2
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Cizre Sakallioglu, U.1
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34250725768
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The Copenhagen Criteria state that European Union Membership requires that the candidate country has achieved a stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and, protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressures and market forces within the Union. Membership presupposes the candidate's ability to take on the obligations of membership, including adherence to the aims of the political, economic and monetary union. For more details, see Dimitry Kochenov, Behind the Copenhagen Facade: The Meaning and Structure of the Copenhagen Political Criterion of Democracy and the Rule of Law, European Integration Papers 8, no. 10 2004, After Turkey was accepted as an official candidate state on 11 December 1999, the Copenhagen Criteria became the blueprint for reforms. The JDP pursued the reform agenda after its election in 2002
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The Copenhagen Criteria state that "European Union Membership requires that the candidate country has achieved a stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and, protection of minorities, the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressures and market forces within the Union. Membership presupposes the candidate's ability to take on the obligations of membership, including adherence to the aims of the political, economic and monetary union." For more details, see Dimitry Kochenov, "Behind the Copenhagen Facade: The Meaning and Structure of the Copenhagen Political Criterion of Democracy and the Rule of Law," European Integration Papers 8, no. 10 (2004). After Turkey was accepted as an official candidate state on 11 December 1999, the Copenhagen Criteria became the blueprint for reforms. The JDP pursued the reform agenda after its election in 2002.
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The average scores are based on data from the 1991 - 2002 World Values Survey by the Turkish Social Economic Studies Foundation (TUSES) and a 2005 survey conducted by the author. The questionnaires and data sets of the World Values Surveys can be obtained from the Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research, www.icpsr.umich.edu.
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The average scores are based on data from the 1991 - 2002 World Values Survey by the Turkish Social Economic Studies Foundation (TUSES) and a 2005 survey conducted by the author. The questionnaires and data sets of the World Values Surveys can be obtained from the Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research, www.icpsr.umich.edu.
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The question is worded as follows: Which one of the following best reflects your assessment of the current status of religious rights (minority rights and women rights) in Turkey?
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The question is worded as follows: "Which one of the following best reflects your assessment of the current status of religious rights (minority rights and women rights) in Turkey?"
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23
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Lessons of Military Regimes and Democracy: The Turkish Case in a Comparative Perspective
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For a detailed discussion of the role of the military in Turkish politics, see
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For a detailed discussion of the role of the military in Turkish politics, see Tanel Demirel, "Lessons of Military Regimes and Democracy: The Turkish Case in a Comparative Perspective," Armed Forces and Society 31, no. 2 (2005).
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(2005)
Armed Forces and Society
, vol.31
, Issue.2
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Demirel, T.1
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12344295495
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A comprehensive analysis of Alevis in Turkey can be found in and, eds, Stockholm: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul
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A comprehensive analysis of Alevis in Turkey can be found in Tord Olsson and Elisabeth Ozdalga, eds., Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives (Stockholm: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, 1998).
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(1998)
Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives
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26
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The Turkish Military's March toward Europe
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Ersel Aydinli, Nihat Ali Ozean, and Dogan Akyaz, "The Turkish Military's March toward Europe," Foreign Affairs 85, no. 1 (2006).
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(2006)
Foreign Affairs
, vol.85
, Issue.1
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Aydinli, E.1
Ali Ozean, N.2
Akyaz, D.3
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27
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Jonas Linde, Doubting Democrats? A Comparative Analysis of Support for Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe (Orebro, Sweden: Orebro Studies in Political Science, 2004).
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Jonas Linde, Doubting Democrats? A Comparative Analysis of Support for Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe (Orebro, Sweden: Orebro Studies in Political Science, 2004).
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28
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1342330593
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Political Culture in Turkey: Connections among Attitudes toward Democracy, the Military, and Islam
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Mark Tessler and Ebru Altinoglu, "Political Culture in Turkey: Connections among Attitudes toward Democracy, the Military, and Islam," Democratization 11, no. 1 (2004).
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(2004)
Democratization
, vol.11
, Issue.1
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Tessler, M.1
Altinoglu, E.2
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29
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The Individual Bases of Political Trust: Trends in New and Established Democracies
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For a comparative assessment of the status of trust in Turkey, see
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For a comparative assessment of the status of trust in Turkey, see Gabriela Catterberg and Alejandro Moreno, "The Individual Bases of Political Trust: Trends in New and Established Democracies," International Journal of Public Opinion Research 18, no. 1 (2006).
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(2006)
International Journal of Public Opinion Research
, vol.18
, Issue.1
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Catterberg, G.1
Moreno, A.2
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