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Volumn 83, Issue 4, 2006, Pages 767-784

The framesetting effects of news: An experimental test of advocacy versus objectivist frames

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ADVOCACY; COGNITION; MEDIA ROLE; PUBLIC ATTITUDE;

EID: 34047262559     PISSN: 10776990     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/107769900608300403     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (38)

References (84)
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    • To be clear, objectivist and advocacy frames should not be confused with non-partisan or partisan narratives. Objectivist stories do not, by definition, contain more arguments than advocacy framed stories. One can imagine many arguments being marshaled to make a one-sided case. Similarly, advocacy stories could have more arguments than objectivist stories. The difference between them is that objectivist stories are more passively written whereas advocacy stories come closer to making or supporting (perhaps by leaving unchallenged) a given perspective.
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    • On its face, this runs counter to Wanta, Golan, and Lee's finding that greater involvement can lead to heightened agenda-setting effects (a result consistent in some ways with Weaver's aforementioned argument about a need for orientation). The issue in that study, however, seems to be whether the story is personally involving. In this study, stories are not likely to have that level of personal involvement. See
    • On its face, this runs counter to Wanta, Golan, and Lee's finding that greater involvement can lead to heightened agenda-setting effects (a result consistent in some ways with Weaver's aforementioned argument about a need for orientation). The issue in that study, however, seems to be whether the story is personally involving. In this study, stories are not likely to have that level of personal involvement. See Wanta, Golan, and Lee, "Agenda Setting and International News";
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    • To be clear, this study is agnostic on whether or not this is desirable. The point is merely to posit a causal mechanism for advocacy frames hypothesized effects.
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    • It is important in a study of framing that participants see the same differences in news frames as does the researcher, what is known as representational validity Usinga 7-point scale, participants in a pre-test were asked to rank each story on eight measures, including reliance on official sources rather than ordinary citizens, emphasis on conflict or consensus, and whether the story described an event or discussed solutions. On all eight measures, analysis of means tests showed that objectivist and advocacy framed articles differed significantly in the hypothesized direction, confirming the representational validity of the materials. A similar measure included in the questionnaire administered to participants in the final study served as an internal check of representational validity and reconfirmed the results of the pretest
    • It is important in a study of framing that participants see the same differences in news frames as does the researcher, what is known as representational validity (Cappella and Jamieson, Sprial of Cynicism, 89). Usinga 7-point scale, participants in a pre-test were asked to rank each story on eight measures, including reliance on official sources rather than ordinary citizens, emphasis on conflict or consensus, and whether the story described an event or discussed solutions. On all eight measures, analysis of means tests showed that objectivist and advocacy framed articles differed significantly in the hypothesized direction, confirming the representational validity of the materials. A similar measure included in the questionnaire administered to participants in the final study served as an internal check of representational validity and reconfirmed the results of the pretest.
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    • The terms will be used interchangeably throughout this paper as there is no important difference between them.
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    • For example, the advocacy stories focused on the efforts of individuals to address crime problems.
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    • No other issues on either the national or local level competed with crime.
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    • It is important to note the differences between the two types of solutions discussed here and those used by Iyengar in Is Anyone Responsible? Iyengar's terms had more to do with the ability of news frames to influence attributions of responsibility. This study is not addressing responsibility, per se. Furthermore, Iyengar's use of "episodic" and "thematic" also refer to the way a news story is written (e.g., episodic stories are event-oriented and often provide little background), whereas here individual/community and systematic/policy refer specifically to the orientation the story takes to crime as a social problem. The concepts are similar, however, in that episodic stories often focused on individuals and thematic on institutions or systems.
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    • It should not be surprising that those in the advocacy condition were not more likely to propose individual-level causes to crime, despite the fact that they did so when asked about solutions to crime. The advocacy stories in a public journalism campaign, including those used in this study, are designed to be solution-oriented. Indeed, this could be said to be a central tenet of public journalism's ideology.
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    • note
    • A small number of responses did not fall into these categories and were labeled system missing for statistical analysis.


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