Security communities and the habitus of restraint: Germany and the United States on Iraq

Review of International Studies

Volumn 33, Issue 2, 2007, Pages 285-305

  Bjola, Cornkliu ^a   Kornprobst, Markus ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 34250156707     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: 14699044     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210507007516     Document Type: Review

References (163)

1. Hans Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: the Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Knopf, 1973);
2. Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading: Addison-Wosloy, 1979);
3. Joseph M. Grieco, 'Anarchy and the Limits of Cooperation: A Realist Critique of the Newest Liberal Institutions', International Organization, 42 (1988), pp. 485-507.
4. Stephen M. Walt, The Origins of Alliances (Tthaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987).
5. Joschka Fischer, 'Europe and the Future of the Trans-Atlantic Relations', 19 November 2003, at: (http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/www/en/Uienderinfos).
6. Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence (New York: HarperCollins, 1989).
7. Federal Statistical Office, 'Foreign Trade', at: (http://www.destatis.de/ themen/e/thm_aussen.htm).
8. Birger Heldt, 'Domestic Politics, Absolute Deprivation, and the Use of Armed Force in Interstate Territorial Disputes; 1950-1990', Journal of Conflict Resolution, 43:4 (1999), pp. 451-78:
9. Ahmer Tarar, 'Diversionary Incentives and the Bargaining Approach to War', International Studies Quarterly, 50:1 (2006), pp. 169-88.
10. Stefan Kornolius, for example, answers this question in the positive: Stefan Kornelius, 'Der Gourmet als Kellner: Joschka Fischers langer Weg', Internationale Politik, 58:9 (2003), pp. 31-7.
11. As far as Schröder is concerned, Helga Haftendom makes a compelling argument that Schröder's electoral tactics influenced how he rejected the military option, i.e. very early and unilaterally, but not that he rejected it: Helga Haftendorn, 'Sicherheitspolitik im strategischen Dreieck Berlin-Paris-Washington', Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 45:1 (2004), p. 4. On a more general note, there are at least two important shortcomings of the diversionary theory. First, the preferences of elites are assumed instead of explained. Second, the critical question of where mass support for or mass opposition against war comes from in the first place is outside the scope of the theory.
12. Karl Deutsch, Political Community and the North Atlantic Area (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1957).
13. Emanuel Adler arid Michael Barnett, 'A Framework for the Study of Security Communities', in Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett (eds.), Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 29-66.
14. The literature on the socialisation of Central and Eastern Europe by the core members of the trans-Atlaritic security community is a notable exception in this regard: Frank Schimrnelfenninig, 'International Socialization in the Now Europe: Rational Action in an Institutional Environment', European Journal of International Relations, 6:1 (2000), pp. 109-39;
15. Michael Williams and Iver Neumann, 'From Alliance to Security Community: NATO, Russia, and the Power of Identity', Millennium, 29:2 (2000), pp. 357-87.
16. Janice Bially Mattem, 'The Power Politics of Identity', European Journal of International Relations, 7:3 (2001), pp 349-97.
17. George W. Bush, quoted in Algemeen Dagblad, 14 February 2002.
18. Donald Rumsfeld, quoted in Tagesschau, 6 April 2003.
19. Norbert Elias, Zeugen des Jahrhunderts. Im Gespräch mit Hans Christian Huf (Berlin: Ullstein, 1999), p. 86.
20. Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process: Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic Investigations (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), p. 365.
21. In his Civilizing Process the constraints ingrained in the habitus go somewhat beyond the use of force. Yet Elias consistently emphasised the issue of the use of force and downplayed constraints pertaining to other aspects of social life. See his reflections on his work in Elias, Zeugen des Jahrhunderts, p. 67.
22. Elias, Civilising Process.
23. Norbert Elias, The Germans: Power Struggles and the Development of Habitus in the Ninteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Oxford: Polity, 1996, p. 19.
24. Elias, Civilising Process; Elias, Germans.
25. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Enzyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 1.969), p. 340.
26. Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), p. 78.
27. Elias, Germans.
28. Max Horkheimer arid Theodor Adorno, Dialektik der Aufklärung: philosophische Fragmente (Amsterdam: Quorido, 1947),
29. Michel Foucault, Histoire de la sexualité, vol. 1: La volonté de savoir (Paris: Gallimard, 1976, pp. 99-173).
30. Loïs Wacquant, Body and Soul: Notebooks of an Apprentice Boxer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).
31. Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990).
32. The following Bundestag debates dealt, in depth with the resort to force: Verhandlungen des deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/2, 14 January 1991;
33. 1213, 17 January 1991;
34. 131242, 19 June 1998:
35. 13/248, 1G October 1998. We analysed all issues of Focuu and Spiegel from August 2002 to March 2003.
36. We Interviewed decision-makers in the Chancellory (Chancellor's office), Foreign Ministry, Ministry of Defence, as well as the standing committees on foreign affairs and defence in the Bundestag, For the most part, we use these interviews as background of our analysis and make only those interviewees explicit who agreed to be mentioned.
37. The following debates focused on the resort to force against. Iraq: Verhandlungen des deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003;
38. 15/30, 12 March 2003;
39. and 15/32, 15 March 2003.
40. Washington Post, 17 April 2004.
41. White House, "The National Security of the United States of America', 22 September 2002, at: (http://www.whitohoiisn.gov/nsc/nss.html);
42. Washington Post, 12 January 2003.
43. George W. Bush, 'Remarks by the President at Signing of the Joint Resolution', Speech given on 16 October 2002, at: (http://usinfo.state.gov/ topical/pol/arms/02101603.htm).
44. Donald Rumsfeld, 'Statement before the House Armod Services Committee on Iraq', 18 September 2002, at: (http://www.house.gov/hasc/ openingstatementsandpressreleases/107thcongress/02-0918rumsfeld.html).
45. Colin L. Powell, 'Remarks to the United Nations Security Council1, 5 February 2003, at: (http://www.state.gov/secretaiy/rm/2003/17300.htm).
46. Observer, 16 February 2003.
47. Thomas Donnelly, 'Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century', at; (http://www.newamericancentuty.org/ RebuildfngAmericasDefenses.pdf).
48. Maureen Ramsay and Lionel Cliffe, 'War on Iraq: an honourable deception?1 Contemporary Politics, 9:4 (2003), pp. 1-11.
49. White House, The National Security of the United States of America'.
50. George W. Bush, 'Speech on Iraq made in Cincinnati, Ohio', 8 October 2002, at: (http://news.bbc.co.Uk/l/hi/world/americas/2309049.strn). This hint is more detailed in David Frum and Richard Perle, An End to Evil: How to Win the War on Terror (New York: Random House, 2003).
51. Hans-Jochen Vognl, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 48.
52. Otto Graf Lambsdorff, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 51.
53. See also: Helmut Kohl, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 46.
54. See, for example, Wolfgang Gerhardt, Verhandlungen des deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23144;
55. Rudolf Scharping, Verhandlungen des deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23149;
56. Gerhard Schröder Verhandlungen des deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 141198, 8 November 2001, p. 19285;
57. Friedrich Merz, Verhandlungen des detitschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/198, 8 November 2001, p. 19289.
58. Vera Wollenberger, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 54.
59. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/198, 8 October 2001, p. 19293.
60. Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/2, 14 January 1991, p. 41.
61. For similar lines of argumentation, see Helmut Kohl, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 46;
62. Hans-Jochen Vogel, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 48:
63. Otto Graf Lambsdorff, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 46;
64. Vera Wollenberger, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 54;
65. Helmut Kohl, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 ' January 1991, p. 67;
66. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/198, 8 October 2001, p. 19293.
67. Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/2, 14 January 1991, pp. 21-55:
68. Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/248, 16 October 1998, pp. 23127 23161; 19283 18698. The shared benchmark does riot guarantee shared conclusions about the application of the benchmark. During the 1991 debates on Iraq, government and opposition disagreed whether the use of force was legitimate. The opposition argued that, non military means had not been exhausted yet, whereas the government endorsed the view of the Security Council that the use of force was a matter of last resort.
69. Otto Graf Lambsdorff, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/2, 14 January 1991, p. 32.
70. See also Helmut Kohl, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/2, 14 January 1991, p. 22.
71. Of course, the habitus is, albeit, quite enduring, not. carved into stone. It evolves over time. There are somo indications that episodes of the breakdown of Yugoslavia, in particular Srebrenica, havn become sedirnented into the habitus. A feeling of shame for having stood by mass killings half a century after the Holocaust seems to have come to modify the constraints constituting the habitus (interviews with Ulrike Vierten, Winfried Nachtwoi, and Gort Weisskirchon in Berlin, 24-25 January 2006). Yet only a study exploring the long durée of the habitus in detail can provide plausible insights into the way it changes.
72. Gerald Hafner und Angelika Köster-Loßack, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23168.
73. For a similar view, see Klaus Kinkel, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23131;
74. Gerhard Schröder, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23136.
75. Ulrich Irmer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23151.
76. Klaus Kinkel, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestag: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23129.
77. Wolfgang Bötsch, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/2, 14 January 1991, p. 30.
78. Gerhard Schröder, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/198, 8 November 2001, p. 19284.
79. Cernot Erlor, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23156.
80. Helmut Kohl, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 47;
81. Alfred Drnggnr, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/3, 17 January 1991, p. 49:
82. Klaus Kinkel, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23128;
83. Wolfgang Gerhardt, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 131248, 16 October 1998, p. 23143;
84. Michael Müller, Verhandlungen des 'Detitschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23166;
85. Eberhard Brecht, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23168;
86. Gerhard Schröder, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/198, 8 November 2001. p. 19286: Peter Struck, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/192, 11 October 2001, p. 18689.
87. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/192, 11 October 2001, p. 18693.
88. Rudolf Scharping, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1.998, p. 23149.
89. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/192, 11.10.01, p. 18693.
90. Helmut Kohl, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/2, 14 January 1991, p. 23;
91. Willy Brandt, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 12/2, 14 January 1991, p. 28:
92. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: PlenarprotokoU 13/248, p. 16, October 1998, p. 23142;
93. Wolfgang Schäuble, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23140.
94. See, in particular: Klaus Kinkel, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, p. 23128;
95. Wolfgang Gerhardt, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 1998, pp. 23143-4;
96. Ludgnr Vollmer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll, p. 23152;
97. Michael Müller, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 2001, p. 23166;
98. Eberhard Brecht, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 13/248, 16 October 2001, p. 23168;
99. Gerhard Schröder, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/198, 8 November 2001, pp. 19284-5;
100. Peter Struck, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/198, 8 November 2001, p. 18689;
101. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 14/198, 8 November 2001, p. 18695.
102. Eckart von Klaeden, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 12 February 2003, p. 1846;
103. Christian Schmidt, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 12 February 2003, p. 1855:
104. O. Berbalk et al., 'Kein Ja für nichts', Focus.'no. 6, 3 February 2003, pp. 20-6.
105. Michael Clos, Verhandlungen des, Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, pp. 1891-2;
106. Wolfgang Schäuble, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p."1901.
107. Edmund Stoiber, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/32, 14 March 2003, p. 2521.
108. G. Bauer et al., 'Schröders Ausweg', Focus, no. 33, 12 August 2002, pp. 18-21;
109. B. Bäumlisberger, 'Kanzler; Endn dor Show', Focus, no. 9, 24 February 2003, pp. 19-30;
110. Nicola Briining et al., 'Glasklares Verwirrspiel1, Focus, no. 49, 2 December 2002, pp. 22-6;
111. Michael Mutz et al. 'Uneingeschränktes Nein', Focus, no. 37, 9 September 2002, pp. 28-9.
112. Arnulf Baring, 'Einsamo Mittnlniacht. Ohnn die USA gibt es koino Zukunft für Deutschland', Internationale Politik, 58:12 (2003), pp. 51-6.
113. Wilfried von Bredow, 'Neue Erfahrungen, neue Maßstäbe: Gestalt und Gestaltungskraft deutscher Außenpolitik', Internationale Politik, 58:9 (2003), pp. 1-11.
114. In the Focus, for example, contributions critical of Washington increased markedly: O. Berbalk et al., 'Amerika im Krieg', Focus, no. 7, 10 February 2003,'pp. 169-71;
115. M. Bomrnersheim et al., 'Ist der Krieg noch zu stoppen?' Focus, no. 9, 24 February 2003, pp. 173-8;
116. Peter Gruber, 'Schöne neue Welt', Focus, no. 12, 17 March 2003, pp. 218-22.
117. Dieter Bednarz et. al., 'Der Schachzug Saddams', Spiegel, no. 32, 5 August 2002, p. 101.
118. Rudolf Augsteiri, 'Die Pravventiv Kriegstreiber', Spiegel, no. 35, 26 August 2002, p. 110.
119. Dieter Bednarz and Jan Fleischhauer, 'Kampf um die Milchkuh', Spiegel, no. 33, 12 August 2002, p. 106; milk stands for oil.
120. Hans Hoyng and Gerhard Spörl, 'Krieg aus Nächstenliebe', Spiegel, no. 8, 17 February 2003, p. 90.
121. This view was expressed in Spiegel arid Focus.
122. See, for example, Dieter Bednarz et al., 'Der Schachzug Saddams' and Ottmar Berbalk et al., 'Wasserdichte Beweise', Focus, no. 50, 9 December 2002. pp. 49-53.
123. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1885.
124. Gerhard Schröder, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003. p. 1878.
125. A number of deputies stressed this issue in the Bundestag: Gerhard Schröder, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1875.
126. Gernot Erler, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1890.
127. For a more detailed argument, see also Joachim Krause, 'Nordkorea und Irak.: Unterschiedliche Maßstäbe in der Bewertung', Internationale Politik, 58:2 (2003), pp. 43-8.
128. Emnid, Umfrage und Analyse, 3:4 (2003), p. 13. The following question was asked: 'Do you consider a military intervention by the United Stsites in Iraq justified?'
129. Gert Welsskirchen, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1905.
130. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1887.
131. See, for example: Ulrich Menzel, 'Comeback der drei Welten: Der amerikanische Sonderweg und die Alternativmacht Europa', Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, 48:12 (2003), pp. 1453 62;
132. Richard Herzinger, 'Siamesische Zwillinge: Amerika und Europa streiten sich heftig- und gehören doch zusammen', Internationale 'Politik, 58:6 (2003), pp. 1-8.
133. Emnid, Umfrage und Analyse, 3:4 (2003), p. 15. The following question was asked: 'Do you consider the allegation justified that the federal government isolates the Federal Republic of Germany in the international community?'
134. Helmut Schmidt, 'Das ist grober Unfug', Spiegel, no. 6, 3 February 2003, pp. 36-41.
135. Christoph Zöpel, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1907.
136. Joschka Fischer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1886:
137. Ludger Vollmer, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1900,
138. Gert Weisskirchen, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1906.
139. Hans Hoyng et al. 'Höllenfeuer in Baghdad', Spiegel, no. 13, 24 March 2003, pp. 16-17.
140. Gerhard Schröder, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1876. It is remarkable how similar this Bundestag speech is to Willy Brandt's before the Second Gulf War. The terminology employed for arguing against war is largely borrowed from Brandt.
141. Gernot. Erler, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1890,
142. Peter Struck, Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags: Plenarprotokoll 15/25, 13 February 2003, p. 1899.
143. Erich Follath and Gerhard Spörl, 'Der entfesselte Gulliver', Spiegel, no. 12, 17 March 2003, p. 123.
144. Eurobarorneter 60.1, National Report (Germany), Autumn 2003, pp. 17 18.
145. Ernst-Otto Czemplel, 'Die stolpernde Weltmacht, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B 46 (2003), pp. 7-15.
146. Christian Tomuschat, 'Der selbstverliebte Hegemon: Die USA und der Traum von der unipolaren Welt', Internationale Politik, 58:5 (2003), pp. 39-47.
147. Werner Link, 'Imperialer oder pluralistischer Frieden? Plädoyer für eine Politik der kooperativen Balance', Internationale Politik, 58:5 (2003), pp. 48-56;
148. Ottfriod Nassauer, 'Aktive Asymmetrie: Neubestirnrnung der Sicherheitspolitik Im euro-atlantischen Kontext', Blätter für deutsche und internationale Beziehungen, 48:8 (2003), pp. 946-54;
149. Claus Leggewie, 'Globalisierung versus Hegemonie: Zur Zukunft der transatlantischen Beziehungen', Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft, l (2003), pp. 87-111;
150. Lutz Schrader, 'Europas Antwort auf Bushs Grand Strategy', WeltTrends, 42 (2004), pp. 37-50.
151. Ulrike Gućrot and Andrea Witt, 'Europeas neue Geostrategie', Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B 17 (2004), pp. 6-12;
152. Jacques Derrida and Jürgen Habermas, 'Nach dem Krieg: Die Wiedergeburt Europas', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 31 May 2003.
153. Karen Andresen et al., 'Freund oder Feind?' Spiegel, no. 40, 30 September 2002, p. 114.
154. Walter Kolbow, quoted in NTV, at: 〈http://www.ntv.de/3105930. html〉.
155. Peter Gruber and Jürgen Schönstein, 'Auftrag geplatzt', Focus, no. 40, 30 September 2002, pp. 212-14.
156. Bourdieu, Practical Reason, p. 59.
157. Yuen Foong Khong, Analogies at war: Korea, Munich, Dien Bien Phu, and the Vietnam decisions of 1965 (Princeton, NJ; Princeton University Press, 1992):
158. Scott Macdonald, Rolling the Iron Dice: Historical Analogies and Decisions to Use Military Force in Regional Contingencies (Westport: Greenwood, 2000);
159. Jeffrey Record, Making War, Thinking History: Munich, Vietnam, and Presidential Uses of Force from Korea to Kosovo (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2002).
160. Thomas Berger, 'Norms, Identity, and National Security in Germany and Japan', in Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), pp. 317-56.
161. Thomas Ranchoff, 'German Identity and European Integration', European Journal of International Relations, 5:3 (1999), pp. 259-89.
162. Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), pp. 178-93;
163. Kalevi Holsti, Taming the Sovereigns: Institutional Change in International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 275-99.