Dragon's underbelly: An analysis of China's soft power

East Asia

Volumn 23, Issue 4, 2006, Pages 22-44

  Huang, Yanzhong ^a   Ding, Sheng ^b  

^a SETON HALL UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b BLOOMSBURG UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

Bandwagoning; Beijing Consensus; China; Culture; Peaceful rise; Soft power

Indexed keywords

ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK; GEOPOLITICS; POLITICAL POWER; POLITICAL RELATIONS; SUPERPOWER;

ASIA; BEIJING [CHINA]; CHINA; EURASIA; FAR EAST;

EID: 34248530266     PISSN: 10966838     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1007/BF03179658     Document Type: Article

References (100)

1. For examples, see Zbigniew Brzezinski and John J. Mearsheimer, "Clash of the Titans," Foreign Policy, 146 (Jan/Feb 2005), 46-50.
2. Also see Robert D. Kaplan, "How We Would Fight China," The Atlantic Monthly, June 2005. While Kaplan noticed that China "boasts soft as well as hard power," the focus is on China's military and economic strength.
3. Joseph S. Nye, Jr. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: Public Affairs, 2004).
4. Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 31.
5. E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (New York: Harper & Row, 1964);
6. Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967);
7. Klaus Knorr, The Power of Nations (New York: Basic Books, 1975);
8. and Ray S. Cline, World Power Assessment (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1977).
9. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations, 106-158.
10. Joseph S. Nye Jr., The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 1-2.
11. Nye, Soft Power, Chapter 1.
12. Nye, Bound to Lead, 32. Emphasis added.
13. Wang Huning, "Zuowei guojia shili de wenhua: Ruan quanli" (Culture as state power: Soft power), Fudan Xuebao (Fudan Journal), March 1993.
14. Nye, Soft Power, 6.
15. Ibid. 33.
16. For a distinction between seduction and inducement, see Jon Elster, Local Justice: How Institutions Allocate Scarce Goods and Necessary Burdens (New York: Russell Sage Foundations, 1992), 140.
17. Jon Elster, Political Psychology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 5.
18. Nye, Soft Power, 6.
19. Nye, The Paradox of American Power, 15-16.
20. China Daily, 29 May 2006.
21. Zhongguo jiaoyu nianjian (China Education Yearbook), various years.
22. Ibid.
23. Wei Wanchuan, "Dongnanya huayi liushuesheng xuexi beijing qiantan" (A brief discussion on the background of overseas Chinese students in Southeast Asia learning Chinese), Dongnanya Zongheng (Around Southeast Asia), April 2004, 58.
24. See, for examples, Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), Zhongguo kechixu fazhan zhanlue baogao 2003 (Report on China's Sustainable Development 2003);
25. Project Team of China Institute of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR), Zonghe guoli pinggu yanjiu baogao (Research Report on the Evaluation System of Comprehensive National Power), 2000.
26. China Daily, 29 May 2006.
27. NOTCFL, [http://www.hanban.edu.cn/ExpressLayer/Information/newsDetail. aspx?infoid=948] (assessed on 9 August 2005)
28. People's Daily Online, 9 July 2005;
29. The Gazette, 30 October 2005; and Huanqiu Shibao (Global Times), 16 February 2007.
30. Hu Jintao's address to a Joint Sitting of the Australian Parliament on 24 October 2003, available at http://www.australianpolitics.com/news/ 2003/10/03-10-24b.shtml (assessed 9 August 2005). Emphasis added.
31. Nye, Soft Power, 11.
32. China National Tourism Administration [http://www.cnta.gov.cn/] (assessed on 31 December 2005).
33. The Daily Telegraph, 23 October 2004, 4.
34. Nye, Soft Power, 56.
35. Joshua Cooper Ramo, Beijing Consensus, (London, U.K.: Foreign Policy Centre, 2004).
36. India Daily, 23 January 2005; The Japan Times, 12 January 2004;
37. Ramo, Beijing Consensus, 34; Reuters News [http://www.iranian.ws/ cgi-bin/iran_news/exec/view.cgi/2/1481] (assessed on 31 December 2005);
38. and Asharq Alawsat, 24 June 2005;
39. New York Times, 28 March 2004.
40. Financial Times, 9 July 2005.
41. US Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Hearings: US. Policy with Respect to Mainland China (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1966), 551. Hereafter cited as China Hearings.
42. Kenneth Lieberthal, Governing China: From Revolution through Reform (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995), 16.
43. Mencius, Mengzi zhengyi (Works of Mencius) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1957).
44. Renmin ribao, overseas edition, 12 October 2005.
45. Confucius, Analects in J. Legge, trans. The Four books (Hong Kong: Wei Tung Book Co., 1971), 143.
46. Luo Guanzhong, Sanguo yanyi (Romance of the Three Kingdoms) (Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1980), 748.
47. See Evan S. Medeiros and M. Taylor Fravel, "China's New Diplomacy," Foreign Affairs 82:6 (November/December 2003), 22-35.
48. PRC Ministry of Foreign Affairs, "China's Position Paper on the New Security Concept," 31 July 2002 [http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/ zzjg/gjs/gjzzyhy/2612/26141/t15319.htm] (assessed on 26 July 2005).
49. Union of International Association, Yearbook of International Organization, vol. 2, 1994/1995 (New Providence: K.G. Saur, 1994), 1683.
50. In 1997, China agreed in principle to participate in the UN Department of Peacekeeping's Operations (DPKO) standby arrangement. See Bates Gill and James Reilly, "Sovereignty, Intervention and Peacekeeping: The View from Beijing," Survival 42:3 (Autumn 2000), 41-59.
51. Alistair Iain Johnston, "Is China a Status Quo Power?" International Security 27:4 (2003), 5-56;
52. Daniel Rosen, "China and the World Trade Organization: An Economic Balance Sheet," Policy Brief 99-6, Institute of International Economics, June 1999.
53. The Japan Times, 17 May 2004.
54. Renmin ribao (People's Daily), overseas edition, 23 November 2005.
55. Ibid., 15 July 2005.
56. A report of the Boston Consulting Group (BCG) showed that 0.5 percent of the households possess 60 percent of the total wealth in China, and this income gap is ten times as high as that in the United States. See Dongfang Xinbang Economic Review, 16 December 2005.
57. Minxin Pei, "China's Governance Crisis," Foreign Affairs, 81:5 (Sep/Oct 2002), 96-109.
58. Andrew J. Nathan, Chinese Democracy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985);
59. and Tang Tsou, Ershi shiji zhongguo zhengzhi (Chinese Politics in the 20th century) (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1994), 45.
60. Lieberthal, Governing China, 8-9.
61. Alastair Iain Johnston, Cultural Realism: Strategic Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995).
62. Lieberthal, Governing China, 5.
63. David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing US.-China Relations 1989-2000 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001), 251-2.
64. Johnston, Cultural Realism, 256.
65. Peter Hays Gries, China's New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004).
66. Full-text of the law is available online at [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/ hi/asia-pacific/4347555.stm] (assessed on 27 July 2005).
67. Nye, Soft Power, 100.
68. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of PRC, [http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjdt/ wjzc/t24881.htm (assessed on 31 July 2005).
69. Zheng Bijian, "China's peaceful rise and opportunities for the Asia-Pacific Region," China Strategy, 3 (July 20, 2004), 2.
70. See also Zheng, "China's 'Peaceful Rise' to Great-Power Status," Foreign Affairs 84:5 (September/October 2005).
71. Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1979).
72. John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W.W. Norton, 2001).
73. Brzezinski and Mearsheimer, "Clash of the Titans."
74. David C. Kang, "Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks," International Security 27: 4 (Spring 2003), 57-85.
75. Stephen M. Walt, The Origins of Alliances (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987).
76. Ibid. Unless noted otherwise, the following analyses that led to the three propositions are based on Chapter 2, "Explaining Alliance Formation;" 17-49.
77. Kang, "Getting Asia Wrong."
78. Washington Post, 31 July 2005.
79. Nye, Soft Power, 18.
80. The poll of 22,953 people in 22 countries was conducted for the BBC World Service by the polling organization GlobeScan, together with the Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA) at the University of Maryland. The survey was completed in most of the countries in December 2004. More information is available at [http://www.pipa.org/ OnlineReports/BBCworldpoll/030505/html/bbcpoll3.html] (assessed on 2 August 2005).
81. In Japan, 24 percent view US influence as "mainly positive," and 31 percent express negative view. By contrast, in South Korea, 52 percent view US influence as "mainly positive," and 45 percent express negative view. See GlobalScan and PIPA, "In 20 of 23 Countries Polled Citizens Want Europe to Be More Influential Than US," [http://www.pipa.org/OnlineReports/europe/040605/ Report04_06_05.pdf] (assessed on 4 August 2005).
82. The International Herald Tribune, 14 May 2005.
83. Washington Post, 26 February 2005.
84. [http://www.china.org.cn/english/MATERIAL/23865.htm] (assessed on 10 July 2005).
85. Reuters, "Chavez ponders Mao and Bolivar friendship," 24 December 2004; New York Times, I March 2005.
86. New York Times, 20 November 2004.
87. American Embassy in China web site [http://www.usembassy-china.org.cn/ press/release/2005/072905chi.html] (assessed 3 August 2005).
88. Paul Mooney, "China's Africa Saffari," Yale Global Online, 3 January 2005.
89. Committee of 100, American Attitudes toward China, January-April 2005.
90. Robert Sutter, "Why Does China Matter," The Washington Quarterly 7:1 (Winter 2003/04).
91. Melinda Liu and John Barry, "China: Soft Power, Hard Choices," Newsweek, March 7, 2005.
92. The Sydney Morning Herald, 24 March 2005
93. The 16-Nation Pew Survey reveals that in Western Europe and Canada, large majorities favor a countervailing military force with more than 69 percent of the public in France, Germany, Spain and the Netherlands taking that view. Pew Global Attitudes Project, American Character Gets Mixed Reviews, 16-Nation Pew Global Attitudes Survey [http://pewglobal.org/reports/display.php?ReportID-247] (assessed on 29 December 2005).
94. New York Times, 5 August 2005.
95. New York Times, 28 March 2005.
96. Nye, "Soft power in the information age," luncheon on the Harvard campus, 2 May 2000, available at http://www.freemedia.at/ Boston_Congress_Report/boston36.htm (assessed on 1 June 2006).
97. New York Times, 26 November 2005.
98. China Hearings, 554-558.
99. Nye, 'Why Military Power is No Longer Enough', Observer Worldview, 31 March 2002, available at http://observer.guardian.co.uk/worldview/ story/0,11581,676169,00.html (assessed on 1 June 2006).
100. Randall G. Schriver, "The President's Agenda," in National Committee on US-China Relations, "In Review: President Bush's Visit to Beijing;' Email Broadcast, 1 December 2005. Randall Schriver was Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Asia and Pacific Affairs in the George W. Bush administration.